



£i 



Book.L^Ll(2Lll 



/ 



(\ 









rf"**^— 



THE LIFE 



OF 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



/-l< 



«-*«- 



j^i|«rv»v ii^tlJi }mJ\*'^**^ m^t^ yi^fj*ri 



eu ««•• 



",' fti 






Joku Hayri^ -^ 



OJ^tM^f^re ^ur^U 



\t)Um. Criff«k<^*M 



/: 



j;;t ffarri i 





yc/^Cc^^tyiJ^()-<.^^^-^^ 



THE LIFE 



OF 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 



WITH SELECTIONS FROM 



HIS CORRESPONDENCE AND SPEECHES. 



EDITED BY HIS DAUGHTER, 

MRS. CHAPMAN COLEMAN. 
IN TWO VOLUMES. 



VOL. I. 

z^ V- <n I 

PHILADELPHIA: 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 
1873. 






Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1871, by 
J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO., 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 



an. h 1912 



I DEDICATE 

TO MY GRANDSONS WHO BEAR THE NAME OF 

JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 

hoping that this record of a noble life may inspire them to 
unselfish patriotism and acts of love and kindness. 

*'may all the ends they .aim at be their country's, their 

god's, and truth's."* 

*■ * 

* " May all the ends thou aimest at be thy country's, thy God's, and truth's," were 
among the last words spoken by Mr. Crittenden, and they are engraved upon his tomb. 



PREFACE. 



T T may not seem appropriate that the hfe of so great and 
-'- good a man as Mr. Crittenden should be written by the 
feeble hand of a woman. There was, however, danger in delay, 
as many of the records necessary for such a work were being 
lost or obliterated. The consciousness of this fact impelled me 
to the effort I have made, and now submit to the public. My 
heart has failed me many times since I commenced the work, 
but I have been again encouraged by words of cheer and kindly 
interest from more than one who knew and loved my father. 

Many distinguished men make preparation, during their lives, 
for handing down their names and reputation to posterity. Mr. 
Crittenden had repeated applications, from persons acquainted 
with political events, and capable of writing his life, for infor- 
mation necessary for that purpose, but he always declined. I 
heard him say once, in reply to such a request, " I have promised 
a friend that if there should be anything in my poor life worthy 
of record, he shall record it." The name of that friend I have 
never been able to ascertain. My purpose has been to let my 
father speak for himself through his letters and public speeches, 
only endeavoring to link together these scattered fragments, 
and give such recollections of early days in Kentucky as would 
have interest in connection with him in his social and political 
life. Of the mass of letters in my possession, addressed to him 
during forty years of his public life, I have selected such as I 
thought would have a general interest, being in themselves his- 
torical, — a partial history of the times, and characteristic of the 
eminent men who adorned them. I have also ventured to in- 

(vii) 



viii PREFACE. 

troduce a number of family letters. It has always seemed to 
me that a man's character, his "heart of hearts," is most surely 
displayed by such letters. My father was not a demonstrative 
man in his daily intercourse, most certainly he was not demon- 
strative in his family circle, but his letters to his wife and chil- 
dren are the exponents of his grand, simple, and loving nature. 
I have but few of his political letters; my application to distin- 
guished men, or their executors, for his replies to their letters 
now in my possession, have been almost in vain. His corre- 
spondence with Governor Letcher, Orlando Brown, and A. T. 
Burnley, I have been fortunate enough to secure. He con- 
sidered Governor Letcher the "prince of correspondents," and I 
have thought it best to publish many of his letters, as they 
give, in a familiar form, the views of a man of great discern- 
ment and inimitable humor. This correspondence alone is in 
fact almost a political history of Kentucky during the time 
which it embraces. 

These volumes contain a statement of Mr. Crittenden's views 
and position on all the important questions before Congress 
from 1 8 19 to 1863, and extracts from many of his speeches. 
This seemed to me to be the only mode of doing him justice, 
and placing his opinions as a statesman beyond the reach of 
controversy. 



CONTENTS OF VOL. I. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGE 

Birth — Parentage — Education — Study of the Law — Admission to the Bar — 
Appointed Attorney-General of the Territory of Illinois by Ninian Ed- 
wards — Appointed Aide-de-Camp by General Shelby, in 1813, for the 
Campaign into Canada — Letters from Chancellor George ^L Bibb, Gen- 
eral Samuel Hopkins, General Shelby — Anecdote of his Legal Practice 
in Logan City 13 

CHAPTER n. 

Elected to the House of Representatives of Kentucky from Logan County — 
Made Speaker of the House — Marriage — Children — Letter from Mr. Clay 
on the Death of his First Wife — Woodford County Courts — Criminal Trials 
— Canvassing in Kentucky — Preston Blair 19 

CHAPTER III. 

Letters — Elected to the Senate in 1S17 — His Maiden Speech — Extract from 
Speech on Sedition Laws — Settling Controversies between States — Sale 
of Public Lands — Resignation of Seat in Senate — House in Frankfort — 
Letters 31 

CHAPTER IV. 

Old and New Court Question — Commission to settle the Boundary Line be- 
tween Tennessee and Kentucky — Ferguson's Defeat — General Shelby — 
Letters 45 

CHAPTER V. 

Letters — Jackson and Adams — Letters — Appointed, in 1827, United States 
Attorney for Kentucky — Removed by General Jackson — Nominated by 
President Adams to the Supreme Court — Letter of Mr. C. to a Friend, 
written from College of William and Mary 60 

CHAPTER VI. 

• Congratulations — Testimonials of Confidence — Invitation to " Old Logan" — 

Letters — Criminal Trial in Frankfort 76 

(ix) 



X 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. 

PAGB 

Letters — Appointed Secretary of State in Kentucky in 1834 — Letters — Ben- 
ton's Resolutions as to Fortification — Letters 86 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Mr. Webster's Visit to the West — Anecdote told by Mr. Evarts — Letters 95 

CHAPTER IX. 
Admission of Michigan — Purchasing Madison Papers — Letters 106 

CHAPTER X. 

Great Southwestern Convention — Letter of Archbishop Spalding — Compli- 
mentary Resolutions of the Board of Trustees of the Second Presbyterian 
Church in Baltimore as to the Trial of R. J. Breckenridge — Letters 119 

CHAPTER XL 
Pension to Hannah Leighton — Pre-emption and Distribution — Letters 133 

CHAPTER XII. 

Appointed Attorney-General of the United States by General Harrison — Mr. 
McLeod's Trial for the Burning of the Steamer Caroline — Papers relating 
to this Trial — Judicial Opinion as Attorney-General on Allowance of 
Interest on Claims against the United States 149 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Letters from Clay, R. Johnson, R. P. Letcher — Crittenden's Letter of Resigna- 
tion of his Place in the Cabinet of J. Tyler — Letter of G. E. Badger — 
Letters of Crittenden to Letcher 159 

CHAPTER XIV. ^ 

The Loan Bill — Apportionment Bill — Letter of James Buchanan to R. P. 

Letcher — Letters of Letcher, Clay, and Crittenden 1 74 

CHAPTER XV. 
Letters of Crittenden, Clay, Letcher, and Webster 185 

CHAPTER XVI. 
Letters of General Winfield Scott, of Webster, Clay, Crittenden, and Letcher. 201 

CHAPTER XVII. 
Letters of Crittenden, Letcher, Clay, Buchanan, etc. etc 213 



CONTENTS. xi 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

PAGE 

Admission of Texas — Oregon — Letter to his Wife — Discussion in the Senate 

with Allen— Letter of B. W. Leigh 227 

CHAPTER XIX. 

President's Message — Mexican War — Letters of Crittenden, Letcher, Scott, 
A. Butler — Duties on Imports — Bill for an Independent Constitutional 
Sub-treasury — Letter from General Scott to W. L. Marcy — The Secre- 
tary's Reply — Letter of General Taylor to Mr. Crittenden, written at 
Camargo, September 15, 1846 — General Scott to Mr. Crittenden — Gen- 
eral Scott to General Taylor 241 

CHAPTER XX. 

Letters of Baillie Peyton and General Scott — Bill in Senate for increased Pay 
of Soldiers and Volunteers — Letter of General Worth from Saltillo — 
Letter of G. B. Kinkead, and Crittenden's Reply 259 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Letter of General Taylor to Mr. Crittenden from Monterey, Mexico — Reply 
of Mr. Crittenden — Letter of James E. Edwards to Crittenden — Webster 
to Crittenden — Letter of Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, inclosing J. L. 
WTaite's Letter to Mr. Clay 270 

CHAPTER XXII. 

In Senate, February 3, 1847 — Thanks to General Taylor — Relief for the 
Suffering of Ireland — Letter from Crittenden to Burnley — Defense of 
Mr. Clay — Letter from J. A. Pendleton — The Allison Letter — Letter 
from A. Stephens to Mrs. Coleman on the Subject of the Allison Letter 
— Crittenden to O. Brown 284 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

In Senate — Resolutions tendering Congratulations to the People of France 
by the United States upon the adoption of a Republic — Supreme Court 
Bill — Letter of Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, loth of April, 1848, an- 
nouncing his Intention of being a Candidate for the Presidency — Critten- 
den's Reply to Clay — Crittenden to his Son George — Dinner to Mr. 
Crittenden, given in Washington, at the time he left the Senate and 
became Governor of Kentucky 297 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Great Whig Meeting at Pittsburg — Crittenden's Speech — Letter of Tom Clay — 
Letter of General Taylor to Crittenden from New Orleans — Crittenden's 
canvassing for Office of Governor — Debate with Powell — Letter to Orlando 
Brown 306 



xii CONTENTS, 



CHAPTER XXV. 

PAGB 

Letter of Crittenden to Burnley — Abbott Lawrence to Crittenden — Letter of 
Mr. Clay to James Lynch, A. H. Bradford, etc., as to the Presidency — 
W. P. Gentry to Crittenden — A. H. Stephens to Crittenden — Crittenden to 
Moses Grinnell — Part of Gov. Crittenden's First Message to the Kentucky 
Legislature — R. Toombs to J. J. Crittenden 322 

CHAPTER XXVL 

Letters — J, Collamer to Crittenden — Jefferson Davis to Crittenden — Critten- 
den to O. Brown — John M, Clayton to Crittenden 337 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Letters from J. Collamer, Crittenden, and Letcher — Extracts from Crittenden's 
Message to the Legislature of Kentucky in 1849 — Letters of Crittenden 
to Letcher and Thomas Metcalf. 346 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Letter of Charles S. Morehead — R, Toombs to Crittenden — Letters of Critten- 
den to Letcher 361 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

Letter of Crittenden to his Daughter Mrs. Coleman — Entered the Cabinet of 
Mr. Fillmore, as Attorney-General, in 1850 — Judicial Opinion as to the 
Constitutionality of the Fugitive Slave Law — Eulogy upon Judge McKin- 
ley in Supreme Court — Letters 376 




z 

< 



7. 



LIFE 



OF 



John J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER I. 
1787-1811. 

Birth — Parentage — Education — Study of the Law — Admission to the Bar — 
Appointed Attorney-General of the Territory of Ilhnois by Ninian Edwards — 
Appointed Aide-de-Camp by General Shelby, in 1813, for the Campaign into 
Canada — Letters from Chancellor George M. Bibb, General Samuel Hopkins, 
General Shelby- — Anecdote of his Legal Practice in Logan City. 

JOHN JORDAN CRITTENDEN was born in Woodford 
County, Kentucky, on the loth of September, 1787, and 
died at Frankfort, on the 26th of July, 1863. His father, John 
Crittenden, who ,held ,the rank of major during the Revolu- 
tionary War,,was a farmer of moderate means'. He was killed 
by the fall of a tree, and left a family of four sons and three 
daughters. His ancestry on the father's side were Welsh, and 
his mother was a descendant of French Huguenots. 

Mr. Crittenden was sent from home to school in 1803-4, in 
Jessamine County, Kentucky. J. J. Marshall, T. A. Marshall, J. 
Cabell Breckenridge, Hubbard Taylor, Francis P. Blair, etc. 
were among his schoolmates. Every one of these men became 
distinguished in after-life. I think this could have been no 
accidental coincidence ; their teacher must have had much to 
do with the rich development of character and intellect which 
made of these boys both great and good men: his name should 
be known and his memory honored. One of these gentlemen 
told me that Mr. Crittenden's delight in the study of the 
Latin language, and his facility in mastering it, was a subject 
of surprise and comment among his companions, and they 
believed that his own natural powers of eloquence were greatly 
aided by his study of Cicero's works. 

(13) 



14 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. Crittenden's cotemporaries in his own State were most 
remarkable men ; it was indeed a proud honor to be distin- 
guished among such brilliant competitors. The names of 
Jesse Bledsoe, Robert and Charles Wickliffe, John Pope, John 
Rowan, John Boyle, Ben Hardin, Richard Menifee, John Adair, 
William T. Barry, Robert Letcher, Governor Metcalf, F. Grundy, 
and Joseph H, Davis will live in history. 

These men were educated in the wilds of Kentucky, — " the 
dark and bloody ground." There was then but little social 
intercourse, even between the neighboring States, books and 
schools were scarce, — in fact, it was not possible to obtain the 
accessories and advantages now considered indispensable to a 
finished education ; and yet as lawyers, as politicians, as orators, 
they were unsurpassed. I have heard it stated that the Ken- 
tucky bar was at that time superior to the bar of any other 
State. This was, perhaps, attributable to the fact that every 
acre of ground in the State was covered over by conflicting 
law-claims. In social life, these men were full of originality of 
wit and humor, and although differing widely on legal and 
State questions, each one of them was the personal friend of 
Mr. Crittenden. He was a man of strong and ardent feelings, 
but his opponents were invariably met by him with a marked 
courtesy. 

Mr. Crittenden commenced the study of the law under 
the judicious and kind counsel of Judge G. M. Bibb, — in fact, 
he was a member of Judge Bibb's family, residing at this time 
near Lexington, Kentucky. He completed his law studies at 
the ancient college of William and Mary, in Virginia, and com- 
menced the practice of law in 1807 in his native county of 
Woodford, Kentucky. He did not continue there many years, 
however, but removed to Russellville, in Logan County, this 
location seeming to offer more inducements to promising and 
enterprising young men than (what was then considered) the 
old settled part of the State. 

Soon, by his attention to business, his eloquence and ability, 
he obtained a good and lucrative practice, and inspired the 
entire community with confidence in his sincerity and honesty 
of purpose, and whenever he chose to be a candidate for 
any office in his native State, he was elected without diffi- 



LETTER FROM GEORGE M. BIBB. 15 

culty. In 1809 he was appointed attorney-general of the 
Territory of Illinois, by Ninian Edwards, then governor of the 
Territory, and in 18 10 he received a commission as aide-de- 
camp from Governor Edwards, 

In 1811-12, Mr. Crittenden was elected to the Kentucky legis- 
lature, and during an intermission between his public duties and 
the courts he dashed over to Illinois and acted as volunteer 
aide to General Hopkins, in an expedition against the Indians. 
The same year he was appointed aide-de-camp, by Governor 
Charles Scott, in the first division of the militia of Kentucky. 

In 181 3 he was selected by Governor Shelby as an "aide- 
de-camp," and associated with Adair and Barry in the cam- 
paign into Canada. He took part in the battle of the Thames, 
where, under Generals Harrison and Shelby, the British under 
General Proctor were captured, the Indian force defeated and 
dispersed, and the Northwest Territory, which had been lost by 
Hull's surrender of Detroit, was recovered. His conduct in the 
campaign was favorably noticed in General Harrison's report, 
who long afterwards manifested his regard and confidence in 
Mr. Crittenden by appointing him attorney-general in 1841, 
this being the only cabinet appointment Mr. C. was ever willing 
to accept. 

(Hon. George M. Bibb to John J. Crittenden.) 

Senate Chamber, April 16, 1812. 

Dear John, — We have been waiting for a respectable force to 
be embodied. The Kentuckians are impatient, Congress firm ; 
their ultimate acts will not disappoint the expectations of a 
brave people, determined to be free and independent. The 
truth is, the Secretary of the War Department is too imbecile ; he 
has neither the judgment to concert, the firmness to preserve, 
nor the vigor to execute any plans of military operations ; his 
want of arrangement and firmness is now so apparent, that he 
cannot longer remain at the head of the War Department. The 
President and majority in Congress have already suffered much 
by having such a man in that position. He must be dismissed 
by the President, or an inquiry of some kind, touching the con- 
duct of the department, will be introduced. With a proper 
minister of war we might now have been prepared for war. If 
Eustis should be removed, we could soon be ready. Expecting 
that another man will be called to direct our military arrange- 
ments, I hope that a declaration of war will be made before the 



l6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

expiration of the period for which an embargo has been laid. I 
obtained a commission of first heutenant for Thomas Critten- 
den ; have been informed that he will not accept. How is 
Butler coming on in his electioneering campaign ? I long to see 
him among the natives, " courting the sovereigns." Are his 
friends active ? He must be elected. We want no wavering, 
time-serving, insincere politicians here ; we have but too many 
already. 

Yours truly, George M. Bibb. 

(General Sam Hopkins to Mr. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, August 24, 18 12. 

Dear John,^— I arrived here, agreeably to the orders of his 
excellency the governor, to-day, by an express from Detroit. 
Certain it is Hull has retrograded, and is now in Detroit, sur- 
rounded by the British. He has twice attacked their post at 
Brownstown : the second attack, in which the gallant Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Miller, of the 4th United States Regiment, com- 
manded, was successful, and the enemy beaten, though the post 
was not taken. The Ohio cavalry refused to charge ; their 
provisions nearly expended, and no supplies can arrive till 
Brownstown is taken. 

Hull's situation is precarious ; the troops from Kentucky are 
on their way to relieve them, — say upwards of 2200. Michila- 
makinaw is taken, and I fear Chicago has met the same fate ; 
in fine, everything in that quarter is gloomy. To-morrow a 
council, consisting of Messrs. Clay, Johnson, Governors Scott, 
Shelby, Harrison, and myself, are to meet and consult upon the 
best means of defending the country. 

The Indians are not friends. This reverse will no doubt 
settle them hostile. Ten other articles could be recounted I 
hate — I can't be the author of anything worse, yet I fear I have 
worse to tell you the next opportunity. 

Yours truly, Sam Hopkins. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Frankfort, August 20, 1813. 
Dear Sir, — Your favor of the fifteenth has been duly re- 
ceived. I had been casting my mind about, for a day or two 
past, for my second aide-de-camp. Among others, you had 
passed through my mind, but I feared that the distance between 
us and the short time I had to make my arrangements, would 
not afford me an opportunity to address you on this subject. 
Having, however, received your letter, expressing your willing- 
ness and desire to be one of my family on the present campaign, 
I embrace the earliest opportunit}' to assure you that you shall 



CAPTAIN OF AN ARTILLERY COMPANY. 17 

be my second aide-de-camp. General John Adair is already 
appointed the first. 

I shall, therefore, look out for no other gentleman to fill that 
station, and beg you will be so good as to acknowledge the 
receipt of this letter, and apprise me of your determination by 
the returning mail. I shall forward a duplicate of this letter 
to Bowling Green, to guard against possible disappointment 
should you have left that neighborhood. 

I have the honor to be, most respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

Isaac Shelby. 



Camp at Limestone, November 2, 1813. 

Major J. J. Crittenden having acted as my second aide-de- 
camp on the late expedition into Canada, I cannot, in justice to 
his merits or my own feelings, take leave of him without ex- 
pressing my warmest approbation of his whole conduct during 
the campaign, and the great obligations I feel for the attach- 
ment shown to my person, and the zeal and promptitude with 
which he always executed my orders, particularly so in the 
battle of the fifth of October last, on the river French. 

Given under my hand, Isaac Shelby. 

A number of young men in Russellville, Kentucky, raised 
and equipped a volunteer artillery company, in 18 16, of which 
Mr. Crittendeh was selected captain ; he was commissioned as 
captain by Governor Shelby, and attached to the 23d Regi- 
ment of militia on the i8th of May, 18 16. This company 
continued its organization under successive captains until the 
late war. Many years after Mr. Crittenden removed to Frank- 
fort, he visited Tennessee, and returned home by the way of 
Russellville. The morning he was to start home, this old com- 
pany paraded before the door and informed him that they 
intended to escort him some distance, with banners flying and 
drums beating. Mr. Crittenden, who was a modest man and 
always shrank from anything like exhibition or display, was, at 
first, very reluctant to be made so conspicuous ; he soon re- 
covered himself, however, and, after this flattering and touch- 
ing attention, he parted with his old comrades of the com- 
pany with heartfelt thanks. Only a day or two before his 
death, one of the members of this old Logan County com- 
mand was seated by his bedside, when suddenly his mind re- 
VOL. I. — 2 



1 8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

verted to those far-off times, and he asked about the company 
and the name of some member whom he had partially forgotten. 

There are, perhaps, people now living in Logan County, 
Kentucky, who remember Judge Broadnax. He was a stately, 
high-toned Virginia gentleman, who dressed in shorts, silk 
stockings, and top-boots ; he had an exalted sense of the dig- 
nity of the court, and a great contempt for meanness, rascality, 
and all low rowdyism. Mr. Crittenden used to describe, in his 
most inimitable manner, a scene which took place in the court- 
room, in Logan, where Judge Broadnax presided. A man had 
been indicted for biting off another man's ear, in a street brawl. 
This was a penitentiary offense, and Mr. Crittenden was engaged 
to defend the prisoner. 

Judge Broadnax was a warm friend and admirer of Mr. 
Crittenden, but he railed, at him fiercely for taking fees of such 
low rascals. The judge was, at heart, an aristocrat. 

In this case, after great difficulty and delay, eleven jurymen 
had been obtained. Many respectable-looking men had been 
summoned, and rejected by the counsel for the prisoner, and 
both the judge and sheriff were much exasperated. At last an 
ill-looking fellow, with a tattered straw hat on his head, half 
the brim being torn off, a piece of his nose gone, and his face 
bearing many other evidences of drunken brawls, was brought 
in. After looking at him a moment and asking him a few 
questions, Mr. Crittenden said, " Well, judge, rather than be 
the cause of any more delay, I'll take this man." 

The judge, who had been looking on angrily, could no longer 
control himself He sprang to his feet, exclaiming, " I knew 
it ; yes, I knew it ! — the moment I laid my eyes on the fellow I 
knew you would accept him." Then, taking a contemptuous 
survey of the jury, he exclaimed, aloud, " Did any living man 
ever see such a jury before ?" 

Mr. Crittenden quietly replied, " Why, your Honor, I pro- 
nounce this a most respectable jury." 

After that speech of the judge, Mr. Crittenden said his mind 
was at ease about his client ; he knew he would be acquitted, 
and he was. 



CHAPTER II. 
1811-1814. 

Elected to the House of Representatives of Kentucky from Logan County — Made 
Speaker of the House— Marriage— Children— Letter from Mr. Clay on the Death 
of his First Wife— Woodford County Courts— Criminal Trials— Canvassing in 
Kentucky — Preston Blair. 

WHEN Mr. Crittenden was first elected to the House of 
Representatives from Logan County, Kentucky, he 
took his wife to her brother-in-law's, Mr. Sam. Wallace, in 
Woodford, Kentucky. From this point he rode to Frankfort 
on horseback, and was joined on the way by an old gentleman. 
They were utter strangers, but conversed pleasantly together, 
and when they reached Frankfort they separated, not even 
knowing each other's names. 

The House met the next day, and, after some other nomina- 
tions had been made, the same old gentleman, Mr. Paine, of 
Fayette, nominated J. J. Crittenden, of Logan County, for 
Speaker of the House. Mr. Crittenden rose and protested 
against the nomination in a modest but impressive speech, and 
positively declined the honor. Mr. Paine replied that the 
speech itself removed all doubt as to the expediency of electing 
Mr. Crittenden. He persisted in his nomination, and Mr. Crit- 
tenden was unanimously chosen Speaker. 

In 181 1, Mr. Crittenden was married to Sallie O. Lee, 
daughter of Major John Lee, of Wopdford^ounty^^, i&j?^ ^^?^ 
was a tl^sceadaHt of Hancock Lee, ±he elder branch of the same 
family from which General R. E. Lee descended. 

Mrs. Crittenden died in 1824, leaving three sons and four 
daughters, — George, Thomas, and Robert, Ann Mary, Cornelia, 
Eugenia, and Maria. The eldest son was a graduate of West 
Point : he became a lieutenant-colonel in the Federal army, 

(19) 



20 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

resigned during the late war, and served for a time as major- 
general in the Confederate army. 

Thomas L. Crittenden was aid to General Taylor in the battle 
of Buena Vista. He was afterwards sent by General Taylor as 
consul to Liverpool. He entered the army during the late war, 
and was promoted to the rank of major-general, resigned be- 
fore the close of the war ; but soon after its close, he was again 
commissioned, with the rank of colonel. Eugenia Crittenden 
died unmarried, at the age of twenty-one. Ann Mar)% the 
eldest daughter, married Chapman Coleman, of Kentucky, and 
has been a widow for twenty years. Cornelia married Rev. 
John C. Young, President of Danville College, Kentucky, and 
is now a widow. Maria Crittenden married Dr. Edward Wat- 
son, of Frankfort, Kentucky, and is also a widow. Robert 
Henry, the youngest son, has always been engaged in com- 
mercial pursuits. On the occasion of Mrs. Crittenden's death, 
Mr. Crittenden received the following letter from Mr. Clay: 

Ashland, 17th September, 1824. 

My dear Sir, — Although I know how utterly unavailing are 
the condolences of friends, however sincere, and that nothing 
but time can assuage the grief which is excited by a loss so 
irreparable and afflicting as that which you have recently sus- 
tained, I cannot deny to myself the melancholy satisfaction 
of expressing to you my deepest sympathy for your heavy be- 
reavement. 

In the lamented death of Mrs. Crittenden, I do not merely 
recognize the loss of the wife of a friend, but that of a friend 
herself I knew her, I believe, before you did, and although 
her residence in another and distant part of the State prevented 
my seeing her for many years, I never ceased to feel the respect 
and esteem for her which was inspired by my early acquaint- 
ance. Although thus early deprived of a mother's care and a 
mother's tenderness, it must be some consolation to you to 
know that your children will find their mother's place supplied, 
as far as that is possible, in the affections and attentions of Mrs. 
Wilkinson and Airs. Price. 

One would be almost inclined to think that our State in 
these last years had lost divine favor ; its afflictions by death 
have been numerous and extreme. I have myself had a slight 
fever. 

With best wishes, I remain, faithfully, your friend, 

H. Clay. 



WOODFORD COUNTY COURTS. 21 

On the 15th of November, 1826, Mr. Crittenden married 
Mrs. Maria K. Todd, daughter of Judge Harry Innes, of 
Franklin County, Kentucky; she died in 1851, leaving two 
sons, — John J. Crittenden and Eugene. John died at the age 
of twenty-two, and Eugene is now a major in the Federal 
army. 

On the 27th of February, 1853, Mr. Crittenden married Mrs. 
Elizabeth Ashley, who is now residing in New York. 

Thinking of Mr. Crittenden's early life and its surroundings, 
I recall many curious customs in Kentucky which have, no 
doubt, passed away. At that time ladies were in the habit of 
attending criminal trials, and I have gone with them to the ad- 
joining counties for this purpose. Mr. Crittenden was born in 
Woodford County, about twelve miles from Frankfort, and the 
admiration and love cherished for him there was unsurpassed. 
Every man in that county felt that he had a sort of right in Mr. 
Crittenden, and criminals from other counties were always trying 
first to engage him to defend them, and then to have the trial 
transferred to Woodford, well knowing that a jury could scarcely 
be found in the county that could resist his arguments and 
eloquence. Indeed, there were many old men there who de- 
clared they could not conscientiously serve on the jury with 
John J. Crittenden as counsel for the prisoner ; they were so 
completely fascinated by his eye and voice that justice and the 
law were lost sight of. I remember something of a famous 
trial for murder in Woodford which I will endeavor to relate. 
The name of the man who was murdered was, I think. Cole. 
Court-day is a great day in small inland towns in the West 
All business to be done in the towns is, if possible, deferred until 
that day, and the plowing, planting, and reaping are stopped 
without remorse. The plow-horses are fastened to the long 
lines of fence, and the yeomanry gather in groups about the 
taverns and court-house. Any important trial brought to- 
gether the prominent speakers, and the chance of announcing 
and spreading one's opinions, by a lusty fight or two, was an 
ever-new delight. 

Mr. Cole and a friend named Gillespie, of the like calibre 
and tastes, rode into the little town of Versailles on court-day. 
Everything was propitious: they drank, played cards, and were 



22 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

merry. Late in the day they rode most amicably, side by side, 
out of Versailles, going home together. Unfortunately they 
had both cards and whisky in their pockets, and of the latter 
they partook freely. They rode slowly, and were benighted. 
Passing a dismantled log cabin by the wayside, they deter- 
mined to stop and rest, tied their horses, struck a light, and 
concluded to play " High, low, jack, and the game," and take 
a little grog from time to time, by way of refreshment, till the 
morning. 

As might have been expected, they grew quarrelsome and 
abusive. It is a short step from words to blows. Gillespie struck 
at his friend Cole with a l^hife, and killed him instantly. The 
sight of the blood and of the dead man, his friend from boy- 
hood, sobered him fully, and his sorrow and remorse were in- 
describable. No thought of concealment of his crime or flight 
from justice was in his heart; he sprang on his horse, and gal- 
loped to the nearest house, told his story with groans, lamenta- 
tions, and tears, and gave himself up to answer for his deed 
of blood and violence. There was, of course, no witness, the 
testimony rested upon his simple statement. Mr. Crittenden 
was employed to defend him, and he was acquitted. 

Mr. Crittenden's speech was pronounced a masterpiece of 
oratory. Almost the entire assembly was moved to sobs and 
tears ; the attempt was made to invalidate or set aside Gilles- 
pie's testimony; he acknowledged the murder, and his state- 
ment of the circumstances was the single point in his favor. 
Mr. Crittenden's reply to this effort on the part of the prose- 
cutor is all I can recall of his speech. In fact, I remember but 
the sentiment he expressed ; the voice, the eloquent lip, the 
living eye, it is impossible to portray. 

" Can any man in his senses, with a throbbing heart in his 
bosom, doubt this man's testimony? No, gentlemen of the 
jury, the truth gushed from his burdened heart in that hour of 
agony as pure as the water from the rock when smitten by the 
hand of the prophet." 

Mr. Crittenden seemed inspired, and his aspect and words 
carried conviction with them, not only to the sympathetic audi- 
ence, but to the stern jury. 

I think it was of this man Gillespie that I once heard 



CRIMINAL TRIALS. 2$ 

Mr. Crittenden say, " Yes, I begged that man's life of the 
jury." 

On one occasion, when Mr. Crittenden was engaged in de- 
fending a man who had committed a capital offense, he closed 
an elaborate and powerful argument by the following beautiful 
allegory: "When God in his eternal counsel conceived the 
thought of man's creation, He called to Him the three ministers 
who wait constantly upon the throne, — Justice, Tnith, and 
JSIcrcy, — and thus addressed them : ' Shall I create man ?' ' O 
God, make him not,' said Justice, * for he will trample upon thy 
laws.' Truth said, * Create him not, O God, for he will pollute 
thy sanctuary.' But Mercy, falling upon her knees, and looking 
up through her tears, exclaimed, ' O God, create him ; I will 
watch over him in all the dark paths which he may be forced 
to tread.' So God created man, and said to him, *0 Man, 
thou art the child of Mercy : go and deal mercifully with thy 
brother.' " 

When Mr. Crittenden closed, the jury were in tears, and, 
against evidence and their own convictions, brought in a 
verdict of "Not guilty." 

When I was about sixteen, I went with two or three other 
young girls to the house of my aunt, Mrs. Reiley, in Ver- 
sailles, Woodford County, to attend a trial for murder. 

A young man from one of the Southern States, a student of 
Transylvania College, in Lexington, Kentucky, in a sudden 
brawl, killed one of his fellow-students. There was no charge 
of previous malice; but the circumstances were aggravated, and 
the feeling of the community seemed against the young South- 
erner. So great was the local excitement about Lexington, 
that a change of venue was demanded and granted. The trial 
was removed to Woodford, and Mr. Crittenden was counsel 
for the prisoner. 

The youth of the parties excited the interest of all the young 
people in that part of the State, and many prominent lawyers, 
not employed in the suit, made a point of being present to hear 
the arguments. 

I remember now, with a glow of satisfaction, the bright array 
of native talent which I saw congregated on that occasion. 
General Flournoy, an eccentric, but clever and kindly lawyer, 



24 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

belonging to that part of the State, had volunteered to assist 
the prosecution. I can never forget his appearance, and the 
effect he produced on the court and audience, when he entered 
the room to make his speech. He was at that time a middle- 
aged man, tall, thin, and angular ; he had many personal pecu- 
liarities ; among other eccentricities, he always dressed in green, 
and the proverb " in vino Veritas," he had changed to " in vino 
mors ;" this motto he wore about him always in some form or 
other. He was an old bachelor, with the peculiarities of that 
rigid class stamped upon him unmistakably in every line and 
Lineament ; he was ambitious to be a bean, but the girls laughed 
at him and ran away from him. He was a man of truth, in- 
tegrity, and intelligence, but, nevertheles's, he had a hard time 
of it with the youth of his day. 

The general wanted to be very confidential, even when he 
had absolutely nothing to say. When he desired to be espe- 
cially kind and flattering in his attentions, he would fix his eye 
steadily and bear down upon you from a distant point ; then, 
bowing over you, he would seem to whisper something in your 
ear ; at times you would hear a confused and almost inaudible 
sentence ; at others something of about this importance, " Miss 
Crittenden, I see your These little confidences of his were a 
source of unending amusement to the young ladies. 

General Flournoy entered the court-room on the occasion 
referred to, dressed, of course, in green, and followed by a stal- 
wart negro man, bearing a market-basket ; not the pitiful tiling 
now dignified by the name of market-basket, but a basket in 
which Falstaff might have been concealed. 

This was filled with ponderous law-books intended for refer- 
ence during his argument. This spectacle produced a variety 
of emotions in the minds of the spectators. There was, natu- 
rally, some shrinking terror at the thought of the ordeal before 
them on a hot summer day ; but the grave dignity of the gentle- 
man in green, the grinning, panting negro, who seemed to ap- 
preciate the situation, the solemnity with which the general 
removed the books from the basket and arranged upon a large 
table before him as many as the table would hold, was too 
much for the crowd, and there was a burst of laughter, in which, 
I think, his Honor joined. * 



MR. CRITTENDEN AND GENERAL FLOURNOY. 25 

The general was not a graceful orator : his arms were too 
long ; he threw his head and neck forward, and described a 
half-circle first with his right arm, and then with his left, in 
regular rotation ; he made a long speech, read many volu- 
minous extracts from the laiv libimy before him, and was 
often so violent as to be unintelligible. He had not learned the 
lesson, " that in the very torrent, tempest, and whirlwind of 
your passion you should acquire and beget a temperance that 
might give it smoothness." 

When General Flournoy concluded, Mr. Crittenden rose 
calmly, and passed his hand several times over his eyelids, as 
one half asleep is accustomed to do. " Gentlemen of the jurj-, 
I have either slept and dreamed, or I have had a vivid waking 
dream, which I can scarcely dispel. I thought I had gone out 
on a whaling vessel, the winds and waves were high, and the 
mighty waters were roaring around me. Suddenly the sailors 
cried out, ' All hands on deck, the whale is upon us, she blows !* 
I looked, and there indeed was the monster of the deep ; its 
tail was flying through the air and the surging waves, till we 
were enveloped in mist. I am stunned, confused, and your 
Honor must grant me a few moments to recover my self-pos- 
session." 

Mr. Crittenden then commenced his argument. I remember 
only its close. The counsel for the prosecution had made a 
strong point of demanding an example, spoke eloquently of the 
lawlessness of the times, and the necessity of maintaining the 
majesty of the law. On this point Mr. Crittenden said, " The 
counsel against the prisoner demands example. Yes, I agree 
with my stern and learned friend, we should make examples 
from time to time, even among the young and thoughtless, to 
check the heat of youthful blood and the violence of ungov- 
erned passion ; but, my countrymen, let us take that example 
from among our own people, and not seize upon the youthful 
stranger, who came confidingly among us, to profit by the 
advantages of our literary institutions, to learn to be a man in 
the best sense, honest and capable and cultivated. We have, I 
am grieved to say, frequent opportunities to make example of 
our own sons, in our own borders. Let us do this, then, 
when the occasion offers, but let us send this broken-hearted, 



26 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEX. 

trembling mother [pointing to the prisoner's mother, who was 
present], and her dear, loved son, back to their home in peace. 
He has been overtaken in a great crime, but an acquittal, in 
consideration of his youth and other extenuating circumstances, 
will be honorable to our great State, and do no damage to the 
laws." 

The jury retired for a few moments, and the prisoner was 
acquitted. 

General Flournoy left the court-room enraged against Mr. 
Crittenden ; he was standing on the street near a pump (pumps 
were the great rallying-points on court-days), denouncing Mr. 
Crittenden to a group of amused listeners, when Mr. C, 
approaching silently, struck Flournoy on the shoulder, and 
said, "How are you, old whale ? I know you are dry, after all 
that blowing ; come and take a drink." 

Mr. Crittenden's voice and manner were like the sunshine 
after the early and latter rain. Flournoy grasped his hand for- 
givingly, and they went off arm in arm to settle their differ- 
ences over the punch-bowl. 

Mr. Crittenden was so often electioneering in Franklin 
County for a seat in the Kentucky legislature that he knew 
personally every man in the county. No one ever had warmer 
friends ; indeed, he was idolized by the older men of his party. 
Among these was Bob Collins, a sturdy yeoman of powerful 
frame, who had always a shoulder for the political wheel when 
it required putting in motion. Bob was a man of good com- 
mon sense, clear judgment, and healthy, jovial nature, and he 
almost adored Mr. Crittenden. In some question which arose 
in Kentucky, cither as to the old and new court, or Jackson 
and Adams, Bob's personal attachment to Mr. Crittenden and 
his political tendencies were unfortunately at variance. He 
was a man of considerable influence in his neighborhood, and 
as it was well known that he would carry a number of votes 
along with him, Mr. F. P. Blair conceived what he himself 
calls the viad idea of winning him completely away from Mr. 
Crittenden by a little well-applied flattery and political dcalhig. 
He accordingly visited Bob Collins in his humble home, and 
proposed a pleasant little social walk and chat ; he adroitly in- 
troduced small insinuations against Mr. Crittenden, said he was 



BOB COLLINS' CHURCH. 2/ 

a man greatly overestimated, not the man Collins took him "or, 
etc. At this point, when Mr. Blair thought he had made con- 
siderable headway, they passed a large pond. "Stop there, 
Blair!" cried Bob Collins, angrily. " Look at that ! that's a frog- 
pond and full of frogs, and the varmints often make such a hell 
of a fuss the whole neighborhood is disturbed. Every frog 
thinks himself the big man of the lot, and each one tries to 
screech louder than the others ; but. Lord bless you, they take 
no notice of each other. You see, each one knows in his heart 
that the other is but a frog, and scorns him. Presently a little 
boy from the village comes along and thinks to himself, Ha ! 
my fine fellow, I'll put a stop to this. He approaches the edge 
of the pond, and hollows out Wh-i-s-t ! wh-i-s-t ! and every dirty 
little fellow drops down to the bottom of the pond, disappears 
as it were from the face of the earth, and prudently holds his 
tongue : they know the little boy has stones in his pocket. Well, 
just so it is with you and your set. When you get together 
in a safe place, you make a mighty fuss and abuse John J. 
Crittenden ; but let the fine fellow come along, and say Wh-i-s-t! 
wh-i-s-t ! and your heads drop down, and you slink away to a 
safe place. Hurrah for John J. Crittenden, say I !" 

I have heard another anecdote connected with Mr. Crittenden 
and Bob Collins, which is interesting, as going to show the 
characteristics of the people of Kentucky in that day, and Mr. 
Crittenden's influence over them. Bob professed to be an 
enthusiastic Baptist, although not a member of any church. 
There was a Baptist church in his neighborhood, over which 
he ruled despotically, founding his claim to dictate upon the 
fact that many of his slaves were members of this church. He 
used to consult with Mr. Crittenden about the interests of his 
church, giving him an account of baptisms, etc. Bob took 
great interest in these proceedings, and whenever one of his 
own negroes was to be baptized, he superintended the whole 
affair ; nothing would have induced him to allow one of them 
to go down into the water supported by the preacher alone. 
Bob took the candidate for baptism by one arm and the preacher 
took the other, and as they descended into the river, old Father 
N. exhorted at every step, and Bob cried out, "Amen!" most 
devoutly. On one occasion Bob came into town to give Mr. 



28 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Crittenden an account of a misfortune that had befallen him. 
A large, stalwart negro man of his had been baptized. Bob 
was filled with zeal on that occasion : to oivn another member 
of the church, gave him, he thought, a new right to control 
the congregation. The convert was valuable, and Bob was so 
anxious about his safety that he forgot to lay aside his watch, 
which was almost ruined. As they came up out of the water, 
the preacher was exhorting and commending the new brother 
as a model of piety and zeal to the assembled crowd. Bob 
declared he was completely carried away by the discourse, and 
exclaimed, " Yes, yes ! a model ! a model ! I wish I had a 
thousand such." He professed to be hurt on perceiving that 
this was not regarded as altogether a pious ejaculation. The 
church members got into some difficulty among themselves, 
whieh he attempted to settle in a very summary manner ; they 
resisted, and he entered the church by force, in the midst of the 
proceedings, broke up the assembly, scattered them ignomi- 
niously, and barred up the house. For this act of violence 
they brought suit against him, much to his righteous indigna- 
tion. He employed Mr. Crittenden to defend him. The suit 
was talked about far and wide, and ivas the occasion of many 
merry jests. A great crowd assembled at the trial. Mr. Crit- 
tenden made one of his best speeches, and placed the char- 
acter and conduct of his client in the most favorable light. In 
conclusion, he stated that he had not been able to do his friend 
justice, but had employed an assistant in the defense, whom 
he would now call up to conclude the argument. To the 
amazement of every one, Mr. Crittenden now summoned Bob 
Collins to speak for himself The call was wholly unexpected, 
but he came forward instantly, — in fact, he was as fully convinced 
that he belonged to Mr. Crittenden as that the church belonged 
to him. The speech was, as you may suppose, original, and 
brought down the house. Even the judge and jury gave way to 
the merry spirit of the hour. At the close of a short speech. 
Bob said, " If their Honors would only call upon his friend 
John to do ^ tJic finisJiiiig P before he had spoken five minutes 
they would think they heard a pint of bullets rattling over a 
shingle roof" I do not remember how this suit was decided, 
but e.xpect Bob carried the day. 



PRESTON BLAIR. 



29 



Mr. Crittenden and F. Preston Blair were playmates, school- 
mates, and personal friends through life. In early manhood 
they were also united in politics, but when the question arose 
in Kentucky between the pretensions of Jackson and Adams 
for the presidency, they differed, and finally separated. Polit- 
ical feeling ran high in old Kentucky (in those days men, 
women, and children were politicians), and as parties were 
nearly equally divided, such a condition of things always led 
to great effort and excitement. Mr. Blair and Mr. Crittenden 
were opposed to each other, each making speeches in further- 
ance of his views in Frankfort and the vicinity. Mr. Blaif tells 
this anecdote in connection with that period : 

A few days before the election was to take place, an appoint- 
ment was made for a political meeting in the neighborhood. 
Mr. Blair reached the ground first, and made a violent speech, 
in which he brought many charges against Mr. Crittenden's 
political course, and abused him personally. He was greatly 
excited. Ashamed of his course towards his old friend, and 
afraid of the lashing he knew was in store for him, he had, 
during his tirade, been looking round anxiously for his oppo- 
nent, and found his flashing eye fixed steadily upon him. He 
closed his speech, and a rather cowardly impulse took posses- 
sion of him to steal off and escape the scourging, the mere 
anticipation of which weighed heavily upon him. He reached 
the outskirts of the crowd, when, hearing that voice which 
always thrilled and, in a measure, controlled him, he turned back 
almost involuntarily and gave himself up to justice. As he found 
he was not personally alluded to, he drew nearer and nearer, with 
some feeling of security. Mr. Crittenden took up the charges 
with which he had been assailed one by one and refuted them ; 
managed to cast a furtive glance from time to time upon his 
adversary, but did not call his name or allude to him. At first, 
this rather pleased Blair; then, as he became convinced that 
" John" meant to pass him by silently, he was humiliated and 
ashamed. 

A few days afterwards Preston Blair was seated in one of the 
clerks' offices in Frankfort, when Mr. Crittenden entered; he 
advanced to Mr. Blair with extended hand, and a kindly greet- 
ing : " Well, Preston, how are you ?" Mr. Blair, greatly em- 



30 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

barrassed, stammered out a few words of salutation, and then, 
feeling that something more must be said to break the silence, 
remarked, " You had a son born in your house yesterday, 
Crittenden, — what do you intend to call him ?" A cloud of 
mingled feelings passed over Mr. Crittenden's speaking coun- 
tenance. After a moment's pause, he said, " I have been think- 
ing, Preston, of calling him by that name which you have been 
trying of late to dishonor." 

" That," with the kind and sorrowful glance which accom- 
panied it, " went straight to my heart," said Mr. Blair. " The 
fountain of my speech was dried up, and this was the only 
reproach Mr. Crittenden ever made me." 



CHAPTER III. 
1814-1820. 

Letters — Elected to the Senate in 1817 — His Maiden Speech — Extract from Speech 
on Sedition Laws — Settling Controversies betAveen States — Sale of Public 
Lands — Resignation of Seat in Senate — House in Frankfort — Letters. 

(General Isaac Shelby to J. J. Crittenden.) 

April 8, 1 8 14. 

MY DEAR SIR,— Your favor of the i8th came to hand 
when I was absent from home, and since my return a 
letter from the Secretary of War has been received, informing 
me that the appointment of officers has been made for the 
corps of riflemen to be raised under the late act of Congress. 
This letter was an answer to one of the last which I had written 
to him, in favor of some of my friends who wanted to enter the 
service, and assures me that Kentucky has had her full share in 
those appointments. I have, therefore, deemed it unnecessary 
to trouble the Secretary in favor of Captain H. R. Lewis, whom 
I well recollect, and of whom I formed a good opinion upon 
the late campaign. 

I am very apprehensive that we shall have peace by the 
mission to Gottenburg, if the affairs of Europe do not prevent 
it. Perhaps it may be well for us if we do obtain peace. 
The war is a ruinous one. We are, literally, " a house divided 
against itself" And, although we may not fall, the war, if 
carried on, will finally exhaust the best blood and interest of 
the nation ; none others will embark in it unless with a view to 
jnar its success. This is lamentable, dut true / and unless we 
can cure the evil at home, defeat and disaster will attend the 
efforts of our best patriots. I may in confidence confess to you, 
that I lament over my country, — that she has in her very 
bosom a faction as relentless as the fire that is unquenchable, — 
capable of thwarting her best interests, and whose poisonous 
breath is extending to every corner of the Union. There is but 
one way to cure the evil, and that is an awful and desperate one, 
and in the choice of evils we had better take the least. Were 
we unanimous, I should feel it less humiliating to be conquered, 
as I verily believe that the administration will be driven to 

(3O 



32 LIFE OF yOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

peace, ojt miy terms, by the opposition to the war. We have 
no news from our Eastern armies, nor do we know that the 
fleet at Ontario has left its winter-quarters. 

I wish Niagara was near to Kentucky, it should not remain 
long in the hands of those blood-hounds ! to be given up for 
Alaldoi, as no doubt it will on a general peace. Will you come 
to Frankfort this winter? If the war continues, the country 
will want her best friends in the legislature, and I shall be glad 
to see you. 

The Eastern mail has this moment arrived, and brings infor- 
mation that the President unquestionably recommended the 
repeal of the embargo and non-importation acts. This looks like 
giving way to the clamors for commerce. What is to become 
of our new manufactories and young merinoes ? It will afford 
me great pleasure to hear of your happiness and prosperity. 

Your obedient servant, 

Isaac Shelby. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(George M. Bibb to John J. Crittenden.) 

Washington Citv, April 24, 18 14. 

Dear John, — The court-martial sentenced Hull to be cash- 
iered and sliot, but recommended him to the mercy of the Presi- 
dent, who, I understand, intends to remit the sentence of death. 
What weakness ! If cowardice such as Hull's, which surren- 
dered a fortress, an army, a territory without firing a gun, — 
which surrender was followed by such loss of lives and treasure, 
— is not punished with death, but pardoned by the com- 
mander-in-chief, what can we expect ? No military officer 
hereafter can be punished but by loss of commission for 
cowardice. A negotiation is going on between an agent on our 
part and General Prevost, for an armistice. Prevost is willing 
to an armistice on land ; our government wishes it also by sea. 
The negotiation may, perhaps, terminate in an armistice on the 
land, the lakes, and on our seacoast, leaving our coast to be 
blockaded, and the war upon the ocean to progress, — that is to 
say, that no expedition on land, nor any enterprise against 
towns or forts, shall be attempted, — such an armistice to be con- 
tinued for a limited time, or until our negotiations at Gottenburg 
are broken off, or until either party shall give reasonable notice 
that it shall cease. I speak of the probable issue from what our 
government would agree to, and what it may well be supposed 
the British government would not agree to. The maritime 
superiority of Great Britain she will not yield by an armistice. 
Your friend, as ever, George M. Bibb. 



PRESTON BLAIR. 33 

I found among Mr. Crittenden's papers a letter from Mr. 
Blair, from which I make the following extract : 

Washington City, 1831. 

Dear Crittenden, — Eliza sends her love ; she has ordered 
the Globe to be sent you, that you may have the advantage of 
her hemisphere, which she promises to make interesting. The 
black side — that is, my side of the paper — ^you need not look at. 
I presume you believe all you see in the prints of Old Hickory; 
if you do, you know nothing of him: he is as full of energy as 
he was at New Orleans, and is to his cabinet here what he was 
to his aids there. He is in fine health, and nothing daunted at 
all the plots, conspiracies, and intrigues of which some hope 
he is to be the victim. In a recent conversation with me about 
the Seminole affair, he spoke of you as "his friend Crittenden." 
I suppose he refers to the past. Give my wife's most affection- 
ate remembrances to Mrs. Crittenden, and if you can make my 
offering of good wishes and sincere respects acceptable to her, 
let me hope that you will tender them. I shall be glad to hear 
of the prosperity of the young gentleman who received last 
year a name that you seemed to think "I was trying to make one 
of little credit to him." God knows you did me injustice /;/ that 
at least. If ever I had a kind heart, it is for you ; but, as Tom 
Church says, " although I love you, I don't love your ways." 
Yours, in everything, politics excepted, 

F. P. Blair. 

Tom Church was a Franklin County man, one of the Bob Col- 
lins order, and a man of influence in his neighborhood; he was 
a personal friend of Blair and Crittenden, and when they sepa- 
rated politically, they were both anxious to secure him. Mr. 
Crittenden heard that he was wavering, and walked out to see 
him, and "straighten him up!' At parting. Church said to him, 
" Well, John, I think I must go for Preston. I love you, John, 
but I don't love your ways." This phrase became from that 
time onward a sort of conciliatory " by-word with the old 
friends." 

Many barbecues (called in some parts of Kentucky, bergoos) 
were given in the State, at that time, for electioneering purposes. 
Men, women, and children assembled for miles around the 
place of meeting to dance and sing, speak and listen to speak- 
ing, eat, drink, and be merry. From the time I was twelve 
years old, I used to go and dance on the hillside for hours. 

VOL. I. — 3 



34 LIFE OF yOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

A long arbor was generally erected, covered with green branches 
from the trees; under this rough planks were set up for a table 
and upon them the baskets of provisions were emptied, and the 
" good things" spread out before us. 

Some of these occasions dwell most pleasantly in my memory. 
The dogwood and the redbud, quivering in the sunshine, formed 
a charming roof over our heads, the merry groups scattered 
around under the trees, the speakers' stand, the laughter, the 
applause, the songs, the voices of children, — even babies, too 
young to be left at home, joined in the chorus, — all this is indel- 
ibly impressed upon my heart. 

I remember an amusing little incident connected with a 
barbecue given near Frankfort. Far and wide the people had 
come together. In those days there were no operas, no con- 
certs, no Grande Duchesses, no Belle Helencs. Barbecues were 
the order and the dissipation of the day. A young woman was 
thought to have more than mortal strength if she resisted suc- 
cessfully the temptation of a barbecue in her neighborhood. 
Young mothers ^vith young babies were the most at a loss what 
could be done with their children, — too young to take, too 
young to leave at home ! 

A pretty young country mother, with a baby perhaps a 
month old, suffered terribly with doubts and perplexities on 
this subject. At last, she resolved to take the baby and take the 
consequences; she knew she would have to play nurse, could 
not dance, and could only be a looker-on. Nevertheless, she 
determined to go! In the height of the entertainment, Islx. 
Crittenden's eye fell upon her sorrowful countenance, and he 
resolved to devote the time that our old Virginia reel would 
occupy to her amusement. He took his seat by her and tried 
to make himself agreeable ; he soon saw, however, that she 
gave him but a languid attention; eye and ear were given to 
Yankee Doodle and the dancers. Suddenly, in the twinkling 
of an eye, before he had time to see his danger or to remon- 
strate, she sprang up, plumped the baby down in his lap, 
exclaiming, " Oh, Mr. Crittenden, human nature can't stand 
that !" Before the last words were finished, she was whirling 
away in the reel, to the great consternation of Mr. Crittenden, 
who had a mortal fear of babies, and the infinite amusement oi 



MAIDEN SPEECH IN U. S. SENATE. 



35 



the bystanders. The rival candidate and his party con^dered 
this a very good joke, and used to tell it, with great gusto ; but 
there is no doubt that Mr. Crittenden's exemplary discharge 
of his new duties gained him many votes. 

In 1 8 16-17 -i^I'*- Crittenden was Speaker of the House of 
Representatives in Kentucky, and was elected in 18 17 to the 
Senate of the United States. 

There is an anecdote connected with his maiden speech 
which Governor Barbour related with great spirit. The subject 
was worthy of Mr, Crittenden's patriotic eloquence, being the 
first attempt to grant pensions to the soldiers of the Revolution, 
and to his memory belongs the glory of that achievement. On 
rising to speak, Mr, Crittenden was greatly agitated (this was a 
trait which marked his ablest efforts in after-life). His embar- 
rassment became so intense that his friends apprehended a 
failure, and Governor Barbour, who had often been delighted 
by Mr. Crittenden's powers of conversation in social life, 
looked his anxieties to Mr. Clay. 

Mr. Clay gazed steadily and confidently at his young friend 
for a moment, and then replied to Barbour by a whisper (yet 
loud enough to be heard throughout the senate-chamber), 
" Never mind, he will be all right." And soon, indeed, Mr. Crit- 
tenden's magical voice rose to the occasion, and he electrified 
a listening Senate with an eloquence which no first effort had 
ever before effected. 

During this session, as chairman of a committee to whom a 
bill putting fugitives from labor on the same footing with fugi- 
tives from justice was referred, Mr. Crittenden reported it back 
with several amendments, one of which provided that the 
identity of the fugitive should be proved by other evidence 
than the claimant's. 

December 8, 18 17, Mr, Crittenden submitted this amend- 
ment: 

Resolved, That all persons who were prosecuted and fined 
under the sedition law, approved the fourteenth day of July, 
1798, entitled An Act for the Punishment of certain Crimes 
against the United States, ought to be reimbursed, and indem- 
nified out of the public treasury. 

Mr. Crittenden said : 



36 LIFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

I consider the sedition law unconstitutional, not only from 
a defect of power in Congress to pass such a law, but because 
its passage was expressly forbidden by the Constitution. The 
sense of the nation had unquestionably pronounced it unconsti- 
tutional, and that opinion being generally entertained, it ought 
to be solemnly confirmed by the legislature, in order that his- 
tory and the records of the country may not hand it down to 
posterity as a precedent for similar acts of usurpation. If a 
reversion of the proceedings in that case was important in a 
public point of \'icw, it was certainly so as it related to the indi- 
viduals who became the subjects of prosecution under that act. 
To every citizen of the United States the Constitution guaran- 
teed certain rights, which had been violated under this law. 
This guarantee entitled them to indemnity in all cases where 
those rights were violated ; of this indemnity the courts ought 
not to deprive them ; if they did, there was no redeeming power 
in the Constitution. Legal sanctions cannot vitiate constitu- 
tional provisions. The judiciary is a valuable part of the gov- 
ernment, and ought to be highly respected, but it is not infalli- 
ble. The Constitution is our guide, our supreme law. Blind 
homage can never be rendered by freemen to any power. In 
all cases of alleged violation of the Constitution it was for Con- 
gress to make just discrimination. When the Constitution for- 
bids a law, it will not hesitate to interpose for the relief of those 
who suffer by its inflictions. The case of Matthew Lyon, now 
before the Senate, was a fair case for the interposition of Con- 
gress. It had a peculiar character. Lyon had a right to remu- 
neration ; this right ought not to be sacrificed to contingencies 
or speculative opinions. We may not do wrong that right may 
come of it! Justice to the individual, to the country, to the 
Constitution, all required this course. Let us add new defenses 
and guards to the Constitution on this assailable point. Let us 
secure it, as far as possible, from future infractions on the 
ground of precedent. 

The Senate, on Friday, December 29, 18 19, resumed the 
discussion of the bill prescribing the mode of settling con- 
troversies between two or more States. Mr. Crittenden said : 

The same course had been pursued at the last session 
which was now proposed, and if this motion prevailed it must 
be considered as a rejection of the bill. The State of Ken- 
tucky had addressed a memorial to Congress in favor of such 
a measure as was proposed by this bill, and I deem it a duty 
to submit the reasons which occur to me in support of it. 
Under the Constitution, power was given to Congress to make 



CONTROVERSIES BETWEEN STATES. 



37 



the provision contemplated in this bill. Why tremble at the 
exercise of this power ? There must be authority somewhere 
to settle disputes between States, and where would it be so 
safely lodged as in the national judiciary? I believe no ground 
of alarm exists. The greatest and proudest States in the Union 
would cheerfully submit to the decisions of that tribunal every 
litigation between them. The States would be sued by their 
consent: as they had given their consent to the provision of the 
Constitution authorizing this law, they would not therefore 
complain of any violation of their sovereignty and independ- 
ence. I deem it essential to the perpetuity of our Union that 
this power should have been given, and that it should be exer- 
cised. The objections came from those States likely to become 
defendants under this act, and from the great and powerful State 
of Virginia. This provision was meant to protect the small 
States against the populous and powerful. Have we come to 
this, that such States threaten resistance to the constitutional 
laws ? I hope such threats will not terrify us into an abandon- 
ment of this power. I appreciate the high and honorable 
motives of the gentleman from Virginia, but think his appre- 
hensions unfounded and visionary. I believe the judgment of 
the Supreme Court, as now limited, executes itself silently and 
effectually, — there was no danger of the necessity of employing 
military force. The States would not settle their disputes 
amicably among themselves, without the mediation of a disin- 
terested tribunal. Virginia and Pennsylvania had almost come 
to war on a territorial difference ; was this the "suaviter in modo" 
which ought to be pursued in settling boundaries ? Such a dis- 
pute would not now be settled between these potent States so 
easily. Suppose, in this difference between Kentucky and 
Tennessee, Kentucky should give up her claim rather than 
come to open war, would it be right for the general govern- 
ment to see her stripped of her rights ? Kentucky had no 
alternative but to do this or appeal to the sword. Would it be 
just or magnanimous to refuse to exercise this power and thus 
permit such wrongs to be done? Though justly proud of my 
State, I should not deem her disgraced by being made a de- 
fendant under this law, or by submitting to the judgment of the 
Supreme Court. I wish such a high tribunal could be erected 
to settle all disputes between nations, and oblige proud and 
ambitious people to submit to just and equitable terms of set- 
tlement. Should we, of one flesh and blood, quarrel among 
ourselves when so easy a remedy is in our power ? New Jersey 
has had her disputes, Rhode Island has had hers, and if wrong 
has been done, is there any honorable gentlemen who would 
not wish to see wrong righted? 



38 LIFE OF yOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. Crittenden made a speech on the i8th of February, 1819, 
in support of the bill for the sale of public lands. He said, in 
conclusion : 

Mr. President, I acknowledge that I feel a particular par- 
tiality for this bill, independent of the reasons I have had the 
honor of submitting to you. I am influenced by reasons some- 
what of a personal character, to desire its passage. It is the 
work of the honorable gentleman (Mr. Morrow) of Ohio, who 
is so soon to be finally separated from us : he has long been 
our Palinurus in everything that relates to this important sub- 
ject; he has steered us safely through all its difficulties, and 
with him for our helmsman we have feared neither Scylla nor 
Charybdis. We have followed him with increasing confidence, 
and have never been deceived or disappointed. The bill now 
before you is perhaps the last and most important act of his 
long and useful life. If it should pass, sir, it will identify his 
name and his memory with this interesting subject: it will be 
his. 

A noble monument, which, while it guides the course of 
future legislation, will perpetuate the memory of an honest man. 
Sir, if the ostracism of former times prevailed with us, I do not 
know the individual whose virtues would more certainly expose 
him to its envious jealous sentence. The illustrious Greek 
himself who claimed such unfortunate distinction from that 
ancient usage did not better deserve the epithet jfitst. 

Mr. President, I do not intend to flatter the gentleman from 
Ohio. Flattery is falsehood. I burn no such incense at the 
shrine of any man. The sincere homage of the heart is not 
flattery. I have spoken the spontaneous feeling of my own 
breast. I am confident, too, that I have spoken the feeling of 
the Senate. But yet I ought perhaps to beg pardon of the 
honorable gentleman. I have much cause to fear that the 
gratification I have had in offering this poor tribute of my 
respect is more than counterbalanced by the pain it has inflicted 
upon him. 

Mr. Crittenden resigned his seat in the Senate in 18 19, and 
resolved to give himself up wholly to local politics and the 
.practice of his profession. He was poor, and his family large, 
and he felt its claims to be paramount. 

One of Mr. Crittenden's most intimate friends has written to 
me that this period, from 1819 to 1835, passed in the arduous 
duties of his profession, and in the legislature, was the most 
interesting, and probably the happiest, of his life. 



LETTERS FROM HENRY CLAY. 39 

The three following letters, two from Mr. Clay and one from 
James Barbour, show the regret of his cotemporaries at his 
resignation, and the political aspect of affairs at that time. 

(Henry Clay to John J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, December 14, 1S19. 

My dear Sir, — We have just heard of your resignation, which 
has occasioned general regret here. On the public account, I 
regret it; on yours, I do not! Tell my friend Mrs. Crittenden 
that I congratulate her on the just triumph she has obtained over 
you. You will have seen the correspondence respecting the 
Florida treaty, and you will have read it, as I did, with mortifica- 
tion, for, with the zvorst cause, the Spaniards came off victorious in 
that correspondence. Forsyth has acquitted himself very badly; 
he appears to me to have been furnishing evidence at Madrid, and 
certainly not of the most courtly kind, to refute an insinuation 
I once made at Washington against him of partiality to the 
King of Spain. I think our eagerness to get the ratification has 
probably lost it. What shall we do ? These people will put 
me in the opposition whether I will or no ! I wanted to go 
with them respecting our Spanish affairs; but how can I join in 
such a foolish course? Instead of resorting to the natural 
expedient of taking possession of our own, they ask us to take 
(on the ground, too, of right) what does not belong to us ! Thus, 
in regard to the Patriots, all the premises of the President point 
to the conclusion of recognizing them, and yet, strange to tell, 
he concludes by recommending further laws to enforce our 
neutrality! — in other words, further laws against the Patriots. 
I shall be glad to hear from you, 

And remain faithfully yours, 

H. Clay. 

P.S. — Tell Bibb that he and you must make out your joint 
instructions to me, relative to Florida, and which, as I acknowl- 
edge the right of instruction, I shall of course obey, or disobey 
under my responsibility. 

(From the same to the same.) 

Washington, January 29, 1S20. 
Dear Sir, — I received with very great pleasure your favor 
of the 9th instant, and thank you for the valuable information 
which it contains. I think Tennessee ought to give us an 
equivalent beyond the Tennessee River for our land which she 
holds on this side ; yet it is so important to have the dispute 
settled, as well for its own sake as in order to enable the legis- 



40 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

lature to dispose of the land south of that river, that I shall not 
regret a determination to accept of the proposition of their com- 
missioners, especially as if we were to obtain the equivalent, 
it may be questionable whether we should acquire more than 
the naked sovereignty. Your friendly advice is received in the 
same spirit of kindness which dictated it. I came here anxious 
to agree with the administration whenever I could, and par- 
ticularly desirous to concur with them in regard to Spanish 
affairs. This wish sprang from that retirement on which I had 
determined and to which I still look forward ; but how is it 
possible for me to lend myself to such a crooked, unnatural, 
untenable course as that recommended by the message ? To 
give up wiiat we have a good right to for the purpose of seizing 
that to which we have none, and this, too, when what we pro- 
pose thus wantonly to sacrifice is confessedly of more intrinsic 
value than that we hone after ; to consider a treaty as obli- 
gatory which has been executed by one of the two parties only; 
to limit the measures of our redress to that treaty when the 
American negotiator of it acknowledges that Don Ouis was 
authorized by his instructions to grant us more than we get ! 
And to do this, when, if the views of the President be correct, 
Spain, by her failure to ratify the treaty, has taken a position 
most decidedly disadvantageous to her. If, as you seem to 
suppose, it was contemplated to take Florida without the aban- 
donment of Texas, one could consider of the scheme, possibly 
unite in it. But that is not the intention of the President; he 
wishes us to take the former and renounce the latter, and more- 
over to assume the payment of five millions of dollars to our 
citizens. Should we adopt this course and seize Florida, what 
would be the nature of our title to it ? Would it be conventional, 
or one of conquest? Now, I cannot, in my conscience, go 
along with the President in these his views. I mean to propose 
the recognition of the Patriots and the seizure of Texas. These 
two measures taken, and Florida is ours without an effort. I 
might, indeed, be induced to comprehend Florida also in the 
self-redress which I think we are authorized to take; but if I am 
reduced to the alternative of subjecting ourselves to the obliga- 
tions of the treaty whilst Spain remains free from them, ^/'taking 
Texas, I must prefer the latter ! The Missouri subject monopo- 
lizes all our conversation, all our thoughts, and for three weeks 
at least, to come, will occupy all our time. Nobody seems to 
think of or care about anything else. The issue of the question 
in the House of Representatives is doubtful. I am inclined to 
think that it will ho. finally couipwmiscd. No idea exists here of 
any issue or modification of paper to relieve the country. The 
prevailing opmion is that the only effectual relief for its embarrass- 



LETTER FROM JAMES IV. BARBOUR. 41 

ments is in the hands of the people tJicinsclves. We regret very 
much the measure to which you have thought yourselves con- 
strained to resort at Frankfort. The Secretary of the Treasury 
said to me that he thought, from the exhibit which he had of 
your affliirs, there was no sort of necessity for it, and he added, 
" that he could no longer give any sort of credit to your paper." 
I would be obliged to you to inform me what amount of paper 
you may issue, and what is the price of stock since the suspen- 
sion, and whether any period is thought of when a resumption 
of specie is contemplated. To give us even as much money as 
before, you must put out an amount equivalent to the deprecia- 
tion, which again will occasion further depreciation, and so on 
ad infinituiii. Tell Bibb he is a lazy fellow, but lazy as he is, I 
must subscribe myself his and your 

Faithful friend, 

Henry Clay. 

(James W. Barbour to John J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, February 6, 1820. 

Dear Sir, — I sincerely regret that your private affairs made 
it necessary for you to leave the Senate. Among our regrets 
to which this life is subject there are few more unpleasant than 
those resulting from sudden and unexpected separations from 
those whom we delight to call friends. I hope it is unneces- 
sary for me to state that my regard for you justifies me in tell- 
ing you that such were my feelings on hearing that we were 
probably to see each other no more. You have, however, been 
relieved from one of the most irksome tasks I have ever expe- 
rienced, — the discussion of the Missouri question. Who could 
have thought, last session, that the little speck we then saw was 
to be swelled into the importance it has now assumed, and that 
upon its decision depended the duration of the Union ? TJie 
dissolution is one of the alternatives spoken of, rather than sub- 
mit to the spirit of aggression which marks the course of our 
antagonists. A proposition has now been made for a compro- 
mise, — the amendment proposed by Thomas, which, I believe, 
unpleasant as it is, will be acceded to, as a lesser evil than 
either dividing the Union, or throwing it into confusion. The 
great movers of this question are against all compromise, leaving 
strong suspicions that they look to it as a means to acquire 
power, and unless speedily adjusted, such will be the result. I 
have been laboring incessantly on this subject, and if I can have 
industry enough to write out my remarks, the delivery of which 
cost me the best of two days, I will send you a copy. 
Accept assurances of the most friendly regards. 

J. W. Barbour. 

John J. Crittenden. 



42 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. Crittenden's house in Frankfort was a straggling, old- 
fashioned house on the corner of Main Street. The front door 
opened immediately on the street, and led into a wide hall which 
separated the dining-room and parlor. In fair summer evenings, 
the custom of the family was to take tea some time before night, 
and then assemble at the front door, which was only elevated 
about a foot and a half above the level of the street. The 
house was entered by two broad stone steps, and opposite these, 
on the outer edge of the pavement, were several massive marble 
steps, half circular, which had formed originally the base of 
some of the stone columns of the old capitol, burned down in 
1826. Upon these steps the family and the guests (for there 
were always guests) seated themselves, the old folks on the sill 
of the door and the house-steps, the boys and girls (as Mr. 
Crittenden continued to call his children as long as he lived) 
on the steps opposite. The neighbors and friends would soon 
gather in and join the group at the front door. One of the boys 
would make his way with difficulty into the house, and hand 
out chairs through the low windows. Stragglers taking their 
evening walk would pause for awhile, and take part in the con- 
versation, then move on, and others would take the vacant 
seats. Often the group assembled would be so large that the 
pavement would be filled up, and those who did not wish to 
pause would pass by on the other side. 

There is no feature of the family life, as connected with Mr. 
Crittenden, more indelibly impressed upon my mind than these 
evening gatherings. Mr. Crittenden's cordial and kindly greet- 
ing, his warm sympathy and interest in all that concerned the 
welfare of his friends and neighbors ; his inimitable style of 
telling an anecdote and detailing the news of the day could not 
be surpassed ; his quick appreciation of even an attempt at wit 
encouraged the timid to do their best, and sent every one home 
between ten and eleven satisfied with himself and admiring 
and loving him more than ever. First in the order of the day 
or night, on these occasions, were family news, kind inquiries 
for the sick and the absent, little narratives of the wonderful 
children everybody had or supposed themselves to have, then 
politics in the largest sense, local and general. 

Every man in Kentucky was a politician, and felt that he had 



FAMILY LIFE. 43 

the might and the right to be a public speaker, if he chose, and 
the women and children generally thought the same of them- 
selves. In early times, I recollect a row of tall Lombardy 
poplars, all along the front of the house ; they were grand old 
trees, " growing ever upward, having neither fruit nor flowers, 
and giving no shade ;" they were considered cumberers of the 
ground, and were cut down and replaced by locusts. I remem- 
ber them with regret. The tree has grown out of fashion, but 
whenever I see one it brings back misty recollections of the 
past and of the old home-life. Mr. Crittenden had a real affec- 
tion for his trees ; his locusts were topped from time to time, 
and watched over with great care. He had a habit of talking 
to himself with animation. He came down generally before 
breakfast and walked in front of the house. If alone, he talked 
and gesticulated earnestly, to the amusement of the children, 
who were peeping at him through the window. Strangers, 
guests in the house, would sometimes catch a glimpse of 
him, and say, " Why, who is Mr. Crittenden talking to ?" 
They would be highly amused when the thing was explained, 
and join the children at their post of observation. The old 
corner tree, which was twisted and gnarled and unsightly to 
every other eye, was his especial favorite ; he would stand by it 
every morning, tapping it with his cane, and holding with it, 
seemingly, an animated conversation. These seem trivial things 
to recall, but the old Frankfort people will be gladly reminded 
of them, and these simple facts will bring back with them other 
memories of Mr. Crittenden : his cheerful " good-morning," 
his ready sympathy, his unostentatious hospitality, and all the 
nameless charm of manner, which not even his political oppo- 
nents could resist. Mr. Crittenden was, indeed, hospitable in a 
grand old way, not as many men are with their superfluity, for, 
in his whole life, he never knew " that thing!' It was his 
custom to entertain the senators and members of the Kentucky 
legislature every winter, giving about three dinners a week, and 
thus entertaining, before the session closed, every member more 
than once. These dinners were of the simplest character. In 
early days " old Bourbon" figured largely at the feast, but later, 
when times grew hard and money scarce, it was dispensed with. 
A big fish and a saddle of venison were the principal dishes, and 



44 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

vegetables of old Kentucky growth the only addition. In 
those days, I am confident that French peas and asparagus 
would have been looked upon with suspicion and avoided. I 
believe that a merrier and wittier set of fellows were never 
assembled around any table than those Kentucky lawyers and 
politicians. 



CHAPTER IV. 
1820-1823. 

Old and New Court Question — Commission to settle the Boundary Line between 
Tennessee and Kentucky — Ferguson's Defeat — General Shelby — Letters. 

MR. CRITTENDEN did not return to the Senate till 
1835; during the period from 1819 to 1835 he was 
elected to the legislature of Kentucky repeatedly, and made 
Speaker of the House. 

This was a most exciting period in Kentucky. The Old and 
New Court question, originally called Relief and Anti-Relief, was 
agitating the State as no other question has ever agitated it. 

This was altogether a local question, but as Mr. Crittenden 
was greatly interested and took a prominent part in the dissen- 
sion of the day, it may be well to give a sketch of the rise, 
progress, and defeat of the New Court party. 

The termination of the War of 18 12, with Great Britain, was 
followed by financial distress throughout the whole country, 
but particularly in Kentucky ; the people were greatly in debt, 
and not content to trust to industry and economy for relief, they 
cried to the legislature for aid. Carried away by the force of 
popular feeling, the legislature of 1820-21 assembled and 
passed first a sixty-days' " stop-law," of all legal process of col- 
lection of debts, and then a two-years' replevin law, in connection 
with the establishment of the Commonwealth's Bank, which 
issued and loaned to the people, in every county, three 
millions of paper money. This currency soon became worth 
only fifty cents on the dollar, but the legislature required the 
creditors to receive it in full payment, or to wait two years for 
the specie. The law was pronounced unconstitutional by one 
or two of the Circuit Court judges, and their decision sustained 
by the Court of Appeals, composed of Boyle, Owsley, and 
Mills. A violent excitement throughout the State was the 
result. The following legislature repealed those judges out of 

(45) 



4b LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

office, and reconstructed the Court of Appeals, making it to con- 
sist of four members, of whom WilHam T. Barry was chief jus- 
tice. Amos Kendall was the editor of the Argus, published at 
that time in Frankfort, and this paper was the organ of the 
Radical party. 

A condition of public feeling followed in Kentucky only less 
violent than civil war. Private friendships were broken up, and 
danger of strife and bloodshed was imminent. The Old Court 
party contended that the Court of Appeals was established by 
the Constitution ; was intended to be, and was, in fact, inde- 
pendent of legislative control; that its repeal was a legislative 
usurpation of power, and a practical overthrow of one of the 
co-ordinate departments of the government ; that liberty itself 
lay prostrate at the foot of a legislative majority for the time 
being ; that the Constitution intended the three departments — 
legislative, executive, and judicial — to be co-ordinate, independ- 
ent, and reciprocal checks. True liberty could only consist in 
this arrangement of power. 

• After several years of bitterness and strife, the Old Court 
party prevailed, the old judges were reinstated, and the New 
Court decisions were set aside. 

Order and peace were restored, but the New Court party 
became, almost without exception, Jackson Democrats, or Red 
Republicans, and the Old Court party, Whigs, or Conservatives. 
These two parties, their leaders and followers, have continued 
with but little variation to the present time. Mr. Crittenden 
belonged to the Old Court party, — was, in fact, its leading spirit. 
He was made president of the Commonwealth's Bank, and con- 
tinued to fill that position for some time. 

Among the many private friendships interrupted by this em- 
bittered state of feeling, Mr. Crittenden numbered two devoted 
and cherished friends, — George M. Bibb and Francis P. Blair. 
Every man who knew Mr. Crittenden remembers how he loved 
his friends. A friend once found was, indeed, "grappled to his 
soul with hooks of steel." Under no doubtful or suspicious 
circumstances was he ever given up. This characteristic of his 
was so marked, that many of those who loved and admired him 
considered it a weakness and reproached him for it. Judge S. 
S. Nicholas, of Louisville, Kentucky, told me that he was at one 



LETTER FROM J. W. BARBOUR. ^ 

time so exasperated with F. P. Blair for the unjust aspersions 
he had cast upon Mr. Crittenden, that he resolved never again 
to recognize him as an acquaintance. Being in Washington 
about this time, he entered one of the departments to visit Mr. 
Crittenden ; found several gentlemen present, and among them 
Preston Blair. True to his purpose. Judge Nicholas straight- 
ened himself up and passed by Blair without even bowing. Mr. 
Crittenden received the judge with that kindly greeting and 
cordial grasp of the hand the magic charm of which many 
will remember; then, with some little embarrassment, he 
turned the judge around hastily, in front of Preston Blair, 
and said, " Here, Nicholas, — here is our old friend Blair. I 
know you will be glad to see him." There was no resisting 
this, said the judge: " I could but speak to Blair. As Mr. Crit- 
tenden would not resent Blair's conduct to himself, I could not 
very consistently do so." 

(J. W. Barbour to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Barboursville, May 31, 1820, 
Dear Sir, — I had intended to have written to you by Judge 
Logan, who left us before the adjournment without any antici- 
pation, on my part, that he meant to do so. I most cordially 
wish that you may very soon realize your golden prospects, as 
well for yourself as for your country. Take care, however, that 
your limits do not recede as you advance upon them. Enough 
has never yet been accurately bounded. Independence is a 
jewel of inestimable price, and should be forever kept in view, 
at least by the head of a family. In pursuing it, you give high 
proofs of prudence. That you will soon reach it I have no 
doubt. The session closed with the catastrophe of the tariff; 
not quite as important as the Missouri question, but probably 
the undisputed progeny of the policy that seeks to promote the 
interest of one portion of the Union at the expense of another. 
Deprived, however, of much of its consequence, from the cir- 
cumstance that it was not so sectional in the support given it- 
Had Tompkins been elected governor of New York, there 
would have been considerable commotion among the aspirants 
to the two great offices. His defeat was a perfect damper. 
They are, for the present, in the language of diplomacy, placed 
" ad referendum." In a year or two they will be, like Falstaff's 
reasons, as thick as blackberries. The old Revolutionary gen- 
eration has passed away. The new presents so many who are 
really equal, or think themselves so (which is the same thing), 



48 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

that every section of the Union will have its claims, except Vir- 
ginia. She, by common consent, is to repose on the recollection 
of what she has done. I fear, however, that the slave question 
will be revived in all its fury, and will be sufficient to bar the 
door against either a Southern or Western man. Time, how- 
ever, will decide these things. It is not my nature to anticipate 
evil. I inclose you thirty dollars, as the fee in my case. Let 
me hear from you as soon as possible after its decision, or in 
the mean time, if convenient. 

Your friend, J. \V. Barbour. 

Mr. Crittenden was appointed one of the Commissioners to 
settle the boundary line between Tennessee and Kentucky, and 
the following is his report : 

To the Honorable the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of /Kentucky, on the 

Boundary Line of that State. 

The undersigned, one of your Commissioners, respectfully 
reports : That the two Commissioners appointed for that psr- 
pose, in pursuance of the act of Assembly, approved the ist 
instant, proceeded to confer and negotiate with the Commission- 
ers of the State of Tennessee for the settlement and adjustment 
of the disputed boundary between the two States. 

It may, perhaps, be necessary, for the more clear understand- 
ing of this report, to trace very briefly the origin and grounds 
of this dispute. 

By the original charter of Virginia, granted by James I., in 
the year , she would have included in her boundaries con- 
siderable extent of territory southward of the parallel of north 
36° 30' north latitude. This charter, however, was repealed in 
the year ; and afterwards, in the year , the charter of 
Carolina was granted, by which the territory of V^irginia was 
restricted on the south, and a line to be run on the parallel of 
latitude above mentioned, " throughout the land from sea to 
sea," was, in effect, established as the boundary of the territories 
of Virginia and Carolina, and was, by both of them, regarded and 
considered as the limit of their respective sovereignty and right. 
As the population of those States, then provinces, advanced west- 
ward, and as convenience and policy required, this scientific line 
of division was ascertained and marked, and some time previous 
to the year 1778 had been extended, and marked by Jefferson 
and Fry as far as to a point on Sleep Rock Creek, about sixty 
miles east from Cumberland Mountain. About the last-men- 
tioned period settlements began to be so far multiplied, west of 
the mountains, that it became necessary, for the purposes of 
government, that the line of division between the territories of 



BOUNDARY LINE OF KENTUCKY. 49 

the two States should be still farther extended. Many circum- 
stances rendered that measure necessary. The governments of 
both States had sold and issued, and provided for the selling 
and issuing of land-warrants to individuals, to be located by 
them on the vacant land of the West. It became, therefore, the 
duty of both States, by a demarkation of their boundary, to 
avoid, as far as possible, all conflict between the claims granted 
by the one and the other, and to put it in the power of every 
individual to know where to locate his warrant with certainty 
and security. Influenced by some or all of these considerations, it 
was agreed between said States that the boundary line between 
them should be extended and marked from the point on Sleep 
Rock Creek, where the line of the former Commissioners, Jeffer- 
son and Fry, terminated, as far westward as the Tennessee River. 
And, accordingly, Walker and others on the part of Virginia, 
and Henderson and others on the part of North Carolina, were 
appointed Commissioners by their respective States, for the pur- 
pose of so extending and marking said line. The Commis- 
sioners met at Sleep Rock Creek, and having ascertained the 
point of beginning and made the necessary observations, then 
commenced the running and marking of said line. Before they 
reached the eastern foot of the Cumberland Mountain, the 
Commissioners of the two States differed about the latitude of 
the line they were to run, — Henderson's observations inclining 
him to go farther north than Dr. Walker's. The parties being 
unable to come to any agreement upon the subject, finally 
separated. The North Carolina Commissioners returned home, 
the Virginia Commissioners went on ; ascertained, as they sup- 
posed, the true latitude, and marked the line, with some inter- 
vals, as far westward as where it strikes the Tennessee River. 

This line was made in the years 1779 and 1780, and is the 
same which has ever since been so generally known and called 
by the name of " Walker's line." In the year the District 

of Kentucky became an independent State, and entitled to all 
the territorial rights of Virginia, west of the line which sepa- 
rates Kentucky from that State. The territory which forms the 
State of Tennessee was ceded by North Carolina to the United 
States on the day of , , under the 

authority of a law of that State, passed , , and 

Tennessee was admitted into the Union as an independent State 
in the year 1796. It follows from this statement, either that 
"Walker's line," or a line upon the parallel of 36° 30' north lati- 
tude, is the coterminous boundary of the States of Kentucky 
and Tennessee. The Assembly of Virginia, in the year 1781, 
passed an act which recites that, " Whereas, a considerable part 
of the tract of country allotted for the officers and soldiers. 
VOL. I. — 4 



50 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

by an act entitled, etc., etc., hath, upon the extension of the 
boundary h'nc between this State and North Carolina, fallen into 
that State, and the intentions of the said act are so far frus- 
trated," and then provides that other lands, therein described, 
shall be " substituted in lieu of such lands so fallen into the said 
State of North Carolina." By another Act of Assembly of the 
State of Virginia, passed on the day of , 

1791, it is recited by way of preamble, "that official informa- 
tion had been received by the General Assembly that the 
legislature of North Carolina have resolved to establish the 
line commonly called "Walker's line," as the boundary between 
North Carolina and this Commonwealth, and it is judged expe- 
dient to confirm and establish the said line on the part of this 
State." And it was then enacted, " that the line commonly 
called and known by the name of ' Walker's line,' shall be, and the 
same is hereby declared to be, the boundary line of this State." 
The Commissioners have not been able to find the act or reso- 
lution of the legislature of North Carolina, which is alluded to 
in the preamble to the last-recited act of Virginia, or to obtain 
any other information of it than what is afforded by that pre- 
amble. Nor does it appear, from any researches which your 
Commissioners have been able to make, that any communica- 
tion or agreement had taken place, or been made, between Vir- 
ginia and Carolina, in relation to " Walker's line," antecedent to 
the Virginia act of 1 791, and the resolution of the legislature of 
Carolina therein alluded to ; but from various acts of the North 
Carolina legislature, passed in the year 1781 and 1786, and 
between those periods, it appears pretty strongly that, even at 
that time, they regarded " Walker's line " as the boundary 
between them and Virginia. In several of those acts, passed 
for the erection of new counties, and containing a description of 
their boundaries, there are calls for the " Virginia line;" and in 
some instances the position and locality of that line are 
described in such a way as to leave little doubt but that 
" Walker's line" was intended. 

The States of Kentucky and Tennessee having been formed 
respectively out of the Western territories of Virginia and North 
Carolina, are entitled each to all the territorial rights of its 
parent State. And of course the coterminous boundary of those 
Western territories of Virginia and Carolina, whatever it may 
be, must be the true and proper line of division between the 
States of Kentucky and Tennessee, — and whether " Walker's 
line" is to be considered as their proper coterminous boundary, 
or whether that boundary is to be sought for and established 
now upon the chartered latitudinal line of 36° 30' north, is the 
question in controversy between the States of Kentucky and 



BOUNDARY LINE OF KENTUCKY. 51 

Tennessee. It is deemed unnecessary to enter into any detail 
of the proceedings of those States in relation to this subject. 
Too much excitement has prevailed between them. Some of 
their acts have been precipitate and inconsistent, others rash and 
angry, — the remembrance of which can only be useful as a 
means of guarding against their repetition. 

It is only necessary to remark further on this branch of the 
subject, that the line run by Walker has ever since, whether 
rightfully or not, been observed and regarded as the actual 
boundary of jurisdiction by all parties, and that this question 
of boundary never became a subject of legislative attention or 
of dispute between the two States now interested till about the 

year . Till about that time it is believed that the general 

opinion of those who thought " Walker's line" erroneous was, 
that it was south and not north of the proper latitude of 36° 30'. 
It has, however, been since ascertained, beyond any reasonable 
doubt, that " Walker's line," or a very great proportion of it, 
is north of the proper latitude, and that as it extends westward 
from the Cumberland Mountain, it gradually diverges farther 
and farther from the parallel of 36° 30' north latitude. The 
experiments made during the last summer by Messrs. Alex- 
ander and Munsell demonstrate this divergence. They ascer- 
tained the latitude of ^G^ 30' north on the Mississippi River, 
and found it to be seventeen miles south of where " Walker's 
line," if extended, would strike the same river. They then ran 
a line eastward on that latitude to the Tennessee River, — a dis- 
tance of about sixty-five miles, — and at the termination of their 
line found that it was only about thirteen miles from " Walker's 
line." If this line of Alexander and Munsell be correct, and 
should, if extended, continue to approximate " Walker's line" 
in the degree, it is verv evident that these two lines would not 
only converge to a point, but would cross each other some 
miles on this side of the Cumberland Mountain, which, accord- 
ing to Walker's mensuration and report, is about two hundred 
and forty-seven miles from the point at which his line intersects 
the Tennessee. Such is the general history of the origin and 
grounds of the dispute between Kentucky and Tennessee, and 
of the most important facts which relate to it. Your Commis- 
sioners proceeded to the task assigned them with a deep sense 
of their responsibility, and of the high importance of a subject 
involving directly the interest and harmony of two States, form- 
ing parts of one common country united by local situation and 
political ties, and almost identified by sympathy of feeling, con- 
geniality of character, and the still more endearing ties of con- 
sanguinity. 

In the course of our negotiations your Commissioners sub- 



52 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

mitted to those of Tennessee the followinfj propositions : First, 
that " Walker's Hne," from Cumberland Mountain to the Ten- 
nessee River, should so far form the boundary of the two States; 
that for all the lands lying between that part of " Walker's line" 
above described and the line of latitude 36° 30' north the State 
of Tennessee is to give to Kentucky an equivalent in territory, 
to be laid off between the Tennessee and Mississippi Rivers, on 
the south side of and adjoining to the line which was run during 
the last summer by Alexander and Munsell, and to be included 
in a line to be run from the one to the other of said rivers, and 
parallel to the said line of Alexander and Munsell; and that the 
line, including said equivalent, to be run as aforesaid from the 
Mississippi to the Tennessee, and thence down the latter to the 
termination of " Walker's line," should be also established as 
completing the boundary between the two States. 

The second proposition was, that the said line of Alexander 
and Munsell, from the Mississippi to the Tennessee River, 
thence down that river to the point where " Walker's line" 
strikes it, thence with " Walker's line" to the point where it 
approaches nearest to the mouth of Obed's River, and from 
that point due north or south to the parallel of 36° 30' north 
latitude, and thence eastward on that parallel of latitude to the 
eastern extremity of this State, should form the permanent 
boundary between said States. 

Both these propositions were rejected by the Tennessee Com- 
missioners, who had submitted to us the following propositions: 
That "Walker's line" to the Tennessee River, thence up the 
same, on the western bank thereof, to the line of Alexander and 
Munsell, and thence with that line to the Mississippi River, 
should form the boundary between said States, and that recip- 
rocal engagements should be made for the confirmation of 
certain claims granted by the States of Virginia and North 
Carolina, respectively, and which had been located south of 
" Walker's line," and north of Alexander and Munsell's line. 
And this proposition, submitted by them as the basis of a com- 
promise and settlement, was declared to be, in substance, their 
ultimatum. The two propositions submitted by your Commis- 
sioners were rejected, and the propositions submitted by the 
Tennessee Commissioners remained as the only basis on which 
a settlement and compromise could probably be effected. On 
these propositions your Commissioners were divided. Mr. 
Rowan was entirely opposed to the boundary which was pro- 
posed, and refused on that account to accede to the terms 
offered. The undersigned was willing to have accepted the pro- 
posed limits with a slight modification, making the Tennessee 
River, instead of its western bank, the boundary of the two States, 



BOUNDARY LINE OF KENTUCKY. 



53 



and giving to each a common and concurrent jurisdiction over 
it. Your Commisssioners disagreeing upon this principal and 
important point, did not much consider or discuss the incidental 
propositions which related to the claims of individuals. The un- 
dersigned entertained some doubts about the power of the Com- 
missioners to enter into stipulations concerning those claims. 
But, if stipulations were to be made on this subject, he thought 
that those proposed by the Commissioners of Tennessee ought 
to be modified. Your Commissioners informed those of Ten- 
nessee of their disagreement upon the propositions submitted 
to them, and that, of course, no settlement could be made upon 
those terms. And in the same note which communicated that 
result, they proposed that the matters of controversy between 
the two States should be referred to the decision of such distin- 
guished men as might be mutually agreed upon, and who 
should neither be citizens of Tennessee or Kentucky, Virginia 
or North Carolina, or of any other State formed out of territory 
which belonged to either of the latter States. This proposition 
was also declined by the Tennessee Commissioners. 

And here terminated our negotiations with them. In addi- 
tion to the above statement, and in order that the legislature may 
have the amplest information, it may be proper to remark that 
the Tennessee Commissioners expressed their perfect readiness 
to accede to any modification of their propositions that should 
not essentially change them, and particularly that they would 
agree that the Tennessee River, instead of its western bank, 
should be the boundary; and that it should be subject to the 
common jurisdiction of both States; and that they would make 
any modifications in their propositions which related to private 
claims, which should render them more satisfactory, or make 
them more equitable and reciprocal; or, in fine, that if it was 
preferred by Kentucky, they would waive all stipulations or 
engagements about private claims, and leave individuals without 
prejudice to assert and pursue their rights in any lawful way they 
might think proper. And upon the whole, the undersigned has 
no doubt that all other matters might have been satisfactorily 
arranged, if your Commissioners could have agreed upon the 
boundary of the two States as proposed by the Commissioners 
of Tennessee. 

In differing with his more able and enlightened colleague, the 
undersigned has experienced the deepest and most sincere regret, 
and he feels so sensibly how much the burden of his responsi- 
bility has been thereby increased, that although he will not pre- 
sume to attempt an elaborate argument upon a subject with 
which your honorable body is so well acquainted, he yet hopes 
that, without being considered obtrusive, he may be allowed 



54 LIFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

to suggest some of those views which have influenced his 
conduct. 

The only question of difificulty between the two States is, 
whether " Walker's line" should be established, as Tennessee 
insists, or whether the line of division shall be sought for and 
fixed, as Kentucky has contended, upon the latitude of 36° 30' 
north. The undersigned has not so much considered on this 
subject what was abstractedly right or abstractedly wrong, but 
what was the best, the most politic, the most equitable, the most 
magnanimous that could be expected or done. And in this 
aspect of the subject he was willing to have concurred in the 
boundary proposed by the Commissioners of Tennessee. Upon 
the question of dispute between the two States, the undersigned 
did believe that in strictness the mere right was with Kentucky, 
and that there had been no such mutual and direct confirma- 
tion of " Walker's line" as would render it obligatory upon 
Kentucky in a court of law. But there are many circumstances 
that are calculated to mitigate this right, that address them- 
selves strongly to us, and plead against a rigorous assertion 
of it. 

Walker's was a line of demarkation made by our own parent 
State. In the year after it was completed that same parent 
State, by the act of 1781, before referred to, recognized it in 
the most emphatic manner as the limit of her territory. And 
again, by her act of 1791, before Kentucky had become an 
independent State, while she yet formed a part of the " Com- 
monwealth" of Virginia, and before the authority of that 
State, as expressly reserved by the act or compact of 1789, had 
ceased over this country, she, in the most solemn manner, con- 
firms and establishes " Walker's line," and acknowledges that 
she had previously received " official information" that North 
Carolina had also " resolved" to establish it. But it is said that 
this resolution of North Carolina and this act of Virginia were 
entirely moperative because, some short time previous to the 
said act of 1791, North Carolina had ceded her western terri- 
tories, according to their " chartered" limits, to the United 
States. Admit this argument to be conclusive, but let us ask 
if this transaction was so understood by the States of Virginia 
and North Carolina? Did they consider their act and resolu- 
tion as mere nullities? And did they yet enact and resolve, as 
it appears they did, from the above-recited act of 1791 ? No, 
they most certainly did consider themselves as then competent 
to fix the boundary of their western territories, and Vii-ginia 
did, in all probability, consider her act of 1791 as effectual and 
conclusive upon that subject. If, then, the States of Virginia 
and Carolina so considered and understood their own acts, does 



BOUNDARY LINE OF KENTUCKY. 55 

it best become their descendants, Kentucky and Tennessee, 
to apply to those acts rules of construction which will en- 
tirely defeat and frustrate their effect, or to observe them, 
according to the understanding of the original parties, and in 
the same spirit of amity and conciliation? 

" Walker's line," since the year 1780, and for about the space 
of forty years, has been observed as the line of division and 
jurisdiction. North Carolina, the United States, and the State 
of Tennessee have each in succession, as they were the sove- 
reigns of the country, exercised jurisdiction on the south up to 
" Walker's line." That line for the same period has limited 
the jurisdiction of Virginia and Kentucky. Counties and county 
towns have on both sides been established with reference to 
this line. And with very few exceptions it has guided and 
regulated individuals, claiming under Virginia or Carolina, in 
their locations and appropriations of land. The effect of a 
change of this boundary for one a few miles farther south, 
will be to confound and endanger individual rights, to disturb 
and derange the municipal regulations, the counties and other 
sectional divisions of both States, and to coerce a reluctant 
people into subjection to our government. Ought all these 
considerations to be sacrificed to the acquisition of a strip of 
territory a few miles in breadth, along our southern border? 
or do they not rather strongly prompt us to a forbearance of 
our right and to the establishment of an old and long-respected 
boundary? Is this little acquisition necessary to the dignity 
and consequence of Kentucky? Surely it is not; and it does 
appear to the undersigned that the annexation of it to this 
State would be much less beneficial to us than the dismember- 
ment of it from Tennessee would be injurious to them. 

But suppose that all these considerations avail nothing; sup- 
pose that Kentucky, regardless of consequences, determines to 
insist upon her right to the disputed territory, and to compel 
its reluctant inhabitants to a state of vassalage, or, what is the 
same thing, unwilling submission to her government, — by what 
course is she to effect it ? Tennessee has possession, a pos- 
session which has continued uninterrupted forty years. There 
is no tribunal before which a reluctant State can be arrayed. 
Congress has repeatedly refused, though urged in the strongest 
manner, to pass any law authorizing the Supreme Court of the 
United States to take cognizance of controversies between 
States. If their negotiation and compromise fail, where is our 
remedy? What is the value of our naked and abstract right 
— "a right without a remedy?" 

There may now be some magnanimity and generosity dis- 
played in sacrificing it to the peace and harmon)' of the two 



56 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

States. We shall thereby also obtain a peaceable and quiet 
possession of all the territory which we claim, west of the Ten- 
nessee, and which would, in all probability, otherwise become 
the scene of active controversy and dangerous collision between 
the two States. Upon the whole, then, the undersigned could 
perceive no advantages likely to result to Kentucky from a 
protraction of this disagreeable controversy. He considered 
it as worse than useless to hold up " in terrorem" a barren 
right to be brandished a few years longer in vexatious contest, 
and then to sink into that oblivion to which time will inevitably 
consign every right which is not accompanied with its proper 
remedy. 

Influenced by these circumstances and considerations, the 
undersigned was willing to establish " Walker's line," and to 
accede to the terms proposed by the Commissioners of Ten- 
nessee, with such modifications as they afterwards expressed 
themselves ready to allow. And in so doing, he trusts that he 
should in naught have committed either the interest or honor 
of Kentucky. For anxious, as he is willing to acknowledge 
he was, to see all matters of difference amicably settled, and 
proud as he should have been to have been instrumental in the 
humblest degree in removing every obstacle to the peace and 
harmony of two States so united, so allied, and so congenial 
in character, yet all these feelings are subordinate to that supe- 
rior attachment and love which binds him to the interest and 
honor of his own native State. And in acceding to the pro- 
posed terms of compromise, he trusts that he has in naught 
committed either her honor or her true interest. 

The undersigned begs leave to tender his sincere acknowl- 
edgments for the honor conferred on him by your honorable 
body by placing him in . this important commission. And 
although he and his colleague have failed, he yet hopes that 
the superior wisdom of your honorable body may devise means 
for the accomplishment of the desirable object you had in view. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mr. Crittenden assisted General Shelby in the preparation 
of his defense against the charges brought by Colonel Preston 
against the old hero. 

The following letter from General Shelby to Mr. Crittenden 
with relation to Ferguson's defeat, will no doubt be an object 
of interest ; 

Danville, June 16th, 1823. 

My dear Sir, — You have no doubt before this seen the 
replies of both General Preston and his son to my publication. 



FERGUSON'S DEFEAT.— GENERAL SHELBY. 57 

Colonel Preston proposes to establish for his own father the 
merit of planning the expedition which led to Ferguson's defeat. 

I have examined the subject in my own mind in every point 
of view, and cannot, in the remotest manner, discover wherein 
General Preston could have had any agency in this exploit. I 
lived nearly one hundred and twenty miles from him, in a dif- 
ferent State, and had no kind of communication with him on 
the subject, and from every recollection, I am convinced that 
the statement I gave you is indisputably true. I recollect, how- 
ever, that Major Cloyd, with three hundred men from the 
county of Montgomery, commanded by Colonel Preston, fought 
an action with the Tories at the shallow ford of the Yadkin 
River, nearly one hundred miles north of King's Mountain, 
about two weeks after the defeat of Ferguson. It has always 
been a mystery to me as to Cloyd's destination, or that of the 
enemy whom he encountered. I have only understood that 
they met accidentally in the road, and that the enemy was com- 
posed of the Tories in the neighborhood, and of the Bryants, 
of Kentucky, some of whom were killed in the fight. 

If Ferguson was Cloyd's object, he was too weak to effect 
anything, and besides. Lord Cornwallis, with the British army, 
lay directly in the route between them. My convictions are 
so clear on this point I have no fear that General Preston can 
render my statement doubtful. He proposes, too, to invalidate 
the testimony of Moses Shelby. I will, for your own satis- 
faction, give you a short sketch of his history. Moses was in 
his nineteenth year when he left his father's house to join the 
expedition against Ferguson, and had never before, to my 
knowledge, been more than forty miles from home. It is well 
known that our march was too rapid for a youth of that age to 
trespass in any manner, the army having marched two or three 
hundred miles, and fought the battle in twelve days, three of 
which we were detained on the road from different causes. 
Moses was severely wounded at the Mountain, and the bone 
of one thigh being fractured, he could be carried but a short 
distance from the battle-ground, where he lay on his back 
nearly three months, and was only able to ride out a few days 
before General Morgan came up into the district of Ninety- 
Six. He joined Morgan but a day or two before the battle 
of the Cowpens, on the 17th of January, 178 1. Here he was 
wounded more severely than at the Mountain, and lay, until 
March or April, under the hands of a surgeon. When Colonel 
Clarke, of Georgia, came on with his followers to commence 
the siege of Augusta, his wounds were still sore and open, but 
at the warm solicitations of Clarke, Moses joined the expedition, 
and was appointed captain of horse. It is well known that the 



58 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

siege lasted until May or June following, in which Moses was 
actively engaged, and Clarke asserted to many that he made 
several charges on the enemy, who sallied during the siege, 
which would have done honor to Count Pulaski. Moses re- 
turned home shortly after the siege, and never crossed the 
mountains again during the war. The next year, 1782, he, 
with other adventurers, went to the new settlements, then 
iorming where Nashville now stands, where he continued off 
and on until he married, two or three years afterwards. As the 
settlements progressed down the Cumberland, he was always 
among the foremost of the pioneers. He finally settled in what 
is now called Livingston County, Kentucky, where, at the unani- 
mous solicitation of the inhabitants, he was appointed colonel 
of the new county, about the year 1793. He had the command 
for a number of years. And after the acquisition of Louisiana, 
he removed to that territor}^, and now resides on the west side 
of the Mississippi, two miles below New Madrid, covered with 
the scars of thirteen deep wounds, received in defense of his 
country, from which he is too proud to receive a pension, always 
disdaining to apply for one. In his youth he was of a warm and 
ardent disposition, always ready to risk his life for a friend, and 
profuse of his property (of which he had a considerable inherit- 
ance), even to a fault. It would exceed the bounds of a letter 
to give you a statement of the many hair-breadth escapes and 
imminent dangers through which he passed. Soon after his 
marriage he became impressed with religious sentiments, joined 
the Methodist Church, liberated his slaves, and, so far as I know 
and believe, has always supported a good character in that 
county. 

It is possible, while at the South, in 1780-81, from his ardent 
disposition and the prevailing excitement of the times, that he 
may in some cases have acted imprudently. The war between 
the' Whigs and Tories was carried on with the utmost rancor 
and malice, each endeavoring to do the greatest injur)- to the 
other. 

Colonel Willoughby, whose affidavit has been published, 
swears to no point. He lived three hundred miles from the 
scene of action, and his information may have been very erro- 
neous. 

If, however. General Preston proves ^//^/r;///;' anything more, 
he shall be answered. 

I have made this hasty sketch for your own satisfaction. 
I remain, dear sir, very respectfully, your friend, 

Isaac Shelby. 

John J. Crittenden. 



, LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 59 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

AsHiAND, September 13, 1823. 

Dear Crittenden, — I received your letter by Mr. Davis. I 
participate most cordially with you in the just solicitude which 
the dispute between Messrs. Breckenridge and Wickliffe awakens. 
When it was first mentioned to me, considering the peculiar cir- 
cumstances and the character of one of the parties, I feared that 
all private interference would be unavailing, and that the best 
course would be an appeal to the civil authority, with its chances 
of delay, — cooling of the passions, and possible ultimate accom- 
modation. Supposing the intercession of the civil power, would 
not Mr. W. be relieved from the necessity of having the inter- 
view, and Mr. B. be stripped of any ground to carry into effect 
the alternative, which it is said he menaced ? There is, how- 
ever, no incompatibility between the two courses, which may 
be tried in succession, or simultaneously, according to circum- 
stances. I have therefore prepared and, on my own part, signed 
a letter addressed to the parties, and which may be signed by 
botJi, or either of you, and the governor. If the relations of one 
of them to your brother should induce you to withhold your 
signature, that of the governor may be affixed without yours. 
I would advise a copy of this letter to be delivered to each of 
the seconds; and considering that it is uncertain where they 
may meet, I would suggest that one of the judges of the Court 
of Appeals or Circuit Courts be applied to for a warrant to bind 
the parties. The public rumor of their intention to meet will 
form a sufficient ground for his action. One of the motives 
which took me to Woodford was to see you. The melancholy 
event which occurred there of private affliction to you (on which 
I offer you my sincere condolence) deprived me of that pleas- 
ure. My health is not re-established, but is improving, and I 
begin to feel that I see land, or rather, that I may not get 
under it. 

I am faithfully yours, 

Henry Clay. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER V. 
1824 — 1829. 

Letters — Jackson and Adams — Letters — Appointed, in 1827, United States Attorney 
for Kentucky — Removed by General Jackson — Nominated by President Adams 
to the Supreme Court — Letter of Mr. C. to a Friend, written from College of 
William and Mary. 

(George M. Bibb to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, March 8, 1S24. 

DEAR JOHN, — That there are men who will ascribe my 
actions to any motive but a reasonable one, I know, but 
that any should suppose that I have come to Washington for the 
purpose of electioneering against Mr. Clay is an extravagance that 
I did not anticipate would have been charged against me. My 
great motive in coming here was to get a hearing and decision 
in my suit for the land at Falmouth ; in this I have succeeded. 
The opinion is delivered, and is in my favor. I endeavored to lay 
a contribution on other suitors in the court to help pay expenses 
of the trip, but the people of Kentucky are not drilled to paying 
fees to the lawyers. They pay in promises. As to Mr. Clay, 
he has broken the cords of friendship which bound me to him ; 
they can never again be tied. I have no desire to interfere with 
your friendship for him, nor to trouble you with complaints of 
his conduct to me. Beware of such sunshine friends ! As to 
electioneering upon the subject of President, I am as far removed 
from it as Washington is from Kentucky. I have heard a great 
deal ; said little. I am not a member of Congress, and have, 
therefore, no right to go to caucus or vote in caucus, nor have 
I a vote when the question shall come before the House of Rep- 
resentatives. A listener, who hears all parties, is perhaps better 
able to form his opinions than those who are heated, busy, 
bustling managers. The grand Harrisburg Convention has 
decided, with but a single dissenting voice, for Jackson. Roberts 
was the only man who did not, upon the first vote, declare for 
Jackson. This has given a new impetus to him. The anticipa- 
tion that Pennsylvania would declare for him gave him great 
advantages. The undivided voice of the Convention at Har- 
risburg has surprised the friends of all the other candidates, — 
save those of Calhoun, — they looked for it after the meeting in 
(60) 



LETTER FROM GEORGE M. BIBB. 6l 

the county of Philadelphia, for the purpose of choosing a dele- 
gate to the Convention at Harrisburg. It seems that the people 
of North Carolina are taking up Jackson, as Pennsylvania did, 
against their politicians and of their own mere will. So it is in 
New York. The majority of the Senate are disposed to keep 
the appointment of electors in the legislature, — that is their cal- 
culation for Crawford; but a large majority of the House of 
Representatives of that State are decidedly opposed to Craw- 
ford. Adams is the most potent there. With the people, Jack- 
son is next to Adams, and should the election go to the people 
Jackson may prevail in that State. The indications in Mary- 
land are for Jackson. Tennessee and Alabama, Mississippi, 
Louisiana and Missouri, for Jackson. All New England for 
Adams. As for Indiana and Ohio, it is difficult now to say for 
whom their vote will be. The most knowing say that the 
substantial controversy is now between Adams and Jackson, 
and by a union of the slaveholding States with Pennsylvania 
Jackson may be elected. Unless Clay gets the votes of New 
York he cannot be one of the three from whom the House of 
Representatives is to choose. What revolutions in the electoral 
votes may take place before the time of choosing the Electoral 
College, should the friends of Crawford find out what everybody 
else seems to have found out (that lie cannot be elected either 
by the people or the House of Representatives), cannot be fore- 
seen. Jackson's ticket is every day acquiring new friends. 
Since the Convention at Harrisburg his pretensions are placed 
before the people by means of newspapers that were devoted 
before to other candidates. So much for politics. The great 
case, between Jersey and New York as it is called, upon the 
constitutionality of the law of New York, giving to Fulton the 
exclusive right to navigate the waters of New York by steam- 
boats, is decided against New York. In this cause, I heard 
from Wirt the greatest display that I have ever heard at the bar 
since the days of Patrick Henry. His legal argument was very 
strong ; his peroration was beautiful and grand. I did not hear 
Webster, nor Oakley, nor Emmett in this case, but all are said 
to have exhibited great talents. I have heard Webster, Sergeant, 
and White, of Tennessee. Wirt, Webster, White, and Ogden 
are the ablest lawyers, and Walter Jones should also be ranked 
among the first. Emmett I have not heard, but his reputation 
is high. After all, I have not been convinced that the bar of 
Kentucky does not contain as much talent and force as any 
other bar in the Union. 

March lyth. I have heard Wirt in another great case, opposed 
by Clay and Harper. Wirt rises with the occasion and the 
opposing force. The bill for putting the choice of the electors 



62 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of New York to the people has been rejected by the Senate, so 
that it cannot now be foreseen how New York will be. The 
majority of the Senate for Crawford, the majority of the House 
of Representatives against him. Mr. Clay's prospects there, 
feeble as they were, arc gone. We may now begin to settle 
down between Jackson and Adams. I can have no hesitation ; 
my voice is for Jackson. 

Monroe is here, oiir Tom, and is charged with a speech. I 
have no mission in view ; I expect to be a pleader of causes as 
long as I am able to follow the profession. I had not, in coming 
here, any other motive or prospect. This day week I expect to 
be off to Kentucky. 

Yours, as ever, 

George M. Bibb. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, August 22, 1825. 
Dear Crittenden, — Upon my arrival here, yesterday, I found 
your agreeable favor of the 7th instant. Although it is a moment 
of severe affliction with me, I cannot refuse myself the satis- 
faction of addressing a line to you. I rejoice most heartily in 
the event of our elections. I rejoice in your election, to which I 
attach the greatest importance. I rejoice that the vile and dis- 
gusting means employed to defeat you have failed, as they 
ought to have failed. Your presence in the House will be 
highly necessary. The priming-knife should be applied with a 
considerate and steady hand. The majority should dismiss 
from their minds all vindictive feelings, and act for the good and 
the honor of Kentucky, and for the preservation of her constitu- 
tion. You will have some trouble in preserving the proper tem- 
per, but you should do it; nothing should be done//v/// passion 
or in passion. Undoubtedly restore the constitutional judges, 
repeal bad laws, but preserve good ones, even if they have been 
passed by the late dominant party. When you have the power of 
appointment, put in good and faithful men, but make no stretches 
of authority even to get rid of bad ones. Such would be some 
of viy rides if I were a member of the G. Assembly. ^ I hope 
we shall preserve the public peace with Georgia, notwithstand- 
ing the bad humor of her governor. Nor do we intend that the 
treaty with the Creeks shall be executed before the time fixed 
by its own stipulations for its execution, which, happily, will 
again bring that instrument in review before Congress. 

Your faithful friend, 

Henry Clay. 

Respects and congratulations to Harvie. 
John J. Crittenden. 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 63 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Frankfort, September 22, 1825. 
My dear Sir, — Your letter has been received, and I thank 
you for your friendly congratulations on my election. You are 
pleased to attach more consequence to it than it deserves. The 
general result of our late elections is a triumph, and a just 
subject of congratulation among the friends of constitutional 
government. It is my misfortune that so much is expected 
of me. I speak it more in sorrow than in vanity. The "Anti- 
Reliefs" and the " Reliefs" both have their eyes fixed upon me. 
The former expect me to do a great deal, the latter to forbear a. 
great deal. My situation will be delicate, and I fear I shall not 
be equal to it. The party ought to do nothing from passion, 
nor in passion. We must retrench, and we must have a short 
session, must avoid every act of indiscretion which would turn 
from us the public feeling. It is not certain what course the 
new judges will pursue. They have not resigned ; some of their 
party talk of their holding out to the last extremity. Supposing 
them to take this course, and supposing the governor and 
Senate to defeat the passage of a bill for the repeal of the act 
under which these new judges were created, ought not the 
House of Representatives to declare, by resolution, that act to 
be unconstitutional, and that Boyle, Owsley, and Mills are the 
only constitutional judges ? Ought they not to resume their func- 
tions and coerce the redelivery of the records that were wrested 
from their clerk by the new court? Would it be better to leave 
the new court in possession of the records and appeal again to 
the people at the next election ? The subject is perplexing, and 
I should like to hear your views. 

Yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(Heniy Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, March 10, 1826. 
Dear Crittenden, — Robert Scott informs me that there are 
several cases of the estate of Colonel Morrison on the docket 
of the new Court of Appeals. I should be glad if they were 
anywhere else ; but, being there, I must beg that you will not 
allow the estate to suffer for the want of counsel. If you do 
not practice in the new court and believe that counsel may be 
nevertheless necessary there, be pleased to engage for me some 
one who does. I have absolutely not had time or health to 
keep up my private and friendly correspondence during the past 
winter with any regularity. With respect to politics, from 
others and from the public prints, you have no doubt received 
most of the information which /should have been able to com- 



64 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

municate. In the House of Representatives members and 
talents are largely on the side of the administration. In the 
Senate matters do not stand so well. There are about sixteen 
or seventeen senators resolved on opposition at all events, 
seven or eight more are secretly so disposed, and indulge in 
that spirit, as far as they c^xv, prudently. When these two sec- 
tions unite, they make together a small majority. Near three 
months ago a nomination was made of ministers to Panama. 
That subject has been selected. for opposition, and by numerous 
contrivances, the measure has been delayed to this time, and 
may be for some days to come. On all collateral questions, 
these senators who are secretly disposed to opposition, vote 
with the Macedonian phalanx, and thus making a majority 
procrastinate the decision. Nevertheless, that decision is not 
believed by either party to be doubtful. The measure will be 
finally sanctioned by a small majority. The Vice-President 
(your particular friend) is up to the hub with the opposition, 
although he will stoutly deny it when proof cannot be adduced. 
One of the main inducements with him and those whom he 
can influence is, that they suppose, if they can defeat, or by 
delay cripple the measure, it zcill affect me. I am sorry to tell 
you that our senator (Mr. Rowan) is among the bitterest of the 
opponents to the administration. He appears as if he had been 
gathering a head of malignity for some years back, which he is 
now letting off upon poor Mr. Adams and his administration ; he 
is, liowever, almost impotent. As for the Colonel, he is very much 
disposed to oblige all parties, and is greatly distressed that 
neither of them is willing to take him by moieties. If the Re- 
lief party should decline (as Jackson's cause seems to be giving 
way), the Colonel will be a real, as he is now a nominal, sup- 
porter of the administration. The President wishes not to ap- 
point a judge in place of our inestimable friend, poor Todd, 
until the Senate disposes of the bill to extend the judiciary, 
though he may, by the delay to which that body seems now 
prone, be finally compelled to make the appointment without 
waiting for its passage or rejection. It is owing principally to 
Mr. Rowan that an amendment has been made in the Senate, 
throwing Kentucky and Ohio into the same circuit, and his 
object was to prevent any judge from being appointed in Ken- 
tucky. He told me himself that he wished the field of election 
enlarged for a judge in our circuit. Give my respects to Blair, 
and tell him I mean to write to him soon, — not, however, on 
Kentucky politics. Say to him that I should be very glad to 
gratify him if I could, by expressing an opinion in favor of the 

or a compromise, but I would rather oblige him in any 

other matter. I mean to abjure Kentucky politics, not because 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 65 

I have not the deepest interest in all that concerns her char- 
acter and prosperity, but — it is not worth while to trouble you 
with tJie reasons. 

I am faithfully your friend, 

H. Clay. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, May 11, 1826. 
Dear Crittenden, — I have received your acceptable favor 
of the 27th. The affair with Mr. R., to which you refer with so 
much kindness, was unavoidable (according to that standard, 
my own feelings and judgment, to which its decision exclusively 
belonged). I rejoiced at its harmless issue. In regard to its 
effect upon me, with the public, I have not the smallest appre- 
hension. The general effect will not be bad. I believe it is 
the only similar occurrence which is likely to take place here. 
As to McDuffie and Trimble, the general opinion here is that 
Trimble obtained a decided advantage, and in that opinion I 
understand some of the friends of McDuffie concur. You will 
not doubt it when you read Trimble's speech, who really ap- 
pears on that occasion to have been inspired. Mr. Gallatin is 
appointed to England, and there is general acquiescence in the 
propriety of his appointment. Our senator, Mr. R., made a 
violent opposition to Trimble's nomination, and prevailed upon 
four other senators to record their negatives with him. He is 
perfectly impotent in the Senate, and has fallen even below the 
standard of his talents, of which, I think, he has some for mis- 
chief, if not for good. The judiciary bill will most probably be 
lost by the disagreement between the two Houses as to its 
arrangements. This day will decide. My office is very labo- 
rious. Amidst sundry negotiations and interminable corre- 
spondence, I have, nevertheless, found time during the winter 
and spring to conclude two commercial treaties, — one with Den- 
mark and one with Guatemala, which have had the fortune to 
be unanimously approved by the Senate. Publication deferred 
till ratified by the other parties. I am rejoiced at the prospect 
you describe of the settlement of our local differences. It will 
be as I have ever anticipated. I think, with deference to our 
friends, there has been all along too much doubt and despair. On 
the other hand, you should not repose in an inactive confidence. 
I believe with you, that some of the Relief party have been 
alienated from me. Not so, however, I trust zvith Blair, to 
whom I pray you to communicate my best respects. 

Yours, faithfully, 

Henry Clay. 
VOL. I. — 5 



66 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Frankfort, September 3, 1827. 

My dear Sir, — I have received your letter of the 23d of July 
last, and cannot hesitate to give you the statement you have 
requested. Some time in the fall of 1824, conversing upon the 
subject of the tJicn pending presidential election, and speaking 
in reference to your exclusion from the contest, and to your 
being called upon to decide and vote between the other candi- 
dates who might be returned to the House of Representatives, 
you declared that you could not, or that it was impossible, for 
you to vote for General Jackson in any event. This contains 
the substance of what you said. My impression is, that this 
conversation took place not long before you went on to Con- 
gress, and your declaration was elicited by some intimation 
that fell from me of my preference for General Jackson over 
all other candidates except yourself I will only add, sir, that I 
have casually learned from my friend Colonel James Davidson, 
our State treasurer, that you conversed with him about the 
same time on the same subject, and made in substance the same 
declaration. Notwithstanding the reluctance I feel at having 
my humble name dragged before the public, I could not in 
justice refuse you this statement of facts, with permission to 
use it as you may think proper for the purpose of your own 
vindication. 

I have the honor to be, yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Hon. Henry Clay, 
Secretary of State. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, Feb. 14, 1S28. 
My dear Sir, — I have delayed answering your last favor 
under the hope that I might have it in my power to communicate 
to you some more certain information than I am able to trans- 
mit respecting public affairs. In regard to New York, the late 
caucus nomination of General Jackson was the mere conse- 
quence of the packed elections to their legislatures last fall. So 
far from discouraging our friends there it is believed that good 
will come out of it. They speak with great confidence of a 
result next fall that will give Mr. Adams a large majority of the 
electoral vote of that State. Our prospects are good in Penn- 
sylvania and Virginia, and especially in North Carolina. If our 
friends, without reference to false rumors and idle speculations 
everywhere, do their duty, the issue of the present contest will, 
in my opinion, be certainly favorable to Mr. Adams. All that 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER, 6/ 

we want is a tone of confidence corresponding with the good- 
ness of our cause. Is it not strange that no member of the 
court, nor any bystander, should have given me any account of 
my trial before the Senate of Kentucky, with the exception of 
one short letter before it began, and another after its commence- 
ment, from a friend residing some distance from Frankfort? 
I have received no satisfactory information about the extraor- 
dinary proceeding. Of the result I am, as yet, unaware. I 
hope if I am to be hung I shall be duly notified of time and 
place, that I may present myself in due form to my executioner. 
But to be serious, was it not a most remarkable proceeding ? 
I never doubt the good intentions of my friends, but in this 
instance I am afraid their zeal and just confidence in my 
integrity have hurried them into some indiscretions. By ad- 
mitting the investigation, have they not allowed, what no man of 
candor and of sense believes, that there may be ground for 
the charge? At this distance it is difficult to judge correctly, 
but it seems to me that it would have been better to have 
repelled the resolution of General Allen with indignation. I 
make, however, no reproaches. I utter no complaints. Resigna- 
tion and submission constitute my duty, and I conform to it 
cheerfully. I perceive that Mr. Blair refused to be sworn. I 
persuade myself that his resolution was dictated by honor and 
his personal regard for me. Still, I fear that malice will draw 
from his silence stronger conclusions to my prejudice than could 
have been done if he had exhibited my letter. Should that 
appear to yon and hint to be the case, I should be glad that you 
would have the letter published, — there is nothing in it but its 
levity that would occasion me any regret on account of its pub- 
lication. The public will, however, make a proper allowance 
for a private and friendly correspondence never intended for its 
eye. 

We shall have the tariff up in Congress next week. I antici- 
pate a tremendous discussion. The Jackson party is playing a 
game of brag on that subject. They do not really desire the 
passage of their own measure, and it may happen in the sequel 
that what is desired by neither party commands the support of 
both. 

I am, as ever, cordially your friend, 

H. Clay. 

Hon. J. J, Crittenden. 

(Governor R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, March 15, 1828. 
Dear Sir, — I answer your favor of the 4th without a mo- 
ment's hesitation. You ask me whether I have any recollection 



6S LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of writing to \'ou during the pendency of the late presidential 
electioij, requesting you to see Mr. F. P. Blair and get him to 
write to David White, yo\xx representative in Congress, to encour- 
age or induce hint to v^ote for Mr. Adams, informing me at the 
same time that Mr. Blair, in a recent friendly conversation be- 
tween him and yourself, alleged such to be the fact. Now, sir, 
yon nor no other gentleman ever received such a communica- 
tion from me. How could I have made such a request ? What 
necessity was there for it? Mr. WHiite never, to my knowledge, 
expressed any doubt in relation to his vote for Adams. On the 
contrary, he was determined, positive, and decided in his feel- 
ings against General Jackson from the moment he knew between 
whom the contest would be. I knew him too well to suppose 
he needed any stimulants to vote for Adams. His anxiety on 
that subject was superior to mine. I have no doubt if Mr. Blair 
and yourself will, in that free and friendly intercourse \vhich 
always existed between you, call upon White, the mistake which 
you allude to can at once be corrected as far as my name is con- 
cerned. Let Mr. Blair look into his letters to Mr. White, and 
their dates, and he will at once perceive from the whole tenor 
of his correspondence that it would have been worse than idle 
on my part to ask him through j'^// to induce White to vote for 
Adams. WHiite showed me several letters from him early, I 
think, in January, 1824, advising him in the most persuasive 
language to vote for Adams, saying, " he was much the safest 
chance of the two!' I saw similar letters of Mr. Blair to Mr. 
Clay. I speak from recollection, but it is probable Clay and 
White have both preserved their letters, by which Mr. Blair can 
satisfy himself I have no doubt he will be very much surprised 
when he looks into the whole of his letters at the great solicitude 
he manifested in behalf of Mr. Adams in 1824. I have said 
nothing about these matters. I have interfered less with the 
vile charges made against others and myself also than any other 
man who has been implicated, having resolved as long as possi- 
ble to keep myself out of all newspaper controversies. I believe 
I can satisfy you how the mistake lias occurred between you 
and lilair. I wrote very few letters during the pendency of the 
presidential election to any one. I wrote two to you, neither 
of which contained more than ten or twelve lines. The first 
was written al)out the middle of January. In that letter I said 
that Mr. Bibb (I had just understood) had obtained, or perhaps 
was the bearer of many private letters to Mr. White, informing 
him that his district was in a flame at the idea of his voting for 
Atiams, and that Kentucky would burn eveiy man in effigy 
who dared to vote against Jackson. ... I think I inquired 
if such was the fact, and whether you had any reason to believe 



JACKSON AND ADAMS. 69 

Mr. Bibb had such letters, and suggesting that if he Jiad, they 
contradicted all the information which had been communicated 
by you, Blair, and others in relation to public opinion. Whether 
you read this letter to Blair I can't tell, neither did I care 
whether you did or not, — it contained no treason. You never 
answered my first letter, or my second, which bore date the day 
of the election for President, and in which I informed you of 
the result. I have given you a hasty, but I believe a correct, 
account of our correspondence in 1824. This letter is not 
intended for publication. Should you and Blair get into a 
paper war, and I am called upon to make a statement, I will 
endeavor to do justice to both, but should regret to form any 
part of it. I will apply to Clay to see the whole of Blair's 
correspondence with him in 1824, by which I can ascertain /^7r/.y 
and dates. 

With great respect, yours, 

R. P. Letcher. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

Mr. Crittenden has been charged with inconsistency in his 
political course in early life, more particularly in relation to 
General Jackson. It is said that he was originally a Jackson 
man, and abandoned him for Mr. Adams without cause. This 
was at the time when the cry of "bargain and corruption" was 
brought against Mr. Clay. In this connection I will give a 
letter written by Mr, C, in 1825, to the Hon. Mr. White, and 
another to Ben Taylor : 

Dear Sir, — All compliments aside, I am really much obliged 
to you for your regular correspondence. The information you 
give me concerning the presidential election dissatisfies me more 
and more with the course pursued by our legislature, in 
instructing you to vote for Jackson. Without reasoning much 
about the matter, my preference was for Jackson ; but that 
preference was unmingled with any condemnatory or vindictive 
spirit towards those who should take a different course. I felt 
that it was a subject of deep and vital consequence, and that 
there were many considerations which rendered it important 
that you should be left with entire liberty to act and represent 
us on that occasion. I was totally averse to the instructions 
given you, and desired that you should be guided by your own 
discretion and sense of responsibility. You were as well 
acquainted as the legislature was with the sense of your con- 
stituents, and they ought to have been satisfied that you would 
support Jackson, but for some sufficient reasons which might 



-O LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

arise out of facts and contingencies which they neither did or 
could know. The fact is, our legislature had taken it for granted 
that Jackson was to be the President, and they were ambitious 
of having a hand in the matter, discliarging their duty, and 
having the seeming honor of conferring the Presidency. 

From what I have said you may readily conclude that you 
have no cause to expect my condemnation for any course you 
may think proper to pursue, nor do I believe you have anything 
to apprehend from your district. I am told that your senator, 
Charles Allen, was violent against the instructions. It is true 
I am an advocate for the right of instruction, and it is moreover 
true that I prefer Jackson to Adams, but I prefer my country to 
either, and I do not consider a request of the legislature as a 
binding instruction on a representative of the people. Preferring 
Jackson personally, I still feel that many considerations might 
arise which would lead me to forego that preference, and the 
request, or even instructions, of the legislature with it. I would 
not hesitate to give my vote for Mr. Adams, if it was necessary 
to prevent a failure in the election. Of all the results that 
would grow out of this contest, none would be more obnoxious, 
or more to be deplored, than that of devolving the chief magis- 
tracy upon the Vice-President. The people expect a President, 
and will not be satisfied with a subaltern. It will be a reproach 
to the republic, and an ill omen for the future, if it shall appear 
that we have already become too disunited, too factious, 
to agree upon a chief magistrate. I would do almost any- 
thing to avert this ! Again, as much as I like Jackson, I 
know that he has not that knowledge of politics best calculated 
to qualify him for the discharge of the high and arduous duties 
of the Presidency. The character of his administration would 
depend greatly upon the qualifications of his cabinet or coun- 
selors. Thinking, as I do, of Mr. Clay, of his great integrity, 
his consummate ability, and his lofty American spirit, I believe 
it to be highly important to the public interests that he should 
occupy a distinguished position in the executive department. 
Under all circumstances, my first wish, dictated by my personal 
partialities and considerations of the public good, would be, that 
Jackson should be elected President and Clay should be his Sec- 
retary of State. I really do believe that the common good is 
more concerned in Clay's being Secretary of State than in the 
question between Jackson and Adams. 

My letter is so long I scarcely know what I have written. Of 
this I am sure, it contains a quantity of hasty, trashy politics 
which I would not willingly have any but a friend look upon. 
In your last letter you express some friendly apprehensions 
that \ou might have given me pain or offense by what you 



LETTER TO HENRY CLAY. 



71 



said of Calhoun. Dismiss all such fears. Mr. Calhoun has 
seen, but does not know me, and I know but little of him. He 
cares nothing for me; and I, as old Lear says, "owe him no 
subscription." I voted for him as Vice-President; I thought he 
was the abler man. Had I believed that Clay's interests would 
have been advanced a hair's breadth by my voting against Cal- 
houn, it would have been done. It is dark ; I cannot read over 
what I have written. Write to me frequently. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Frankfort, Dec. 3d, I828. 
Dear Sir, — Though recent occurrences have greatly de- 
pressed my spirits, my principles forbid me to despair. I have 
a strong confidence " that truth is omnipotent and public justice 
certain," and that you will live to hail the day of retribution and 
triumph. Your political enemies render involuntary homage to 
you by their apprehensions of your future elevation, and your 
friends find their consolation in looking upon the same prospect. 
The combination formed against you will dissolve, — its leaders 
have too many selfish views of personal aggrandizement to har- 
monize long. Your friends will remain steadfast, — bound to 
you more strongly by adversity. You will be looked to as the 
great head of the mass that constitutes the present administra- 
tion party. This spirit is already visible, and I am sanguine of 
its final result. What an excellent philosophy it is which can 
thus extract good from evil, consolation from defeat ! You 
will, of course, go on with the administration to the last moment, 
as though Mr. Adams had been re-elected, and with all the good 
temper and discretion possible. But what then ? That you 
should return to your district and represent it again in Congress 
seems to be the expectation of your friends. It is certainly 
mine. Our judges of the Court of Appeals, Owsley and Mills, 
have this day delivered their resignations to the governor. This 
will deprive the agitators of one of their anticipated topics. I 
think they will both be renominated. Owsley will be confirmed, 
Mills will be strongly opposed, — he is, unfortunately, very un- 
popular. As to the Federal judgeship, to which you say I have 
been recommended, I have only to remark that if it should come 
to me, neither the giving nor the receiving of it shall be soiled by 
any solicitations of mine on the subject. The kindness of those 
friends who have recommended me is doubly grateful to my 
feelings, as it was unsolicited. I have never been guilty of the 
affectation of pretending that such an office would be unwelcome 
to me, but I have certainly never asked any one to recommend 



-,2 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

me. I wrote to Judge Boyle that I would not permit myself to be 
thrown into competition with him ; but he informed me that he 
would not have the office. I have violated all rule in writing 
so long a letter to a Secretary of State, and will only add that 
I am his friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Hon. Henry Clay, 
Secretary of State. 

(Letter from Mr. Crittenden to Ben Taylor.) 

Dear Sir, — I have this morning casually learned that in a 
conversation, held by you in Versailles within a few days past, 
on the subject of my removal from office, you declared it was 
justified, if for no other reason than upon the ground that I had 
written two letters to different gentlemen at Washington, — one 
expressing a wish that General Jackson might " beat the 
Yankee," the other " that Mr. Adams might be elected." I may 
not be accurate as to words, but the above is the substance of 
your declaration, as stated to me. The letters alluded to were, 
I presume, those written by me to General Call and to David 
White. They have been published, together with my remarks 
and explanations in relation to them. That publication, I per- 
suaded myself, ought to have satisfied every impartial man, 
who took the trouble to read and to consider it, that the charge 
of inconsistency made against me was groundless, and had been 
propagated by those who did not or would not understand the 
case. I felt, indeed, that I might treat it with disdain. Judge, 
then, of my surprise and astonishment that you, at such a time 
and under such circumstances, should be the first to renew such 
an imputation. My enemies lean defy! But your multiplied 
kindnesses forbid me to regard you as an enemy ; and I was 
not prepared for such a blow from the hands of a friend. Be- 
lieve me that I write to you " more in sorrow than in anger," 
and that if 1 had regarded you less I should not have troubled 
you with this communication. I do know and feel that you 
have done me injustice, unintentionally, I hope; but this con- 
sciousness will no longer permit me to look upon you as my 
friend so long as your conduct is unexplained or unatoned for. 

I have thought it due to frankness and to the relations which 
have heretofore existed between us to make this communication 
to you. 

In conclusion, I have only to assure you that I do not feel the 
least concern at my removal from office, — that no sensation of 
chagrin mingles with my emotions on this occasion. I care 
nothing for the office, and nothing for the removal, — it is your 
imputation alone which wounds me. 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Be.njamin Taylor, Esq. 



NOMINATION FOR JUDGE. 73 

In 1827 Mr. Crittenden was appointed Attorney of the United 
States for the District of Kentucky by President Adams. 

In 1829 he was removed by General Jackson, and John Speed 
Smith appointed in his place. The same year Mr. Crittenden 
was nominated, by President Adams, to fill a vacancy on the 
bench of the Supreme Court, occasioned by the death of Judge 
Trimble. A partisan Senate resolved not to act on the nomi- 
nation during that session of Congress. I give below two letters 
from Henry Clay on this subject; one written on the 6th of 
January, 1829, the other on the 27th of the same month, and 
letters from other friends: 

Dear Sir, — I received your letter of the 27th with its in- 
closures, which I have sent, through the post-office, to their 
respective addresses. They arrived in time to produce all the 
good they are capable of effecting. Your nomination was made 
to the Senate, agreeably to the intimation I gave you in my 
former letter; it has ever since been suspended there, and its 
fate is considered uncertain by your friends. It was referred, I 
understand, to a committee, which is not a very usual thing 
with original nominations. The policy of the Jackson party will 
be to delay, and ultimately to postpone it altogether. 

I believe it is contemplated by some of our friends to move 
to have the committee discharged, and the nomination taken up 
in the Senate. Such a motion will probably be made in a few 
days. As soon as the result is known I will inform you. In 
the mean time you need not to be assured that I will do every- 
thing in my power, consistently with propriety, to promote your 
success. 

I remain, with constant regard, cordially 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

H, Clay. 

January 27, 1829, 

Dear Sir, — I received your letter of the i6th. I was not aware 
of the neglect of your friends to write to you. I do not think 
that you have any ground for apprehending that they have, in 
other respects, neglected your interests. I believe, on the con- 
trary, that all of them have exerted themselves to get your nom- 
ination confirmed. Fletcher has employed the most active 
exertions for that purpose, direct and indirect. Should your 
nomination be rejected, the decision will be entirely on party 
grounds, and ought, therefore, to occasion you no mortification. 
I understand that the Senate is considering a general proposi- 



74 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tion, that they will act upon no nominations during the present 
administration, except perhaps in some few cases of great emerg- 
ency. I need not comment upon the exceptional character of 
such a proposition. It amounts, in effect, to impeding the action 
of the whole government. If the Senate were to resolve that they 
would not, during the rest of the session, act upon any business 
sent from the House of Representatives, such a resolution would 
not be more indefensible. What will be the fate of the propo- 
sition I cannot undertake to say. There is no doubt that it is 
principally leveled at the appointment for which you have been 
nominated. Besides the general party grounds, there are two 
personal interests at work against you, — one is that of Mr. Bibb, 
the other, that of Mr. White, of Tennessee. If General Jackson 
has to make a nomination, I think it probable that the Tennes- 
see man will get it. I wish I could afford you some certain 
information as to the probable issue of your nomination. I 
regret to be obliged in candor to tell you that the more pre- 
vailing impression is that it will be rejected. If the above-men- 
tioned proposition should be adopted, it will not be specifically 
acted upon ; but if the question shall be directly put on the 
nomination, I cannot help tliinking, perhaps I ought rather to 
say hoping, that it will be approved. Tyler, McKinley, Smith 
of South Carolina, and Smith of Maryland, have all, I under- 
stand, been repeatedly spoken to. I had a conversation with 
Tyler and Smith, from which I concluded that they would 
vote for you, whilst a directly contrary impression has been 
made upon the minds of others by the same gentlemen. I was 
told this morning, positively, that Tyler would not vote for you ! 
So uncertain is everything, you see, here. The best course, per- 
haps, for you, is not to let your feelings be too much enlisted; 
cultivate calmness of mind, and prepare for the worst event. 
I remain, with constant regard, your faithful friend, 

H. Clay. 

Washington Academy, May 22. 

Messrs. White and Ckaighill, Federalists, — As all the news 
wliich I have to write will not, at the most liberal calculation, 
be worth more than the postage of one letter, I have judged it 
proper to address you both in the same epistle. I believe you 
were the last of the students who went away during the vaca- 
tion. Nearly all the old students have returned, except the 
Archers, who, Richard Powell informs us, will not come back. 
Isaac I^ooth has not yet arrived, but I suppose there is no 
doubt but he will return. It is supposed the students will be 
more numerous this session than formerly ; there are between 
forty and fifty here now, and I think if you two were here we 



LETTER TO MESSRS. WHITE AND CRAIGHILL. 



75 



should be a complete phalanx. All your old friends concur 
with me in wishing your return. I should have written to you 
long since hacj it not been for lack of something to write ; but 
surely the same excuse will not do for you, who should have 
written us certainly whether you would return or no, and like- 
wise change of place would have given you an opportunity of 
seeing and hearing a great many things. I should like to know 
how you employ yourselves ; for my own part, I am studying 
belles-lettres and mathematics, which occupy all my time. 
Nothing hostile has happened of late between the students 
and their enemies. I hope you will be regular and faithful in 
your correspondence. Although it is not my custom, however 
badly I write, to ask forgiveness for my inaccuracies, yet this 
letter will need your utmost partiality. Adieu. 

Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden.* 
P. Craighill and J. White. 

*This letter Mr. W. N. Craighill found among his father's papers, in 1844, and 
sent it to Mr. Crittenden as a pleasant reminder of his college days in Virginia. 



CHAPTER VI. 
1829-1832. 

Congratulations — Testimonials of Confidence — Invitation to " Old Logan' ' — Letters 

— Criminal Trial in Frankfort. 

IN 1829 Mr. Crittenden was removed from the office of Dis- 
trict Attorney for Kentucky. At the time congratulations 
and testimonials of confidence and admiration poured in upon 
him from every quarter. The following letter came from " Old 
Logan," where he commenced his career : 

Dear Sir, — The undersigned, a committee authorized in 
behalf of the citizens of Russellville and Logan County, invite 
you to a public entertainment during the summer. A visit to 
this quarter of the State would insure them heartfelt satisfaction. 
They cherish with pride and exultation the recollection that 
in the town of Russellville and in the county of Logan those at- 
tractive and endearing qualities of the heart, candor, sensibility, 
and generous magnanimity, and those powerful, diversified, and 
commanding talents that seize upon the mind and sway the 
human soul, were first felt and properly rewarded. Here you 
began your practice at the bar, which has since been to you a 
field of honor and renown ; here the citizens of Old Logan took 
you by the hand and sent you to the legislature, where your 
genius and eloquence won for you the brightest honors of the 
statesman. The people of Logan rejoice that your talents and 
impassioned eloquence, and your private and political \irtues, 
commanded and still command the affection and admiration of 
the people of Kentucky. Their motive, however, for wishing to 
give a marked expression of their kind feelings on the present 
occasion is not limited by the sentiments of respect and love 
which they cherish for you, — they are influenced by views of a 
more general nature. 

They have learned with indignation that the hand of arbitrary 
power /tas reached you, that you have been rudely hurled from 
the office of Federal District Attorney, conferred by the disin- 
terested patriot Adams, because of the virtues and qualities you 

(76) 



LETTER OF INVITATION FROM LOGAN. 



77 



are known to possess, and for the necessary, prompt, faithful 
discharge of the duties incident thereto. 

The reason of your removal is obvious to all who have noticed 
the signs of the times and the wanton abuse of power. You 
had the independence to think and act for yourself and your 
country, and voted for that distinguished and much-abused 
statesman, John Q. Adams. You had a heart fitted to appreciate 
and a mind to acknowledge and generously sustain the private 
worth and public virtues and patriotism of your persecuted friend, 
Henry Clay. This was offense enough in the eyes of him who 
now guides the destinies of these United States, — a sin never to 
be forgiven by him, whose desperate acts evince a settled determi- 
nation to destroy the liberties of this country, to fetter the human 
mind, and to^bribe and corrupt the press by official largesses. 

A new standard is introduced to decide qualifications for 
office. The question is not now, as in the days of the republi- 
can Jefferson, " Is he honest ? is he capable ? is he faithful ?" 
No ! the only questions now propounded are, " Is he a true 
Szviss ? did he vote against my competitor ? has he fought for 
me ? has he echoed my slanders against Henry Clay ?" You 
did not suit the powers that be, hence your dismissal from office. 
Your friends here are anxious to declare to the world, in a suit- 
able way, their estimation of your worth and their detestation of 
the wanton outrage committed against the spirit of our institu- 
tions by your removal from office. They believe you to be 
incapable of an unworthy act, they know you have always had 
an eye to the public good. 

With these views and feelings, they invite you to this festival. 
In the event of your acceptance, will you please advise, with Mr. 
Clay, and let us know the time agreed upon? 

With sentiments of personal regard, respect, and esteem, we 
remain your humble servants, 

Thomas Rhea, A. R. Macey, 

Thomas Porter, Archibald Campbell, 

D. L. Smith, Dudley Robinson, 
John M. Shirley, Richard Bibb, 
Ben Proctor, Robert Ewing, 
W. Starling, Alexander Hull, 
James Wilson, John B. Bibb, 

E. M. Ewing, A. P. Broadnax, 
W. L. Sands, B. Roberts, 

M. B. Morton, Gabriel Lewis. 

This tribute from " Old Logan'' was more grateful to Mr. 
Crittenden than any other he could possibly have received. 
Mr. Clay and Mr. Crittenden accepted this invitation, and 



78 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

their progress through the Green River country was an ovation. 
The tariff was the burden of their speeches. 

In 1829 Mr. Crittenden was Speaker of the House, and the 
ardent advocate of internal improvements and the common 
school system. 

(Letter of Mr. Crittenden to Albert Burnley.) 

Dear Burxley, — I was gratified by the receipt of your letter 
of the fourth. With proscriptioii on one side of me and politics 
on the other, I have been compelled, in a measure, to take 
refuge in the latter. I became a candidate but three weeks 
before the election. You have heard, before now, that I have 
been elected. It is a great discomfiture to some folks here. 
They can never forgive me for the injustice they have done me. 
There are, thank God, but few of these, however. Very many 
of those who voted against me are well satisfied with my elec- 
tion. They have a story on Charles Bibb, that after voting for 
Richmond, he jumped immediately off the block and huzzaed 
for Crittenden ! I believe it is true; and I hear it is complained 
of by our more, faithful and zealous patriots. As I have stepped 
so far into politics I must go a little further, — I must be Speaker 
of the House of Representatives. I don't wish to make this 
public, but I confide it to you, to be used according to your 
discretion. Mention it to Griffith, and such others as you may 
please, in your own way, and give me what aid you can. Un- 
less I am very much deceived, I think I shall have but little 
difficulty in attaining my object. It is the only sort of revenge 
I feel and seek against my proscribers. I want them to see how 
much I am indebted to them. Remember me most kindly to 
all the family, and believe me to be as ever, 

Your friend. 
(W. S. Archer to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, Feb. 2, 1S29. 
Dear Sir, — I derived sincere gratification from the evidence 
afforded by your letter of the 26th, of your participation in the 
lively impression I have always retained of our early regard. 
We have now lived long enough to know the estimate which 
ought to be put on those regards as compared with those of 
later formation, in which interest in some form has inevitably so 
large a share. In our estimate (if I were to judge from your 
letter) of the reciprocal rights and obligations connected with 
early amity I should think we differed very materially if I 
did not know that your sentiments would be the same with 
mine were our situations reversed and I the person to stand in 
need of service. Were I even your enemy, or separated by 
irreversible lines of party, you would have had a right to require 



LETTER FROM JOHN CHAMBERS. 79 

of me as muck as yoji have done, to speak oi you as you air, and 
I should hold myself bound as a man of honor to comply with 
the requisition. Your early associate has thought that the 
duty resulting from ancient friendship bound him to far more. 
I have forborne answering your letter from the desire that my 
acknowledgment of it should be accompanied by something 
further than the mere general expression of my willingness to 
serve you. I wished to be enabled to give you information 
concerning strong presumption of the result of the affair in 
which you are so deeply interested. I have chosen to wait till 
I have no doubt. I have now none. It is understood that the 
Senate have had your case under consideration for several 
days. You will certainly be 7-ejected! If the decision had turned 
on the mere consideration of personal character, you would with 
the same certainty have been confirmed. When I last saw you, 
you were, I remember, the friend of General Jackson, and I was 
violently opposed to any proposition for his advancement in 
civil life. I have the testimony, therefore, of my own conscious- 
ness to assure me of the entire uprightness of the change of 
attitude you have exhibited in this respect, I having been 
the supporter of the general's election in the last contest. I 
now regret separation from you, which I would do under any 
circumstances, the more as it has been connected with the loss 
of the desirable situation to which you have been nominated. 
I have during this winter undergone no little mortification in 
the inefficiency of my zeal in relation to the service of two of 
my earliest friends, yourself and General Scott. The general 
will to all appearances s/iare your fate. 

I am going to be connected to a certain extent with a tri- 
umphant party. If I can be of any service, not to yourself 
personally, but to any one in whom you are mtevest&dforzvhom 
you can ask me to exci't myself {you know that this description 
refers to tht faith I shall repose in your declaration), rely upon 
me to do so. 

I need hardly say (if my appreciation of you, founded on 
ancient recollections does not deceive) that you will give credit 
to the sincerity of this profession. If you have heard anything 
of me of late, you will believe of ''thine ancient comrade'' that 
he has not permitted political life and party feeling to dry up or 
freeze over the heart with which you once had acquaintance. 

I am sincerely your friend, 

Hon. John J. Crittenden. W. S. Archer. 

(Letter from John Chambers on the subject of Judgeship.) 

Washington, 1829. 
Dear Crittenden,— My constant hope has been that I would 
be able to relieve your suspense, but the impenetrability of the 



go LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

senatorial conclave has baffled all our curiosity and kept us 
suspended between hope and fear for the fate of your nomina- 
tion. I believe the die is cast ! They have to-day refused to 
vote upon the nominations, — this decides nothing but a refusal 
to act for the present ; but the committee have made a report 
upon the nominations referred to them (observe this is confiden- 
tially communicated), in substance "that because there are 
several propositions for a change of the judicial system now 
depending, and because the administration of the gover/iment is 
about to change hands, it is inexpedient to advise and consent to 
the nominations now." What a set of corrupt scoundrels, and 
what an infernal precedent they are about to establish ! My 
opinion is that your friend Johnson has gone over, has not firm- 
ness enough to resist or disregard the proscriptions of his party. 
Amos Kendall is quartered upon him, and although the poor 
fellow seems to struggle occasionally for a little self-control, 
they hold him down, and he will be compelled to yield. You 
have some very zealous friends in the Senate, particularly in 
Johnson, of Louisiana, and Chambers, of Mar>'land, but they 
almost despair, not alone of your nomination, but of all the 
others made by Mr. Adams. We are all doing worse than 
nothing here, and I am tired to death of it. We have a rumor 
that General Jackson is dead, but it is not credited, and I hope 
it is not true ; I would rather trust him than Calhoun ! 

Mr. Clay is quite unwell. "The Old Quill," however, is in 
perfect health, and keeps the machinery in motion, says, " How 
do, sir?" to everybody that calls on him, and gives his friends a 
very cordial pump-handle shake of the hand. The moment 
anything conclusive is done about your nomination I will write 
to you again. Rest assured that your friends here, power- 
less as they arc, are neither silent nor idle, but take care to be 
prudent in the midst of their zeal. We have received letters 
communicating the rejection of Judge Robertson's nomination 
to be Chief Justice. Ben Hardin is just the man I took him for. 

Your friend, 

John Chambers. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. Coleman.) 

Frankfort, November i8, 1S31. 

My dear Daughter, — I have been long intending to write 
to you ; that I have not done so is not because I hav^e not often 
and tenderly thought of you; and notwithstanding the excuses 
with which I am furnished by the almost continued occupation 
of my time by courts, the legislature, and visitants, I yet take 
to myself some reproach for not having before written. I have 
not only thought of you often, but anxiously. You are now in. 



LETTER TO MRS. COLEMAN. gj 

the most interesting and critical period of your life, — a young, 
married lady. Your own welfare and happiness, and that of 
your husband, depend much upon yourself, and your early 
adoption of those rules of conduct that are suited to your situa- 
tion. I have never seen a wife who made her husband happy 
that was not happy herself Remember this, and remember also 
that the reverse of it is equally true. Kindness and gentleness are 
the natural and proper means of the wife. There are wives who 
seek to rule, — who make points with their husbands and com- 
plain, — ay, scold. To love such a woman long is more than mortal 
can do, and their union becomes nothing more than a dull, 
cold, heartless partnership, yielding only discontent and wretch- 
edness. As to your intercourse with and deportment in the 
world, I feel assured that the delicacy of your feelings and your 
good sense will dictate to you the proper course. There is a 
certain dignity and reserve that should always mark the con- 
duct of a married lady; just cnougli of it to proclaim that she is 
a wife, — that she knows what is due to her diXid from her, and to 
repulse and rebuke, without a word spoken, the fops and triflers, 
and their petty flatteries and familiarities. The wife who would 
desire to be the pride and happiness of her husband, who would 
desire the real esteem and respect of society, should never lay 
aside this reserve and dignity. Esteem and admiration will 
follow her steps, if her qualities entitle her to them, and she 
need not seek after them. There is nothing more repugnant to 
my feelings than a sort of admiration-seeking, beaux-hunting 
married woman. Such conduct shows want of sense and want 
of taste, if nothing zvorse. I have seen married ladies who had 
their friendships with particular gentlemen, who visited them 
with more than common freedom and familiarity. In this there 
is nothing criminal, but it is wrong, — very wrong. Be not ex- 
travagant. You have a husband disposed to indulge you in all 
things. Show him that you know how to estimate and take 
care of his interest, and when his kindness and affection should 
prompt him to any little extravagances on your account, you 
should kindly check him. Show him that you know how to 
practice the economy of a lady. Take care of your health, and 
do not sacrifice it to fashion or amusements. The lacing now 
in use among ladies would kill you ; I pray you not to destroy 
yourself by such a petty sort of suicide ! 

But enough of this homily for the present. When this is re- 
duced to practice I may add something more. You seem to have 
been chagrined at my not being elected to the Senate! I 
coidd have gone to the Senate ; it was but for me to express 
the wish and Mr. Clay would not have been the candidate. 
There was no collision, no rivalry, between us. All that was done 

VOL. I. — 6 



82 LII'E OF yOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

was with my perfect accordance. I hope I shall always be 
found ready to do what becomes me. I have done so on this 
occasion and am satisfied. 

We arc all well, and wish much to see you. Write to me. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Mrs. A. M. Coleman. 

Mr. Crittenden's warm and constant attachment to his friends, 
and his prompt and frank appeals to them when any seeming 
estrangement, or apparent cause of mistrust arose, will be ex- 
emplified by the following letter to Governor Letcher : 

Sir, — In a handbill, published by Mr. James Love, under date 
of 31st of July, 1 83 1, and addressed to the voters of your con- 
gressional district, he represents you as having stated to him 
"that I was not entitled to the confidence of the party." These 
terms certainly admit of no favorable or friendly construction, 
and are calculated to convey imputations altogether derogatory 
to my character for candor and integrity. From the relations 
which had long subsisted between us, I had hoped that you 
would promptly, and without solicitation, have tendered to me 
some disavowal, or some explanation of the charge and imputa- 
tions which you had been so publicly represented as having 
made against me. In this hope, though waiting long, I have 
been disappointed, and it has now become my duty to ask you 
for some disavowal that may reconcile xwy feelings and my honor. 
Another reason why I did not make this application to you 
before now, and before you left Kentucky, was the fear that it 
might, in its possible consequences, lead to some exasperation, 
or renewal of the quarrel between Mr. Love and yourself, a 
result I should have greatly deprecated. That quarrel was to 
me a matter of deep regret ; of its merits I may say I know 
7iothing, and it is my wish to remain ignorant. I have known 
Mr. Love long, and esteemed him as a friend and man of honor ; 
but I may still entertain the hope that he misunderstood your 
language and meaning in reference to me. I will further hope 
that your answer to this letter will be so full and satisfactory as 
to efface from my mind e\-ery unpleasant reflection and remem- 
brance of the subject; such as will permit me honorably to 
resume and cherish those feelings of friendship I had so long 
indulged towards you. It is right, perhaps, that I should add 
that 1 did not receive from Mr. Love the handbill alluded to, 
nor was it through him that I became aware of its contents. 

Yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 



CRIMINAL TRIAL IN FRANKFORT, 83 

(R. P. Letcher's Reply.) 

House of Representatives, April 10, 1832. 
Sir, — To your letter of the ist, this moment received, I re- 
spond with pleasure. The statement imputed to me in the hand- 
bill of the 31st of July last, of having declared that you were 
not entitled to the confidence of the party, is without any foun- 
dation. With this disclaimer, I might perhaps stop; but from 
the kindly relations which have so long and uninterruptedly 
subsisted between us, and which have, on my part, always been 
cherished with pleasure, combined with the fact of the active 
frankness and propriety of your communication, I feel justified, 
in the same spirit of frankness, in saying, as an act of justice to 
you as well as to myself, that I never entertained such a senti- 
ment, and am not aware that it was ever entertained by any one 
of your personal or political friends. Of the unfortunate differ- 
ences which sprang up at the last election I shall say nothing ; 
but I will say the only incident connected with it in any degree, 
for which I reproach myself, is in not writing you a letter, 
containing, in substance, what I have now written ; but the truth 
is, I conversed with some five or six of our mutual friends, 
with whom you were in the habit of constant and intimate inter- 
course, particularly with a view of making known to you my 
disavowal of the expressions referred to, and had supposed this 
had been communicated to you. I should regret exceedingly 
to do anything, or to Ofuit anything, which would alienate a 
friend, or inflict the slightest wound upon his feelings. I think 
I may say of myself, that I am not wanting in attachment, in 
zeal, or in fidelity in friendship, and I do, therefore, reciprocate 
sincerely the hope expressed in the conclusion of your letter. 

With great respect, 

R. P. Letcher, 

During the sixteen years in which Mr, Crittenden was absent 
from Washington, between the resignation of his seat in the 
Senate in 18 19 and his return to Washington in 1835, he was 
almost constantly engaged in the diligent practice of his profes- 
sion, — this was, indeed, his principal means of support. During 
this time a murder was committed in Frankfort, where he resided, 
which led to great bitterness and excitement, Sanford Goins 
was the name of the prisoner, for whom Mr. Crittenden appeared 
as counsel, — I have forgotten the name of his adversary. 
These two men had grown up in the same town, and had, per- 
haps, been acquainted all their lives ; but there was bad blood 
between them, produced, no doubt, by small and insufficient 



84 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

causes in the beginning. I doubt if they could themselves have 
accounted for their animosity. Matters grew worse and worse 
between them, and finally Goins heard that his enemy had 
threatened his life. From this time he was forever on the watch, 
and found himself dogged and waylaid at every corner, — at 
morning, at noon, and nightfall: w'hatever corner he turned, 
or street he entered, the man stood before him. Exasperated 
and half crazed by this, Goins came out of his house at a very 
early hour one morning, and the first object he saw was his ad- 
versary on the other side of the street, opposite his house. Com- 
pletely carried away by passion, Goins seized a stick of wood, 
pursued and caught up with him, and being a much more 
powerful man, he literally beat him to death with the wood. 
These are the circumstances of the murder, so far as I can re- 
member them, but their accuracy is not very important. Goins 
was tried for murder, Mr. Crittenden defended him, and he was 
acquitted, and is, I believe, still living. The case, and Mr. Crit- 
tenden's argument in favor of the criminal, were much discussed 
at the time. The most effective ground taken by him in favor 
of the prisoner was, " that a man had not only a right to live, 
but to be happy," and that for many months Goins's life, so far 
from being a blessing to him, had been an unspeakable torment. 
There had been no moment, night or day, free from the appre- 
hension of sudden and violent death. He could not enter his 
own door at night without finding this, his enemy, skulking 
around the corner; he could not leave his wife and child, with 
the sunrise, to go to his daily work, without seeing this terror 
before his door. Was if any wonder that he had been driven 
to frenzy and to a deed of blood by such a life ? Prejudice was, I 
think, very strong against Goins in the beginning of the trial, but 
under the influence of Mr. Crittenden's eloquence and the mas- 
terly manner in which he pictured the horrors of Goins's life, 
during the months which preceded the murder, public opinion 
veered round completely, and Goins was not only acquitted, but 
received back into the community with sympathy. This may 
seem rather a trivial detail and Mr. Crittenden's argument of but 
little value, but it made a great impression on the audience and 
the jury. In my after-life, when I saw men and women op- 
pressed and terrified, I have remembered that we had all a right 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 85 

to life and an equal right to be Jiappy. The last great claim, 
however, is often weakly yielded to the strong hand of power, 
and often trampled underfoot. 

About this time Mr. Crittenden's brother Thomas was very 
ill in Louisville, and he was summoned to his death-bed. His 
family affection was very strong, and the death of this brother 
was felt for years. The following letter was WTitten at his 
brother's death-bed : 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Louisville, Tuesday, December 25, 1832. 

My dear Wife, — Prepare yourself to hear the worst. My 
brother Tom is still alive, but that is all ; a few hours is all, 
perhaps, that remain for him. All human aid seems to be in 
vain. I never knew, till this affliction taught me, how dearly 
I loved this dearest, best, and noblest of brothers. 

Death has no horrors for him, and if ever a Christian proved 
his faith by a triumphant death, he is doing it. 

'Tis but a few hours now till the arrival of the stage from 
Frankfort. If Mr. Edgar comes in it he may arrive in time, — 
he is most anxiously looked for. 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Mrs. Maria Crittenden. 



CHAPTER VII. 
1832-1836. 

Letters— Appointed Secretary of State in Kentucky in 1834— Letters— Benton's 
Resolutions as to Fortification — Letters. 

(James G. Birney to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Danville, February 11, 1836. 

DEAR SIR, — I little expected when I had the pleasure of 
seeing you in Frankfort that we should so soon have to 
lament the loss of our amiable and distinguished fellow-citizen, 
Judge Boyle. I lament it not only on grounds common to our 
countr>mien generally, but because he was an interesting and 
pleasant companion, and we concurred in opinion on the subject 
of slavery, and as to the means of accomplishing the relief of our 
State from its suffocating pressure. Just before I went to Frank- 
fort, I had a free conversation with him in reference to it. He 
was then considering favorably an invitation, which our newly- 
instituted society for the relief of the State from slavery had 
given him, to act as its presiding officer. I doubt not, had he 
lived, that he would not have hesitated, after hearing that you 
had consented to serve as one of our Vice-Presidents. Last 
Friday, our board of managers came to the decision of tendering 
to you the station which had been offered to our distin- 
guished friend who has been removed from us. Our secre- 
tary, Mr. Green, told me he would write to you on the subject 
immediately. I know not, my dear sir, that I ought to calculate 
on exerting any influence over you. If I have any, hoiL'ei'er 
small, I will hazard its exhaustion in a cause like this, where 
intelligent patriotism and enlightened philanthropy have such 
lofty conquests to achieve and such pure rewards to reap. I 
trust, sir, it will not be in vain that I have added the earnestness 
of private solicitation to the official tender that will be made, 
especially when, I doubt not, I shall be warmly seconded by 
your excellent lady. I propose bringing the whole subject 
before the public in a scries of letters addressed to the Hon. 
Charles A. Wickliffe. They will be untainted with anything 
like bigotry, or fanaticism, or uncharitablencss towards those 
who may dissent from my opinions. Indeed, I propose treating 
the subject entircl}' in its political aspect. May I ask of you to 
(86) 



LETTER TO A. T. BURNLEY. 87 

use such influence as you may have with the Frankfort editors 
to secure their repubHcation? 

Your friend always, 

James G. Birney. 

In 1834 Mr. Crittenden was appointed Secretary of State in 
and for the State of Kentucky by James T. Morehead, Lieu- 
tenant-governor, then acting as governor of the State. 

In 1835 he was elected to the legislature, and returned to 
the Senate. 

As one of my objects is to portray the character of Mr. Crit- 
tenden, pronounced even by his opponents as worthy of all 
admiration and imitation, I give below a letter written by him 
to one of his most intimate friends at this time, and showinsf 
the sentiments with which he entered upon this contest : 

Frankfort, May 2. 

Dear Burnley, — The bell is now ringing to warn us that 
this is the Sabbath-day, and summon us to church. I must 
steal a few moments to write to you. 

I am a candidate, — you have seen it announced. My confi- 
dence of success is strong and decided. Still, the struggle is to 
me most disagreeable, and it would have been satisfactory to 
me to devolve it on any other of my political friends. It was 
urged upon me, and there seemed to be no alternative but to 
re-engage in the contest or to see the field yielded without an 
effort. Pride, principle, both forbade this ! If I am beaten, it 
shall be my consolation that I was doing what I believed to be 
my duty, — struggling to the uttermost for a good cause. It is 
but a poor expression of my feelings to say that I thank you 
for the kindness and friendship which mark all your conduct 
and sentiments towards me. There are some feelings of the 
heart which the tongue cannot utter, that it ought not indeed 
to utter. 

As to the Senate of the United States, I cannot now tell you 
whether I shall be a candidate or not; on such a subject I would 
have no secrets with you ; my course in this matter will depend 
upon circumstances. I do not seek it. But if it should be the 
work of my friends, if it should appear that my name can be 
used with a greater prospect of success than another, then I 
will be a candidate. 

This is my view of the subject, and I cannot determine posi- 
tively till after our general elections in August. 

If there be any other friend who would be as acceptable a.s 
myself, and who was anxious to go to the Senate, I would not 
have any collision which might disunite us. I would wish to 



88 I'JFE OF yOIIX y. CRITTENDEN. 

be the foremost to sacrifice personal pretensions for the sake of 
union. As I intend, however, to possess you fully not only 
\vith a knowledge of my feelings, but of my expectations in 
relation to this subject, I tell you in confidence that I think 
it probable circumstances will make me a candidate. If I were 
even now determined to be a candidate it would be impolitic to 
avow it, for good reasons which will occur to you. It would 
interfere with the wishes of others, and weaken their exertions in 
tlie common cause, which I have much more at heart than any 
selfish purpose of my own. ]\Iy friends might express their wishes 
and speculations, and make preparation for the probable event 
of my being a candidate. Of one thing be certain, I have no 
secrets with you, and as events occur which may influence my 
feelings and determinations, you shall hear from me. 

That we should have a majority, a decided majority, in the 
next legislature, is of the highest and most decisive importance. 
For God's sake, exert yourself to the utmost, and animate our 
friends all around you ! One spirited, united, and patriotic 
effort will settle the course of Kentucky. Union is our strength 
and our hope of success; I go for that; cannot therefore pledge 
m}'self to any particular course as to the speakership. Many 
will have to be consulted ; I cannot commit myself to Calhoun 
or any one ; I wish to be free to do my duty, as it may appear 
to me at the time. 

I am your friend, 

A. T. Burnley. John J. Crittenden.* 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Washington, December 27, 1835. 

De.ar Orlando, — Your favor of the i8th was received last 
night, and afforded me so much satisfaction that I hasten to 
show my gratitude by an immediate reply. I don't value all the 
politics of your letter in comparison with the domestic news 
you give me. All that concerns my hovic and my friends 
delights me. Distance lends an oicJtantmcnt to it all. You 
could not ha\'e chosen any two heroes for your story whose 
achievements would have been more interesting to me than my 
two little boys, Jt)hu and Hick. I am glad to hear that Mason 
and his wife have been dining with my wife. Washington 
cannot afford me so happy a day as I sJwuhi have enjoyed if I 
could have been present with you all. Present sundry congrat- 
ulations to Mason on his marriage. To such a wife as he has 
been fortunate enough to get, I hope he will make a dutiful and 
obedient husband. As to politics, curse politics ! Webster's pre- 



* Mr. Crittenden was elected to the Senate, and took his seat 4lh March, 1S35. 



SPEECH ON THE FORTIFICATION BILL. 



89 



tensions are considered virtually at an end ; but, as yet, he says 
nothing, and, as far as I can hear, his course is not ascer- 
tained. He deserves the kindest and most respectful treatment 
from the public on the occasion, that he may fall like a great 
man. Harrison's friends here dread nothing more than that 
White should be scared off the field, or his friends discouraged 
from giving him a zealous support, and perhaps relapsing into 
Van Burenism. To avoid this is a point of obvious policy, and 
I think it is neither right nor politic to exaggerate Harrison's 
prospects at the expense of White's. According to my best 
information as to the existing state of public opinion, White 
may reasonably calculate on receiving as many electoral votes 
as Harrison. Besides Virginia, and his Southern interest, he is 
at present stronger, and has a better chance, than Harrison for 
Illinois and Missouri. At this moment of some alarm with him 
and his friends, it is better to increase than diminish their hopes. 
This will open to your view the whole pitJi of the matter, and 
you can act on it according to your discretion. I see no alter- 
native for you but to have a convention to nominate candidates 
for governor and lieutenant-governor, and electors also. More- 
head must be the candidate for governor ; he is indispensable to 
the present crisis, and no excuse ought to be taken from him. I 
agree with you that Letcher is the man for lieutenant-governor, 
the very man, and will give more strength than any one you can 
select. If- it comes to a serious struggle (and that you must 
prepare for), you will find him more efficient than even you 
yourself suppose. He is essentially popular in his talents, 
habits, and manners, and of capacity far beyond what is gen- 
erally ascribed to him in Kentucky. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Orlando Brown, Esq. 

On the 22d of February, 1836, Mr. Crittenden made a speech 
against the adoption of Mr. Benton's resolutions on the subject 
of national defense and the fortification bill, which had been 
defeated in 1835. Mr. Benton had charged the Senate with 
neglecting proper measures for the defense of the country. Mr. 
Crittenden said, "The Senate needed not his poor vindication ; 
it was the same Senate that had maintained for years the 
noblest struggle for law, liberty, and the Constitution ; belonged 
to history, whose brightest pages would be illumined with the 
names of those illustrious senators who had been foremost in 
that great struggle. In the great reckoning on which judgment 



pO LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

would be pronounced upon them, the fortification bill of the 
last session would be an insignificant item. It appeared, how- 
ever, that to vote in favor of the resolutions seemed to be the 
only admissible evidence of patriotism." The first distinct 
proposition was, that the entire surplus revenue should be 
applied, exclusively, to warlike preparations. As amended by 
Mr. Grundy, the resolutions secure only so much of the revenue 
as may be 7iecessary. Mr. Benton accepts the amendment 
readily, as it is only a change of phraseology ; Mr. Crittenden 
was opposed to the system ; thought it unwise and improper. 
The money was the product of peace, and peace had claims upon 
it ; he thought a portion of it should be returned to the people to 
increase their sources of national wealth ; this scheme confined 
the whole expenditure of the revenue to the seacoast, cutting 
off the western and interior States from their hope of an equal 
distribution of the public money. Mr. Crittenden did not cherish 
sectional feeling ; the whole of the United States was his country, 
but he could not forget the special interests of his section and 
his constituents ; he did not believe in fortifications as means of 
defense. The sure defense of nations was the courage, intelli- 
gence, and patriotism of the people. We had had wars and 
rumors of wars, but we should not, for that reason, be always 
clad in steel, and oppress ourselves with the weight of our own 
armor. Mr. Benton, in alluding to our difficulties with France, 
had said, " We were in a ?iakcd, miserable, defenseless condi- 
tion." This filled Mr. Crittenden with surprise. For seven 
years the administration had been in the hands of a President 
renowned 171 war, and the senator from Missouri had been one 
of its proudest supporters. Is it not, then, surprising to hear that 
the country is in a "naked, miserable, defenseless condition?" 
In this particular, Mr. Crittenden said. He must be tlie vindi- 
cator of the administration. The Senate was not responsible for 
the fate of the bill ; its loss was owing to '^scruples of conscience'' 
on the part of members of the House, who were not willing to 
m-/ after a certain hour on the last night of the session. Mr. C. 
thought it must be consolatory to its patriotic friends, who 
mourned so eloquently over its fate, to know that it " died for 
conscience' sake." Neither Washington, Adams, Jefferson, nor 
Madison, nor any former Congress, had indulged in such scruples : 



SPEECH ON THE FORTIFICATION BILL. 91 

" the ways of conscience were inscrutable and past finding out;" 
she had made her conipimctious visitings at the witching hour 
of twelve, when conscience, long pent up and clogged with the 
politics of a whole session, would most naturally break out. 
Mr. Benton had alluded to the probability of a war with France. 
Mr. Crittenden did not believe war could be made out of 
such slender materials; he had been anxious to know what 
measures were proposed by the executive, and had turned a 
listening ear to the senator from Tennessee, Mr. Grundy, a dis- 
tinguished supporter of the administration, when he arose and 
announced that " he would declare frankly ivhat he zvas for." 
This promised, frank avowal was, simply, "that he was not 
willing things should remain exactly as they were." Willing to 
reciprocate all good offices with Mr. Grundy (formerly an old 
Kentuckian), Mr. Crittenden imitated his frankness and declared, 
conscientiously, " that he tvas not willing that things should 
remain exactly as they were." "Sir," said he, "we have seen the 
senator from Pennsylvania, that land of honest peace and 
honest industry, rebuking General Jackson for his 'too great 
moderation.' Nothing can be added to that picture. The gen- 
tlemen think it is indispensable to our dignity to compel France 
to pay the sum of money which, by treaty, she owes us. I have 
not sensibility enough to discover that the honor and dignity of 
the country is concerned. This question affects our interests 
and not our honors Mr. Crittenden agreed with the senator 
as to the fact that France did owe us five millions of dollars ; 
but, he asked, " Should we go to war for that ? A war with 
whom, — for what? With France, our first, our ancient ally! 
France, whose blood flowed for us, flowed with our own, in that 
great struggle which gave us freedom. A war for money, — a 
paltry sum of money ! He knew of no instance among civilized 
nations of war waged for such a purpose. T/'among the legiti- 
mate causes of war, it was surely the most inglorious ; can afford 
no generous inspiration ; must ever be an ignoble strife ; on its 
barren fields the laurel cannot flourish ; but little honor can 
be won in the sordid contest, and even victory would be almost 
despoiled of her triumph ! But imagine that the little purse, 
the prize of war and carnage, is at last obtained. There it is ! 
stained with the blood of Americans and Frenchmen, their 



92 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ancient friends and allies. Could we pocket that blood-stained 
purse without emotions of pain and remorse?" Mr. Crittenden 
hoped and believed that we would be saved from the calamity 
of war with foreign nations, and would enjoy more harmony in 
our counsels at home. 

(Mr. Crittenden to O. Brown.) 

WashIxNGTON, March 13, 1836. 

Dear Orlando, — I have yet to thank you for your letter of 
the iith. If I were to rate the obligation by the pleasure it 
gave me, I do not know how I should ever discharge it. The 
description you gave of my wife and children, excited by the 
flattering intelligence of me, which you had furnished to them, 
was both painting and poetry to the heart of such a man as I am. 
It was a picture to bring together a smile and a tear upon a 
husband's and father's face. I am not willing to confess, even 
if it were possible to communicate, all the feelings it aroused 
in me. 

Permit me to tell you how much I enjoy the sentiment ex- 
pressed in your letter when you say, "As for myself, I do feel 
as if I was bound to you and yours as strongly as if there was 
a tie of blood between us," etc. But I must quit this subject or 
become altogether too sentimental. 

Mangum is all you have described him to be. Through your 
means we found ourselves well acquainted upon our very first 
meeting, and have ever since been good friends. We talk often 
of you, — thecaptivation seems to be mutual. Leigh, too, is a noble 
fellow; I almost envy him the patriotic eminence of his present 
position, and never did man meet his fate with more unpre- 
tending integrity and fortitude. There is no parade in the 
course he has taken ; not a spark of pretension or ostentation is 
visible. The conduct he has adopted seems to be the natural 
result of native truth and virtue. 

" There is a daily beauty in his life" which makes these ex- 
pungcrs of the Constitution, who are assailing him, look uglier 
than ever to my sight. I think you will .sj'mpathize in all these 
feelings, and I shall be proud to see in the CovinionwcaltJi one 
of those felicitous articles on the subject which I might show 
to Leigh. We have a tcmporaiy calm just now in our con- 
gressional proceedings. The French question has passed by, 
and the agitation produced by the recharter by Pennsylvania 
of the Bank of the L^nitcd States has subsided. The discussions 
upon the petitions of the Abolitionists have become stale and 
worn out. Clay's land bill and Benton's fortification bill are, I 
presume, the next subjects to break the calm. 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 



93 



There are some here who entertain hopes of the passage of 
the land bill; for my own part, I anticipate nothing so good; 
party spirit has paralyzed Congress to too great an extent ! 
Van Buren's election to the Presidency is, with many, a much 
more important object than the public good, and so, too, per- 
haps, is his defeat with some of his opponents. With respect 
to the coming controversy, I can tell you nothing more than 
you already know. Webster is still standing in the field, though 
he can hardly be considered a competitor. My confidence in 
him leads me to believe he will do what is right and proper. 
Harrison's interest in the North is manifesting itself more 
strongly than was expected, and every day confirms the im- 
pression that Pennsylvania will certainly go for him. The oppo- 
nents of Van Buren here, from every quarter, are confident that 
a majority of the people are against him, and that the only 
chance of his success is in their divided and distracted con- 
dition. Why did not our friends in Kentucky nominate Granger 
when they did Harrison ? I see that some of our papers in 
Lexington have come out for Tyler. 

Upon every principle of policy, we should rather gratify 
Pennsylvania and the Anti-Masons of the North, by taking 
Granger. I do not like to turn my thoughts to your late act- 
ings and doings in Kentucky. The distance has somewhat 
broken the effect upon me, but still I am grieved in spirit at 
some events. They denote, I fear, even more than a want of 
union, — a bad spirit has gotten up among you; but let me say 
no more of things which I cannot mend. 

Give my love to your wife ; yes, my love, I do feel that I 
love everybody in Frankfort, and if this is so, I am sure I must 
love her very dearly. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Orlando Brown. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Senate Chamber, April 8, 1836. 

My dear Maria, — I write merely for the pleasure of writing 
to you ; it is a sort of mental association that is the best conso- 
lation for actual absence. I have nothing to write, unless I 
should write in the strains of a mere lover, and I suspect you 
have already had so much occasion to laugh at me for that, so 
I ought to be a little cautious how I proceed in that melting 
mood. 

I am quite amused to hear of what you all call Hick's badness. 
I suspect he is more petted than whipped. Eugenia writes, " Poor 
Hick is whipped almost every day for cursing^' and then adds, 



94 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

" He is a most charming fellow." I suspect he is a spoiled chap, 
and that I shall have work enough to reform the young gen- 
tleman. 

But I must attend to the business of the Senate, so farewell, 
my dearest Maria. 

Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Mrs. Maria Crittenden. 



CHAPTER VIII. 
1836-1837. 

Mr. Webster's Visit to the West — Anecdote told by Mr. Evarts — Letters. 

IN 1836, Mr, Webster visited the West, and came from Lex- 
ington to Frankfort to see Mr. Crittenden. He was his guest 
for some days at that time, and received from the yeomanry 
of FrankHn County the usual compliment paid to distinguished 
visitors in that locality, " a barbecue," or, as it was called at 
that time, " a bergoo." This was regarded as an unusually great 
occasion, and extensive preparations were made to do honor 
to Mr. Webster. The men were rallied far and wide, and a 
mighty gathering was the result. The place honored by cus- 
tom for this Kentucky festivity was about seven miles from 
Frankfort, on the farm of Mrs. Innes, the mother of Mrs. Crit- 
tenden. A romantic little stream called Elkhorn wound about 
through the woods near the house, and in the dense forest 
along its borders the Kentucky host assembled. I cannot ex- 
plain the origin of the word " bergoo;" the feast differed from a 
" barbecue," in that it was more primitive. Immense iron pots 
were kept on hand in some secluded spot, ready for such occa- 
sions, and each man was expected to bring his own tin cup 
and pewter spoon. " Bergoos" were always the order of the 
day when summer vegetables abounded; only one dish was 
prepared, but it was savory as the mess brought by Esau to 
his father, the blind patriarch. All the birds and squirrels round 
about were shot, prepared, and thrown indiscriminately into the 
large pots ; then all the farms and gardens in the neighborhood 
were put under contribution, and young corn, tomatoes, peas, 
beans, — in short, every vegetable that could be found, was added. 
All this boihd away vigorously till the salutations of the day 
were over, family news told, and kindly questions asked and 
answered. The business of the day (which was making speeches 

(95) 



gS LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

and listening to them) concluded, then all present gathered 
around the steaming pots, cup and spoon in hand, to receive 
their portion. I don't remember that I ever tasted this famous 
broth, but it perfumed the woods, and I know that every one 
" asked for more." There was no distinction of persons on 
these occasions, except that the orators of the day and the 
visitors were first served ; but a tin cup and a pewter spoon were 
the only implements. Mr. Webster was accompanied by his 
wife and daughter Julia, afterwards Mrs. Appleton, and on the 
great day of the feast we drove out to Mrs. Innis's. After rest- 
ing at the house, we walked over to the camping-ground. Mr. 
Webster was received with shouts that almost rent the heavens. 
He was welcomed in the usual form, and called upon for a 
speech, which he made in his inimitable style. Mr. Crittenden, 
knowing his boys of old, feared that he also would be called 
upon for a speech. Before Mr. Webster concluded, he was 
seen quietly and stealthily withdrawing to the outskirts of the 
crowd, and concealing himself at last behind a tree. 

One amusing feature of this occasion was seeing Mr. Webster 
accommodate himself to a stump. This was not the kind of plat- 
form he was accustomed to, but he would not have been equally 
acceptable in any other position. I suppose he had never felt 
his footing so insecure, but, being a quiet speaker by nature, he 
got through like a man and a Kentuckian. After the conclu- 
sion of Mr. Webster's speech, a great shout arose for " Crittenden ! 
Crittenden ! Crittenden !" The crowd swayed backward and for- 
ward, the merry laughter of those near his place of concealment 
betrayed him, and he was literally dragged out and passed over 
the heads of the people to a tall stump, and put dozvn gently. 
Such a triumphant shout of victory was rarely heard on any 
battle-field as arose when this was accomplished. Mr. Crit- 
tenden was laughing so heartily that it was some time before he 
could utter a word. I shall never forget Mr. Webster's expres- 
sion on that day, — amazement and amusement contended for 
mastery. Those who were acquainted with Mr. Crittenden 
have not forgotten the intensely humorous expression of his 
countenance when hearing or relating a good story. On this 
occasion his mirth was contagious. He peremptorily declared 
he would not make a speech, made a comic appeal to '' Jiis boys'' 



ANECDOTE OF MR. EVARTS. 



97 



" not to force him to hold up his little lights while greater lights 
were shining ;" he declared that "there was not a stump within 
five miles that did not bear the marks of his footsteps." This 
plea seemed to touch " the boys,'' — they behaved well, letting 
him off for that time, although I verily believe they would 
rather have heard him speak than Demosthenes or Cicero. 

Before leaving the ground, many pressed forward to take Mr. 
Webster by the hand and to say a word on the great political 
questions of the day. Every man in Kentucky was a politician, 
and those mass-meetings were political schools for uneducated 
men. They listened with intense interest to public speaking, 
and were, many of them, natural orators. In returning to town, 
one of my sisters and myself occupied the same carriage with 
Mr. Webster. During the drive he spoke almost exclusively 
of Mr. Crittenden, and pronounced an eloquent eulogy upon 
him. Among other things he said, " Mrs. Coleman, your 
father is a great and good man. Great men are not difficult to 
find, but a great and good man is rarely seen in this world. 
Mr, Crittenden is a great and good man." 

In 1868 I was in Washington, and was introduced by Senator 
McCreery to Mr. Evarts, then Attorney-General of the United 
States. Mr. McCreery introduced me as the daughter of John 
J. Crittenden, and I received from Mr, Evarts a cordial grasp 
of the hand and a touching allusion to my father's public char- 
acter and private worth. I told him in the course of this 
conversation that I was collecting materials for a life of Mr. 
Crittenden, and asked for his assistance. He encouraged me in 
my purpose, and expressed the conviction that such a book 
would be gladly received by the public, and promised me to 
write out some reminiscences, which he hoped would be useful. 
In this connection Mr. Evarts told me this anecdote: "At the 
ver}' outset of my professional career I was associated with Mr. 
Crittenden as counsel in the famous trial of Monroe Edwards 
for forgery," (Monroe Edwards was a Kentuckian, his parents 
lived in Logan County, where he was born, and where Mr. Crit- 
tenden commenced the practice of law. Mr, Edwards's family 
were among Mr. Crittenden's most intimate friends, and Monroe 
had been, in boyhood, one of his special favorites. In this case^ 
as, many years later, in the Ward trial, Mr. Crittenden came 
VOL, I, — 7 



^8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

forward to exert his best abilities in the service of his o\d friends.) 
" Mrs. Coleman," said Mr. Evarts, " I shall never forget that 
trial in connection with your father. I was a young man on 
the threshold of my professional career, and your father's 
reputation was firmly and widely established as a lawyer and a 
statesman. His cordial manner throughout the trial is most 
gratefully remembered by me, and at its close he asked me to 
take a walk with him. During the walk he took a slight re- 
view of the trial, complimented me upon my course during its 
progress and the ability he was pleased to think I had mani- 
fested, and in conclusion, grasping my hand with warmth, he 
said, ' Allow me to congratulate and encourage you on the 
course of life you have adopted. I assure you that the highest 
honors of the profession are within your grasp, and with perse- 
verance you may expect to attain them.' Those words from 
Mr. Crittenden would have gratified the pride of any young 
lawyer and given him new strength for the struggles of his pro- 
fession. I can truly say they have been of the greatest value to 
me through life. When I came to Washington to take part in 
the defense of President Johnson, the associations of the senate- 
chamber recalled the memory of your father's words and re- 
newed my gratitude for his generous encouragement of my 
early hopes." 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lancaster, May 3, 1S36. 
Dear Crittenden, — I thank you for your favor of the 23d. 
It found me alone in the portico, taking a quiet chew of tobacco, 
in rather a melancholy, desponding, painful temper of mind at 
the prospect ahead, at home and abroad. After reading it, my 
.spirits became animated to such a degree that I have felt cheer- 
ful ever since. Indeed, I may say that I am, at this moment, 
quite an amiable, agreeable, entertaining young gentleman. 
Hope, CYQnzi fault hope, of success is enough to encourage me in 
the present struggle. I can bear anything but despair growing 
out of division in our own ranks and the miserable selfishness 
of our friends. Defeat is nothing to compare with such a state 
of things. This desire of being captain or nobody, "aut Cssar 
aut nihil," ruffles my sweet temper. I hate and abhor such 
an abominable princijjle of action. "Make me captain; if you 
don't, I'll be ;;^?</, and will do nothing in favor of my own prin- 
ciples." This is too bad to be thought of It is, in fact, nothing 



LETTER TO SON THOMAS. 99 

more nor less than the ravishment of a whole party. It may be 
that Judge Clark can be elected governor, but I am not without 
apprehensions ; I would not consent to run if he were ntled 
off. I knew if he zvcnt off in any other way than by his 
own voluntary consent, he would go with a dissatisfied set of 
friends, who would be happy to see any one beaten that took 
his place. I shall use every fair and strong means to elect him. I 
acknowledge to you I am vexed at his perverseness ; not because 
I wanted to run myself Our Van Buren postmaster, returned 
from a tour through the mountains day before yesterday, 
reports that Flournoy will beat Clark in that portion of the 
State. Unless a vigorous effort is made we shall lose the race. 
It would be well to call all our delegation in Congress together, 
and let each man determine to write six letters every twenty- 
four hours to his district, in relation to the election of governor. 
I mean all except Ben Hardin ; I should leave him to himself. 
Meet in the committee -room, and let each vcidin pledge himself 
to do his duty by writing letters forthwith. One Congress 
letter is worth a dozen letters from a private. I am sincerely 
gratified to hear that Webster is- upon the recovery. The truth 
is I had almost brought my mind to the conclusion that his 
case was hopeless. I like him, but he is no such man as Clay ; 
he is most certainly a very great Jiian, and possesses many of 
the highest traits of character, but his ambition is a little too 
much mixed with self-love. Clay is more elevated, more disin- 
terested, more patriotic, and he is always ready to surrender it 
for the possible hope of promoting his country's good. The 
conduct of Mr. Adams, and the verdict of the country against 
him, has had a good effect upon Webster. Say to Bankhead 
everything that a warm-hearted Kentuckian feels ; drink a 
good glass of sherry with hxvafor me, and a glass of champagne 
with his charming lady. I shall not forget to write to his 
Majesty, suggesting the propriety of making him z. full minister. 
No doubt he will promptly obey my suggestions, as he has never 
refused me the first application yet. I would tell you many 
pretty things the public say about you, but knowing you will 
just do what I have done very often, throw aside a long docu- 
ment and never think of it again, I will reserve all that until I 
see you. 

Truly your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his son Thomas.) 

Washington, Dec. 10, 1836. 
My dear Son, — I received your letter of the 25th, from New 
Orleans. After a journey as little fatiguing as possible we 



lOO LIFE OF yOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

arrixcd licrc safely. Your little brothers, John and Eugene, are 
with their grandmother. Our wide dispersion is painful to me, 
and would be intolerable but for the hope that it is for our com- 
mon advantage, and that we shall meet again under happier 
circumstances. In parting with )'ou, my dear son, I have made 
a great sacrifice of feeling for what I hoped might be for your 
good. Whether this shall be so or not depends, to a great 
degree, on your own exertions and good conduct. The object 
nearest my heart, that engages my pride and my affections, is 
the well-doing and reputation of my children. Of you I indulge 
the best and proudest hopes. I have all confidence in your 
principles of integrity and honor, in your manliness, firmness, 
and capacity. All that gives me uneasiness is the thought of 
your youth and inexperience. The scenes in which you are 
cast are full of evils and temptations. When I think how many 
of maturer age have fallen victims to these temptations, I cannot 
help asking myself, with trembling anxiety, Can my boy resist 
and overcome tlieiii all? Can his naked and inexperienced feet 
tread successfully the path that leads through the midst of such 
dangers and temptations ? Has he the good sense, the virtuous 
resolution, the noble, manly ambition to turn away from the 
vices and seductions that will beset and surround him, and look 
only to the more distant, but sure rei^'ard that will crown his 
life with prosperity and honor ? In the pride and confidence of 
my heart I answer these questions thus : " My son has the sense, 
the courage, the virtue to triumph over these difficulties ; that 
he tiv// do so, and his father's heart be gladdened by his course 
of conduct." You are thrown upon the world at an early and 
dangerous season of life. Your constant sense of propriety 
must be your guide. Your situation demands discretion 
beyond that which ordinarily belongs to your age ; you must, 
therefore, make your conduct the subject of daily self-exauiiiia- 
tio)i. A {<t\\ principles and rules of conduct, firmly fixed in your 
mind and acted upon, will insure your safety and success. Con- 
sider trutli and integrity iiiviolable ! Be zealous, he faithful to a 
scruple, to a hair's-breadth, in all business confided to you. Be 
not fi I- v a rd to take offense, or to cherish a false pride. Do not 
look upon your duties as degrading, but rather make the cheerful 
performance of them your distinction and honor! Be frank, 
open, and candid. Practice no dissimulation. Encounter any 
consequences, any sacrifices, sooner than utter ^.falseJiood or do a 
dishonorable act. In this, let your pride and resolution be 
fi.xcd as a rock. Do not frequent the haunts of the idle and dis- 
sipated. Be not seen at an)' gaming or drinki)ig house ! Even 
the suspicion arising from such things will be a stain upon your 
character, and impair confidence in you. In the perplexities of 



REVISION OF TREASURY ORDER. loi 

business, your employers may sometimes act or appear to act 
unkindly. Do not take such things for offenses, but behave 
with dcferetice Z-nd respect, and you will advance yourself in their 
good opinions. Apply your own good sense to all that I have 
so imperfectly written, and you will be able to adopt some valu- 
able rules for the government of your life. I request that you 
will preserve this letter and read it once a week for the next three 
montlis. Mr. Erwin has promised me to be your friend, and he 
can be a very important one. Omit nothing in your power to 
obtain his good opinion. I have observed that you sometimes 
have the appearance of sternness in society. Correct this, — 
cheerfulness and smiles better become your age, and are, I am 
sure, more congenial to your natural disposition. I wish you 
not only to be an accomplished merchant, but an accomplished 
gentleman. The manners of such a gentleman are always Jinaf- 
fected and natural. Write often. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

In 1836 the whole country was suffering from pecuniary diffi- 
culties, and it was believed by Mr. Crittenden and his politic. I 
friends that this embarrassment in the general circulation of the 
country was the consequence of the Treasury Circular. Under 
this order all the specie was collected and carried into the vaults 
of the deposit banks. Mr. Crittenden thought the great com- 
mercial cities, where money was wanted, were its natural de- 
positaries. He contended that when specie was forced by treasury 
tactics in a direction contrary to the natural course of business, 
it was in exile. Men might be deluded on the subject, and while 
the mystification lasted, the "Treasury order" might be held before 
the eyes of men as a splendid financial arrangement. Like the 
natural rainbow, it owed its very existence to the mist in which 
it had its being. The moment the atmosphere is clear, its 
bright colors vanish from view. The senator from Missouri 
charged that the distrilnition bill had done all the mischief Mr. 
Crittenden bore cheerfully his share of the rebuke ; he was 
proud of having been instrumental in getting so beneficial a 
bill passed. As to the honorable senator's bill, relative to the 
expediency of making gold and silver only a tender in payment 
for the public lands, on motion of Mr. Ewing, it had been laid 
upon the table. In that inglorious repose it remained ; but 
no sooner had the Senate adjourned than the measure was 



102 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

brou'^ht forward and furnished materials for the " Treasur}' 
order." Legislative authority was supplied by executive au- 
thority. Mr. Crittenden wished to know if a few individuals 
were to determine such questions of policy involving the in- 
terests of the country far and wide. He thought they were 
questions for Congress. Mr. C. objected to xvliat was done, and 
to the viatmcr of doing it. The order should be rescinded, it 
encroached upon the power of the Senate, increased the power 
of the executive There should be no discriminations made 
between purchasers of public lands in regard to payments, and 
no discriminations between debtors for public lands and all 
other public debtors. " Where is the right to demand payment 
in the terms of the ' Treasury order' found ? No such right 
exists. Even if it be conceded that Congress has the right to 
make such discriminations, has the executive such power? 
The order is illegal and beyond the power of the President. I 
thought at first," said he, " that there would be no great difficulty 
in transporting specie to the West from the great cities of the 
North, by means of railroads. I understand now, there is a 
much better scheme in operation. Suppose a man in the city 
of Washington intended to go West to purchase land ; he would 
take a draft to the Washington Bank and present it, and would 
be asked what kind of money he wanted ? 'I want specie! Then 
a little keg is taken out and wheeled from the bank to the 
Treasury. Of this fact I have been informed by a gentleman 
on whom I rely implicitly. Well, this same litUe keg has been 
so frequently backwards and forzvards on the same errand that 
it has become ridiculous to the people in the Treasury Depart- 
ment. It had been rolled to and fro so often for a distance of 
only sixty yards, that upon calculation it had traveled eleven 
hundred and odd miles. The officers of the country have un- 
dertaken, like common porters, to transport money across the 
country. Pecuniar}- difficulties do now exist to an alarming 
degree. The honorable senator spoke lightly of a /'^;?/r. A 
little starveling pa)nc had the honor of dying by the hand of 
the senator, and is this all the comfort that a distressed com- 
munity is to receive? The honorable gentleman loves this 
' Treasury order,' and the pressure produced by it is to be 
called a panic. This term panic has been found useful when 



LETTER TO SON ROBERT. 



103 



argument was wanting, and by this sort of senatorial cry of 
panic the country must be pacified. Does your statesmanship 
go no further than this ? A little panic gotten up by the certi- 
fiers of General Jackson's enemies. The gentleman thinks there 
is a party in this country, whose origin he traces up with the 
skill of a political genealogist to the days of Alexander Ham- 
ilton, who hate gold and silver. I assure the gentleman I am 
am not one of the haters of gold and silver. These rascal 
counters I have a great affection for. The haters of gold and 
silver are not to be found among politicians. Those who 
wished the bank rechartered were the friends of gold and silver. 
Congress is not bound to think the order right, because the 
President thought it right." Mr. Crittenden could see no occa- 
sion for adopting the language of the senator from Missouri, 
indicating gratitude and thanks to the executive for causing this 
" Treasury order" to be issued ; he would respect the executive 
in proportion to his fidelity and wisdom in the discharge of 
his duty. There is no necessity for treating him as a demigod. 
In 1838 Mr. Crittenden spoke against the new Treasury notes; 
he considered this only a new form of national debt. The 
people were deceived, while the government moved softly on, 
fed fat by the facility with which it supplied itself with means. 
He thought if it took ten millions of extraordinary supplies- 
every six or eight months to keep the administration on its 
legs, the sooner they were recorded on the bills of mortality 
the better for the people. The cry of this magnificent adminis- 
tration was still "Money! money T but for his part he would 
say, " Take physic pomp." He would not vote a dollar for 
the cry of exigency ; he must have ligJit, so as to excuse himself 
to his constituents, 

(Hon. J. J. Crittenden to his son Robert.) 

Senate-Chamber, January 3, 1837. 
Dear Bob, — I am so much pleased with the number of your 
letters, and so anxious to encourage in you a disposition to 
write, that I shall not fail to do my part in the correspondence. 
No exercise of the mind seems to me better calculated to form 
the invaluable habit of accurate thinkiJig and of easy diwd proper 
expression than the practice of reducing our thoughts to writing, 
and letter-writing is the most familiar and easy mode of doing 



104 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

this. But yet how (e\w there are who ever attain to excellence 
in this most useful and important art ! There is scarcely any- 
thing more indispensable to success in life. An educated man 
may be dressed in rags, his outward appearance may not indi- 
cate his character; but let him put his pen to paper, and his 
merits are instantly disclosed. Nothing is more sure to con- 
demn a pretender than an ill-expressed, ill-spelt piece of writing. 
In the judgment of a man of taste such a production would con- 
demn the author irretrievably. Let it be your ambition to 
learn early, and strive by steady practice to improve your style 
and manner of writing. Though certainly less in importance, 
even the liandzvriting, the mechanical part, is worthy of con- 
sideration, — sufficiently so, at least, to deserve your earnest 
attention. When I say to you that I know you have high 
capacity, I do not say it to flatter, but to make you sensible of 
obligations to employ and improve it. My hopes of you are 
high and proud, and no small portion of my future happiness or 
unhappiness depends on you, — on your fulfillment or disap- 
pointment of those hopes. I trust the recollection of all this 
will be cherished by you and stimulate you to every honorable 
exertion in pursuit of honorable distinction. Do not be satisfied 
with Dicdioaity either in your exertions or successes. Cherish 
also feelings of honor and kindness, and principles of truth and 
integrity. Suffer anytJii)ig rather than utter a falsehood or do 
a dishonorable act. Cultivate and guard a sense of honor, and 
struggle, my boy, my dear boy, to be all that you know I wish 
you to be. Your mother, I think, wrote to you a few days 
since, and sent you some nczvspapcrs. I hope, however, that 
you will not give up much of your time to newspapers. You 
asked my permission some time since to give up the study of 
Greek. I am very unwilling, my son, that you should do this. 
It is a most beautiful language, and easy to be acquired after the 
first difficulties are overcome. In twelve months, and devoting 
only a part of each day to it, I had learned it so well that I read 
for a single lesson an entire book of Homer. I was then older 
than you are and better prepared for the study; but go on, you 
will find it easier than Latin, and will rejoice that you have 
learned it, — go to it with cheerfulness and spirit, determined to 
master it. I send you a five-dollar note, as you complain of 
being in want of casli. Your wants cannot be very extensive; 
probably this sum may do, if not, write again. 

Your affectionate father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Robert II. Crittenden. 



LETTER TO A. T. BURNLEY. 105 

(Hemy Clay to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, January 17, 1837. 

Dear Letcher, — I yesterday addressed a letter to the Gen- 
eral Assembly, accepting the appointment which it has recently 
conferred upon me. I need not say to you, who knozu mc, with 
what unaffected sincerity I desire to retire, that this decision has 
cost me the most painful sacrifices of feeling, and I shall hail 
with the greatest pleasure the occurrence of c7;r/^/;/jr/c?//a'^ which 
\vill admit of my resignation with satisfaction to myself and 
without dishonor to myself The Senate is no longer a place 
for a decent man. Yesterday Benton's Expunging Resolntions 
passed, 24 to 19; and the disgraceful work of drawing black 
lines around the Resolve of 1834 was executed at ni)ie o'clock 
at night. The darkness of the deed and of the hour was well 
suited to each other. 

You will observe that a bill for the relief of yourself and your 
friend Moore has passed the House. The latter part of it will 
be a bitter pill, which I do not know that I can swallow. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. Henry Clay. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

Washingtox, ALirch 8, 1S37. 

Dear Burnley, — I have at last the pleasure of announcing 
to you the recognition of the independence of Texas by this 
government. Yesterday the Senate confirmed the nomination 
of M. La Branche, of New Orleans, as our representative to 
the government of Texas. The destiny of Texas may now be 
considered as settled, so far as relates to her national independ- 
ence ; and I trust that independence will be fruitful of all the 
blessings of good government to her people. In the midst of 
this jubilee for the birth of a new nation, I cannot forget to re- 
joice a little at the brightened prospects of my friends, whose 
private interests have been connected with the fortunes of Texas. 
I wish for you an estate of a million only. That will be enough 
for a plain republican, and I hope you will be satisfied with it. 
General Jackson left the District yesterday on his way to the 
Hermitage. As it was said of Richard's natural life, so it may 
be said of Jackson's political life, that " nothing in his life be- 
came him like the leaving it." The Senate is yet in session. 
I sJuxll leave here to-morrow morning. After the glorious news 
from Texas you will have no taste for anything I could write. 
I am in all haste and confusion, in perplexity and preparation, 
for my departure. For God's sake, be an adviser for George. 
Get acquainted with my old friend Archer, and make George 
known to him; he is a noble fellow and true friend. 

Your friend, 

A. T. Burnley. J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER IX. ' 

I 83 7-1 840. 

Admission of Michigan — Purchasing Madison Papers — Letters. 

IN 1837 Mr. Crittenden advocated the immediate admission 
of Michigan, and opposed the adoption of the preamble 
attached to the bill, because it did not tell the whole truth. 
H*c also spoke eloquently in favor of purchasing the Madison 
papers, stating his conviction that nowhere could more light 
be found as to the just interpretation of the powers of the 
Constitution. He declared that if the remains of Mr. Madison 
were known to exist, in the remotest corner of the world, he 
would vote for an expedition to bring back dust so sacred to this 
country ; as to the copyright, so precious did he hold the manu- 
script that, if he possessed it, he would not sell it for thirty 
thousand dollars. 

Mr. Crittenden was always in favor of the distribution bill ; 
he did not advocate the collection of revenue for the purpose 
of distribution, but if a surplus of revenue occurred legiti- 
mately, he contended that it should 7iotbe thrown into the deposit 
banks, to excite the cupidity of those corporations, ^/c/ daei' into 
the hands of the people ; it should not be kept on hand to meet 
the fancies or /us/s of those in power. He believed that virtue 
was the foundation of republican government, and that a lavish 
expenditure of public money had a direct tendency to under- 
mine public virtue. 

The executive had told the Senate that a surplus furnished 
means for speculation ; and so strong had been /lis conviction 
of the evil, that, with a view to prevent it, he had assumed the 
responsibility of the "Treasury order." Mr. Crittenden re- 
membered well when the President commenced his attack on 
the United States Bank. He had held out to the nation the 
golden prospect of a specie circulation. This was the cheap 
purchase of anticipated glory, and rang from Maine to Georgia ; 
but when the promised time came, the objections were many 
(106) 



LETTER TO LESLIE COMBS. 



107 



and insurmountable. The argument used was, that this money 
would corrupt the people, and it must therefore be left in the hands 
of the pure and incorruptible men who now had the management 
of it. With regard to the fourth installment of the deposit bill, 
Mr. Crittenden contended that it must be paid, that the faith 
pledged by an act of Congress should not be so lightly broken. 
The government could get no available funds by means of this 
bill ; so great was its tenacity for a metallic currency that it 
would not even acknowledge the money of the country. The 
States had entered into contracts, and incurred expenses, on the 
expectation of receiving this money. The States will gladly 
receive these funds which the government rejects ; the people 
have full confidence in the banks and would take their paper. 
Mr. C. declared that the money belonged to the people, from 
whom the government had collected it. Notwithstanding the 
great distress of the people, and the lessons in economy read 
to them by the President, the only object of the administration 
seems to be to fill the Treasury. 

In the early part of this year, Mr. Crittenden opposed the bill 
for the increase of the army. I believe the bill proposed to 
fix the minimum of the army at 12,500. The pretext for this 
was the danger of sudden irruptions of the Indians on the 
frontier. Mr. Crittenden said it was vain to affect a terror of 
this down-fallen race, trampled in the dust, broken in spirit, 
borne down by oppression and injustice; they were a poor, 
degraded race, living on the charity of the government. He 
opposed all increase of the army, or of the fortifications, con- 
sidering them a useless burden on the nation. The bill formed 
part of a mischievous system of policy founded on principles 
repugnant to the genius of our country. 

, (J. J. Crittenden to Leslie Combs.) 

Senate, March 20th, 1838. 
My dear Sir, — I received your letter relating to the claim 
of our friend Allen. The excitement which was created here 
by the duel was, for a time, great. The affair was to be blended 
with politics, and all the little politicians were set to work ac- 
cordingly. The case was suited to their capacity, and, for a 
time, their success was great, and the excitement high. But a 
reaction is now, I am told, taking place with almost equal 
rapidity. A vile spirit of political persecution is seizing on the 



I08 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

occasion to injure or destroy Graves, and for other party advan- 
tages. We believe that they will be disappointed in this, and 
that they can derive no advantage from it when the public has 
been made acquainted with the whole matter. I shall not now 
attempt to give you any histor}'^ of the affair. Graves acted 
from a sense of honor. If he went a step too far, it was from 
extreme sensibility which he felt as a Kentucky representative. 
He worked to avoid qw try possibility of reproach upon his honor 
and his gallantry at the hazard of every peril. You know 
how a Kentuckian feels when at a distance from home. The 
honor of his Stale is in his hands, — so he thinks and feels, — and 
the sentiment, though it may sometimes err, is worthy of en- 
couragement. You will have learned all the circumstances be- 
fore this reaches you, and will, I hope, be prepared to think 
favorably of Graves's case. Depend on it, he is a pure-minded, 
noble-hearted fellow, and as brave as Julius Czesar. He ought 
to have your sympathies. I have no room for comment. The 
Kentucky blood here is all zuann toward Graves. From the 
administration presses the vilest abuse is poured out on ///;;/, 
and on Wise particularly. We hoped to hear a somewhat differ- 
ent note from our Kentucky papers, but, really, their style has 
been almost as damning, by its faint, puny, stinted sort of de- 
fense. I appeal to you for Graves. Look to this subject, and 
give the proper tone to his vindication in our papers in your 
town, if it meets the approbation of your judgment. 

Your friend, 
Leslie L. Combs. John J. Crittenden. 

In 1838 Mr. Calhoun's resolutions, authorizing anti-slavery 
documents to be taken from the Southern mails, were under 
discussion. Mr. Crittenden denounced them as vague abstrac- 
tions, calculated to produce agitation, fine-spun theories, upon 
which no two men could agree. The mover of the resolutions 
was continually uttering the trite cry of danger to the Union, 
and declaring that, if he is not followed in this movement, the 
Union w ill be destroyed. Mr. C. thought the sur.est way to 
break up the Union would be to follow that gentleman in his 
violent course. Such language might be only a polite method 
of carrying, by wild alarm, every trembling vote in his train, 
" Has the South no friends but the gentleman and his little 
party? Is no other banner displayed, under which the friends 
of the South can range themselves, but the tattered, shattered 
flag of this little States Rights party?" Mr. Crittenden thought 
himself a States Rights man, but he could not follow Mr. Cal- 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 109 

houn in his vagaries ; could not go along with him in his men- 
tal terrors. Mr. Crittenden did not think the language of the 
resolutions decorous. The sovereign States are the sovereign 
eijments of this Union. He thought a State had a right to 
petition. 

In 1838 the General Assembly of Connecticut instructed 
their representatives, Mr. Miles and Mr. Smith, to vote against 
the sub-treasury bill. These representatives denounced the 
proceedings of their legislature as dishonorable. Mr. Critten- 
den declared that he did not profess to be under the obligation 
of unlimited and passive obedience ; but he protested against 
that sort of language held by the senator against his State ; he 
was sorry to see the spirit with which gentlemen submitted to 
their political retirement. In fact, he thought they had gone 
beyond their depths in a sea of glory. When they had conned 
their lesson in the school of adversity, they might, perhaps, be 
brought to their senses, and be made useful members of society 
in their proper places. 

In 1838 Mr. Crittenden introduced a bill to prevent the inter- 
ference of Federal officers in elections. Some time after he 
expressed a hope that an early period might be allowed him 
for its discussion. He desired to bring to the notice of the 
Senate the sophistries by which this greatest vice in our system 
was defended. 

There was a great outcry against this bill of Mr. Crittenden. 
It was called the gag-law. In 1840 a great Southwestern con- 
vention was held in Nashville, which Mr. Crittenden attended, 
and at which he made a speech, which was said to be one of 
his most masterly efforts. The legislature of Tennessee in- 
, structed her representatives to vote against this bill; and Hugh 
A. Dawson White, senator from Tennessee, felt that he could not 
conscientiously obey these instructions, and resigned. The 
allusion which Mr. C. made in his speech at the convention to 
that scene in the Senate, and Mr. White's death, which soon 
followed, is most touching, 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria K. Crittenden.) 

Senate, Februaiy 28, 1839. 
_ My dearest Wife,— On Sunday next, three days from this 
time, I shall leave here on my return to you. Sunday week at 



no LIFE OF yoHi^r y. crittenden. 

furthest, I hope to be with you. I count the days now with 
as much impatience as I did months at the beginning of the 
session. My heart almost leaps forward to meet and embrace 
you. 

My highest wish is to find you full of health and happiness, 
and arrayed in all those smiles which you know I have so long 
admired. I was engaged almost all day long yesterday in the 
Senate, and I feel a little worsted by it to-day. Judge Under- 
wood was married last night to Miss Cox, of Georgetown. The 
Kentucky delegation were at the wedding. Farewell, my 
dearest wife; kiss our children for me. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. Maria K. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

April 22, 1839. 

Dear Burnley, — I inclose you letters to Webster and Sar- 
geant. With your skill and address, I think you may engage 
those gentlemen in your cause. There is something stirring to 
generous minds in the idea of patronizing and ?i\^\vi^ yojmg na- 
tions, and of having these things remembered. Your gentle 
suggestion of the grateful sentiments with which Texas would 
remember sucli assistance would not be without sonic effect. 
But it is not for me to make S7ich suggestions to an old diplo- 
matist. 

I shall not see you again, I suppose, till your return from 
Europe. 

Farewell, then, and "may all good fortune attend you" by 
sea and land, and bring you back to your home and friends, 
speedily, in health, and crowned with success and wealth. 

Your friend, 

To A. T. Burnley. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Daniel Webster to J. J. Crittenden.) 

London, July 31, 1S39. 
My dear Sir, — I received yesterday your letter by Mr. 
Burnley, whom I was glad to see, and to whom it will give me 
pleasure to render any service in my power. When I parted 
with you, I hardly supposed I should ever write to you from 
London. We have been here now nearly two months, and 
have been occupied with seeing and hearing. Political excite- 
ment, and the state of parties here, made it rather an interesting 
period. I have attended the debates a good deal, especially on 
important occasions. Some of their ablest men are far from 
being fluent speakers. In fact, they hold in no high repute the 
mere faculty of ready speaking, at least not so high as it is held 



LETTER FROM GENERAL HARRISON. m 

in other places. They are universally men of business; they 
have not six-and-tiventy other legislative bodies to take part of 
the law-making of the country off their hands ; and where there 
is so much to be done, it is indispensable that less should be 
said. Their debates, therefore, are often little more than con- 
versations across the table, and they usually abide by the good 
rule of carrying the measure under consideration one step, 
whenever it is taken up, without adjourning the debate. This 
rule, of course, gives way on questions of great interest. I see 
no prospect of any immediate change of administration. The 
minority acknowledges itself to be weak in the number of its 
supporters in Parliament ; but their opponents, if they should 
come into power, would hardly be stronger, without a dissolu- 
tion and a new election. It is thought that, upon the whole, 
the conservative interest is gaining ground in the country, 
especially in England. Still, the leaders of the party feel very 
little inclined, I think, to be eager for the possession of power. 
Office here is now no sinccm'e. Business matters have been in 
a bad state, and money remains quite scarce ; but cotton has 
risen a little, and some think the zvorst is over. I expect to 
hear bad news from the United States. I fear greatly for many 
of the banks. Nothing can be done with the securities of our 
States, nor can anything be done with them on the Continent, 
though money is plenty in France and ' Holland. My dear 
friend, I fear it will be very many years before American credit 
shall be restored to the state it was in at the time the late ad- 
ministration began its experiments on the country. 

My wife and daughter are, of course, much pleased with what 
is to be seen in London, and Julia was greatly grieved to hear 
that Cornelia was so near coming the voyage hither and after- 
wards gave it up. The weather is hot ; if no change shall come 
soon, the wheat crop will be in danger. 
I am, dear sir, with true regard, 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

Daniel Webster. 

Mr. Crittenden. 

(Geneml W. H. Harrison to J. J. Crittenden.) 

North Bend, November 7, 1839. 
My dear Sir, — My intimate friend (for forty-four years) Judge 
Burnet, of Cincinnati, was appointed with Judge Pease by our 
State Convention as delegates (at large) last winter. Pease died 
some weeks ago. I saw Burnet yesterday ; he is in good health, 
and is preparing to attend at Harrisburg on the 4th proximo. 
The delegate from this district will be chosen on the day after 
to-morrow. None but an intimate and zealous friend of mine 



112 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will receive the appointment. Several are mentioned, but I 
think Colonel N. G. Pendleton will be chosen. Both B. and P. 
have seen your letter of the 25th, from Philadelphia, a.s have two 
other friends who have been spoken of as the district delegate. 
Ikirnet (and whichever of my other friends may go with him) 
will encleavor to see you and consult with you as they go to 
Harrisburg. They will explain to you my objections to the use 
you suggest of certain letters in my possession. The policy 
pointed out by the present state of the contest appears to me 
to be that of conciliation ; for I think that the friends of Clay, 
in the Convention, wall be convinced that he cannot obtain the 
\otes of either Illinois, Indiana, or Ohio, and that I can get 
them all. There never was a time when I could not beat V. 
B. in either of the two last, and I assure you that I am (in the 
latter particularly) daily gaining strength. There are many, 
very many heretofore warm partisans of the administration who 
have declared their determination to vote for me if I should be 
the candidate. Some find an apology in the principle of" rota- 
tion in office," and that they cannot see any difference in my 
pretensions and those of Jackson. Others begin to see some- 
thing wrong in the conduct of affairs, and are willing to give 
their votes to another candidate than the incumbent, provided 
" he has always been on the side of the people." This they 
believe of me, but obstinately persist in refusing to accord to 
Mr. Clay in despite of facts the most undeniable. 

Some of my friends are desirous that I should place, in some 
shape or other, with a view to its being laid before the people, 
my views of the " present desperate state of the country, and 
my opinions as to the necessity of a thorough reform." But I 
do not agree with them as to the necessity or even the propriety 
of such a course. 

It appears to me that no one should be supported for the 
Presidency of the United States who cannot give a better guar- 
antee for the correctness and fidelity of his conduct than that of 
opinions given and pledges made during the pendency of the 
contest which was to decide on his pretensions. How many 
instances can be adduced of the fulfillment of engagements made 
under such circumstances when there was strong temptation to 
violate them ! What, then, it may be asked, is the security of a 
free people in conferring power upon those who are to admin- 
ister their affairs? I answer that an effectual remedy is only 
to be found by limiting the powers granted to a measure which 
shall be only equal to the proper discharge of the duties required 
to be performed, and even those for as short a period as possible. 
I am satisfied that this general principle does not meet the exi- 
gency now to be provided for, because the powers annexed to 



LETTER FROM GEAERAL HARRISON. 113 

the office of President are greater than are necessary for the 
chief magistrate of a repubhc to possess, and the reduction of 
them to the proper standard not immediately in the power of 
the people. Indeed, the reduction of the unnecessary and dan- 
gerous powers depends upon the selection of the President, as 
the prerogatives conferred upon him by the Constitution, or 
claimed to have been conferred, are such as totally to preclude 
any hope of reform but with his consent. The question, then, 
recurs, What guarantee, under such circumstances, can be given 
to the people that their confidence will not be betrayed, and 
that the measures so necessary not only for their prosperity, 
but for the preservation of the republican principles of the 
government, will not be thwarted by the candidate whom they 
may select ? The answer seems to me to be obvious. Since it 
appears from the records of history, confirmed indeed by our 
own experience, that pledges given by candidates for high 
trusts are not to be relied upon, the people must look for 
security to a strict scrutiny of the character of those who are 
presented for their choice. Have they been before intrusted 
with power ? In what manner was it exercised ? Was it used 
with a single eye to the advantage of those for whose benefit it 
was given ? Was there any manifestation of a desire to increase 
it beyond the limits which the common-sense meaning of the 
grant which conferred it would authorize ? Any selfishness 
discoverable amidst the general display of magnanimity and de- 
votion to the public good ? There is one candidate for whom 
I would readily vouch for his passing through such an ordeal 
without the slightest imputation upon his honor or patriotism. 
I allude to Henry Clay. During a large portion of his public 
life I was in his confidence, and I am perfectly sure that the 
interest and happiness of his country were the objects to which 
his great talents were devoted. General Scott I only know as 
an honorable man, a gallant and able officer, and a sterling 
patriot. Of his political opinions I know nothing. 

As I am myself the only other candidate of the opposition, I 
must leave it to the people to determine the character of my 
conduct whilst I was in their service. For many years I filled 
offices of no inconsiderable importance, and the powers with 
which I was often clothed great almost beyond example in our 
country, and for that reason greatly enhancing the obligation to 
a faithful discharge of the duties they imposed. To the crime 
against the people a contrary course of conduct would have 
superadded that of bringing disgrace upon the administrations 
of Jefferson and Madison, — those pure patriots by whom I was 
patronized and trusted. If, under circumstances such as these, 
I could in a single instance have departed from that course of 

VOL. I. — 8 



I i_^ LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

conduct which marks an upright and faithful pubhc servant, I 
am unworthy of the further confidence of my fellow-citizens. 
The deep stake they have at issue in the election of a President 
for the next term, the important consequences which are to flow, 
for good or for evil, from the way in which the contest may be 
decided, create an obligation upon the part of the people greater 
than at any former period strictly to scrutinize the conduct of 
those submitted to their choice, when in the exercise of power 
heretofore conferred. To bring them to the test of the Scrip- 
ture parable, whether having been " faithful over a few things" 
they may be safely trusted " to rule over many things." 

It is in no spirit of arrogance that I challenge such an in- 
vestigation in relation to myself I cannot hope that in the 
discharge of the various and complicated duties which have 
been committed to me (and wiiich, in the opinion of the patriotic 
Shelby, were at one period " greater than he had ever known 
imposed upon one individual") that it would not be found that 
I have committed errors. I am too conscious of my own im- 
perfections to entertain any such idea. My confidence rests 
solely upon my intentions to do right, and to carry out in prac- 
tice those democratic republican principles, in the theory of ^ 
which I had from early youth been trained. I trust that an 
investigation would clearly show that, instead of endeavoring to 
enlarge the great powers which as governor of Indiana I pos- 
sessed, I sedulously sought for opportunities to place them in 
the hands of the people. 

I have said above that I considered pledges given by a candi- 
date for the Presidency as to what he would or would not do, 
unnecessary and improper. I have endeavored to show that 
they were " unnecessary;" and I think, by reference to the opin- 
ions I have given in my letters to Mr. Sherrard Williams and 
Mr. H. Denny in relation to the exercise of the veto power by 
the President, that it would be highly improper in one who 
limits the President's power as I have done, to pledge himself 
to any particular course. Give any other construction to the 
Constitution than that which I have given in those letters, and 
it seems to me that the whole character of the government 
would be changed, and that the President, by the union of the 
direct and indirect means which I have pointed out, would be- 
come as effectually the legislator of the country as is the autocrat 
of the Russias. The veto power was evidently given to guard 
the Constitution and to prevent the effects of a too hasty legis- 
lation. I conceive, that even in cases of doubtful construction 
of the Constitution, the opinions of the President must yield to 
the deliberately expressed wishes of the American people. But, 
again, let the precedent already set become established, and 



LETTER FROM GENERAL HARRISON. 



115 



the Presidency every fourth year will be at auction, as was the 
Roman empire upon the death of Pertinax. The leaders of the 
different interests and parties will be the bidders, and the high 
prize will be knocked off to the highest offer, i.e. to the party 
that can bring most strength to the aspirant, although the in- 
terests and perhaps the constitutional rights of the weaker party 
may be sacrificed by the discharge of the debt. What a field 
for intrigue will be here opened, — what a school for giving the 
last polish to political hypocrites ! Further, if the precedent 
of pledges is once established, it would render abortive the 
now so generally favored opinion of confining the presidential 
service to a single term. Will the man who pledges himself to 
support the efforts of a party in the accomplishment of any 
particular object hesitate to pledge himself also to aid with his 
influence the succession of his allies to the seat of power, and 
thus perpetuate the injustice by which his own elevation was 
effected ? 

It will not, I hope, be considered by what I have said above 
that I am opposed to every effort being made by the people 
perfectly to understand the political opinions of a candidate for 
the Presidency, as far as it relates to the principles of the 
Constitution and the fundamental principles upon which it is 
founded. No one should be supported for the Presidency of 
whose sentiments in relation to them there hangs the slightest 
shadow of doubt, of whom it was not believed that having 
received the highest evidence of favor and confidence which his 
fellow-citizens could bestow, that it would be the dearest wish 
of his heart, the constant object of his thoughts, and that upon 
which all his official influence would be devoted to restore the 
government to the purity in which it came from the hands of 
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. 

In the letters to Mr. Williams and Mr. Denny above referred 
to, I have endeavored to give my opinion of the principles of 
our government in a manner not to be misunderstood. But I 
refuse to pledge myself in advance, as to the application of these 
principles to particular cases or to the views of any particular 
party; because by so doing I should usurp upon the privileges 
of the legislative branch of the government, of which the Presi- 
dent, notwithstanding his veto power, constitutes no part. And 
because, from my construction of the Constitution, a President 
of the United States is chosen, not for the purpose of carrying 
into effect his own political views, but those of the people of 
the United States declared by themselves or their more imme- 
diate representatives. 

I am, dear sir, yours truly, 

W. H, Harrison. 



Il6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Washington, January 2, 1840. 
My dearest Maria, — A happy New Year to you ! and all 
the blessings due to the tenderest and best of wives ! Oh, what 
a feast of the heart it would have been could I have transported 
m)'self sudden!)- home and met the joys of the season with my 
wife and children in my arms and on my knees ! It is some 
enjoyment to think of this. And now again I ask you when 
will the weather permit you to start for Washington ? Tliis is 
the most interesting point for me. I was at the President's 
yesterday, and at night at the theatre for the first time. There 
was as usual a great assemblage of all sorts of people and all 
sorts of dress at the President's. I met there with Mrs. Pope, 
of Louisville (formerly Miss Preston), and acted as her gallant 
during the evening. Slie is clever, and I shall like her; her being 
a Kentuckian is enough to secure all my predilections. I went 
to the theatre to see Vandenhoff and his more celebrated daugJitcr, 
particularly the latter, of whose beauty and talent I had heard 
so much; and I think she deserves it all. She is unquestionably 
the finest actress I ever saw. Without offense to your Pres- 
byteriaiiisni, I wish you could have enjoyed it all. 

I have not heard from you for several weeks, and begin to 
'be out of temper with \.\\c posttnasters. 

Farewell, my dearest wife. My love to all. 

J. J. Crittenden, 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Senate, January 8, 1840. 

My dearest Wife, — I have not a word to write, and yet I 
must write to you. It is a sort of aliment that my nature seems 
to require, and as without any cause that I am conscious of, I 
feel rather gloomy and despondent, I naturally turn to you for 
relief I should indeed feel that "the world was a waste," and 
bore neither fruit nor flowers for me without you. Get well 
and come on to me as soon as possible, but do not expose your- 
self too much to the inclemency of the weather. 

Kiss our little boys for me, and believe that I love you with 
all my heart. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, April 2, i86o. 

Dear Crittenden, — My political speculations are not worth 

a copper cent! I have never believed that Seward would be 

the candidate of the Black party, or that Douglas would be 

the choice of the Democrats ; but I confess your letter almost 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. ny 

convinced me that my views were erroneous. If, as you sup- 
pose, it is distinctly understood, upon the meeting of the Charles- 
ton Convention, that Seward will be selected at Chicago, then 
I think Douglas will be the nominee, upon the calculation that 
he will be able to carry Illinois and Indiana. I have had a talk 
with Guthrie; he was confident of obtaining the nomination at 
Charleston. I told him, fmnkly, he had not the ghost of a 
chance. I believe noiv he is of my opinion. The friends of 
Breckenridge licrc and at Lexington seem to be confident that 
he will be the lucky man. / don't believe tJiat. We hear 
Buchanan has taken him up ; I doubt if he will be true to 
him. I know he hates him, not perhaps as much as he hates 
Douglas. I have read B.'s plea in abatement, protesting against 
an inquiry into his official conduct. The plea is, I think, well 
drawn and adroit, but the points of objection appear to me in- 
defensible. You are right to have nothing to do with a nomina- 
tion. Let Hunt or Everett, or somebody, take the place. Tom 
Clay says if his presence is necessary at the Baltimore Conven- 
tion to vindicate you, he will go on at once. Combs begged 
himself in as a delegate to the exclusion of Tom. I see no 
fun whatever. Go to Burnley's and talk to him, then to the 
bank, then back to Burnley's, then home, read, lay down, get 
up, and do the same thing, take medicine, and have myself 
rubbed like a race-horse. Come home ! The queen is thinking 
of what she will have for breakfast the day you get home. One 
thing I know, there will be a quart of rich cream, and I sha'n't 
get a drop of it. I am glad I\Irs. Crittenden does not go out in 
Washington ; she will be better prepared for a ''poor man's 
breakfast." 

Your sincere friend, 
J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Senate, April 30, 1S40. 
DE.A.R Orlando, — Our intelligence from Virginia enables me 
now, as all here think, to say to you that the Whigs or Harri- 
son men have carried that State by the election of a majority 
of the legislature and with a majority of the popular vote. The 
first fruits of this will be two senators from that State and then 
its electoral vote for Harrison. This latter consequence, how- 
ever, is our inference. The administration men say there will 
be a reaction in Virginia, and that they will carry the State then 
by a large majority. And it is upon such dreams and visions 
they feed their sickly hopes. Nothing can exceed the confi- 
dence of the friends of Harrison. That confidence generates 
and sustains a corresponding zeal, and as far as there can be 



Il8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

any certainty in respect to future political events, it seems to 
me that his election is certain, and by a very great majority. 
The nation is mnv for him. The current of events is in his 
favor, and the same grreat causes that have produced that cur- 
rent will continue to give it increased rapidity and force. The 
abuse lavished on Harrison is like oil thrown on the fire, and 
will endanger or consume the incendiary only. The popular 
feeling breaks forth in favor of Harrison where it was least ex- 
pected, and makes glad places that were considered as "waste." 
Georgia, notwithstanding all efforts to the contrary, has, of a 
sudden and as by some general and spontaneous impulse, raised 
a mighty shout for him, and seems like all the other States in 
her zealous support of him. I speak from information which 
I consider the very best and most indubitable when I say to you 
that I believe Georgia is just as certain for Harrison as any 
State in the Union. Though the leaders of the administration 
party here affect the language of confidence, it is evident that 
their ranks are wavering with fear and alarm, and that they can 
scarcely withstand the tone of courage and confidence that con- 
stantly resounds from the host of their adversaries. 

They are, in effect, already dismayed and beaten. And if the 
friends of Harrison can only resist the efforts that will be made 
to divert and deaden public sentiment, and will only preserve 
their present patriotic spirit, their opponents will not only be 
beaten, but utterly routed, — " horse, foot, and dragoons." 

The presidential question absorbs everything else, and but 
little is doing, or will be done, in Congress at the present session, 
though the session will, in all probability, be a long one. 

In the great struggle for political deliverance that is now in 
progress, 1 hope that old Kentucky will not be behind the fore- 
most. Her place is in the front, and in \\\vX post of patriotism 
and honor I had rather see her trodden down than make one 
disgraceful step from it. 

Who is our candidate for our county? You must not sur- 
render Franklin at this crisis. We must have a candidate, and 
one that can be elected. 

While I write you, the first number of the Campaign is laid 
on my table. I hail it, and that I may pay my respects to the 
stranger, must conclude mj' letter. I don't understand that you 
have yet erected at Frankfort a "log cabin." This ought to be 
attended to ; it is all the rage on this side the mountains, and 
the common impression is that neither Grecian nor Roman 
architecture e\er constructed an}-thing superior to the " Log 
Cabin." My best respects to your wife, and kindest remem- 
brance to all our townsmen and friends. Write to me. 

Your friend, 

O. Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER X. 
1840. 

Great Southwestern Convention — Letter of Archbishop Spalding — Complimentary 
Resolutions of the Board of Trustees of the Second Presbyterian Church in 
Baltimore as to the Trial of R. J. Breckenridge — Letters. 

THE great Southwestern Convention met on the 17th of 
August, 1840, at Nashville, and, after adopting certain 
resolutions, it was addressed by Mr. Crittenden. I am per- 
suaded that no mortal man ever made a greater impression 
upon a popular assembly. Never before did I see such a multi- 
tudinous audience tremble under the power of eloquence, never 
were the deep fountains of my emotions so stirred. Peal after 
peal followed, blow after blow fell with merciless power, sar- 
casm after sarcasm, and coruscations of wit delighted the vast 
assembly. Mr. Crittenden's eye flashed, now with scorn, now 
with other emotions. He has left behind him a name which 
time only can obscure. 

I feel it would be murder in the first degree to attempt a de- 
scription of this masterly display of oratory. No pen can truly 
write out that speech, no tongue can truly describe it. Great 
as is the reputation of its author as a statesman and an orator, 
his warmest admirers declare that they never heard him on any 
occasion make a better speech, more eloquent, more appropriate. 
I heard conspicuous Van Buren men proclaim that it was the 
greatest speech they had ever listened to. 

The style and manner of the distinguished statesman cannot 
be spread upon paper : an outline only of the principal points 
he dwelt upon will be attempted. 

Mr. Crittenden began by expressing a wish that he could 
feel himself worthy to address such an audience, feel himself 
able to entertain so vast a multitude on so s^reat an occasion : 



t>* 



Fellow-Citizens, — We can all do something for a great cause. 
Let no man say he can do nothing, but rather let him gird on 



120 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

his armor, take one step forward, and he will find himself en- 
gaged in the struggle of the people against power and oppression. 
Let him look at the great and critical measures which are 
involved in this contest. Let him reflect upon the sad, the 
fatal consequences which will be visited upon the people if 
the executive should triumph ; let him calmly survey this 
overshadowing power which the executive is contending for ; 
let him reflect that the great issue is liberty against oppres- 
sion, the people against the office holders, — then let him pre- 
pare for the contest and say he can and zvill do something in 
the conflict. 

Fellow-citizens, every man knows that the office holder feels 
bound to electioneer for the President. In order to hold his 
place he must give up his independence as a freeman, submit 
to the requirements of his master the executive, — he knows that 
this is one of the cardinal principles of Van Buren democracy. 
As my illustrious colleague truly observed yesterday, all the 
qualifications an applicant may possess will avail him nothing. 
The questions put by, or in behalf of, Martin Van Buren are 
not, Is he honest ? Is he capable ? Will he support the Consti- 
tution ? Oh, no, fellow-citizens, these old-fashioned questions, 
recognized by Jefferson's democracy, have been superseded by 
another catechism which was somewhat after this fashion : Wliat 
has he done for our party? Who has he bullied at the polls? 
Has he used means to mislead the people and entice them to our 
support? Have tfie people rejected him? Let him establish 
these claims, and his reward is sure. All who are willing to 
come under this Russian serfdom and to give up the breath of 
freemen are qualified for office under Martin Van Buren. All 
applicants who have been thus meanly willing to submit to 
such terms have been rewarded with office. 

But do such officers answer the purpose of the people, to 
whom indeed all the offices belong ? Are their best interests 
faithfully watched and guarded by such servants? Is the 
money of the people faithfully guarded ? No, fellow-citizens, 
no ! out of sixty-seven land officers, sixty-three have proved 
to be defaulters. What do the people think of this ? What is 
its moral tendency? What the moral effects of such a state 
of things? Who does not see that it is Mr. Van Burcn's object 
so to vitiate, to corrupt the public mind that he may appoint 
the most desperate and despicable politicians to office, who will 
stop at nothing in assisting him in the accomplishment of his 
grand scheme of subjecting this great people to his arbitrary 
rule for another term ? I do not believe Mr. Van Buren pos- 
sesses either the head or the heart to be the President of this 
proud and independent nation. He was nurtured in the Albany 



SOUTHWESTERN CONVENTIOX AT NASHVILLE, 121 

Regency school of politics ; he has not the capacity or sensi- 
bility to act or feel like a Western politician. Van Buren is 
?i free-trader in politics, buying where he can purchase cheapest, 
and selling where he can command the highest price, — he was 
for the luar, and he was against the i^'ar. Should the Federalist 
say to him, " Mr. Van Buren, we can support no man who ad- 
vocated the last war, which ruined our commerce and brought 
our country so deeply in debt," how readily would he reply. 
Gentlemen, who took more decided ground against that zuar 
than I did ? Madison I opposed, and gave my hearty support 
to Clinton, your own favorite candidate. On the other hand, 
should the Republicans approach him, and say, " We can sup- 
port no man who did not advocate the last war," how promptly 
he would assure them that he did support it, and point to his 
reports and speeches in its favor made after Madison's re-elec- 
tion, after the war had become popular. Now, take the subject 
of abolition. Should leading Abolitionists tell Mr. Van Buren 
that they would like to vote and use their influence for him 
if they could only have some evidences that he would help 
to carry out their principles, who could furnish them with 
stronger and more enduring proofs than Mr. Van Buren of his 
firm attachment to their cause? How gravely, with what sin- 
cerity, he would point to his vote instructing the New York 
senators upon the Missouri question ; his vote in the New York 
Convention in favor of extending the right of suffrage to 
negroes ; to his vote in Congress to restrict slavery in Florida ; 
to his declaration, for the public, that Congress has the consti- 
tutional power to abolish slavery any day in the District of 
Columbia, and to his recent rescript, that he saw nothing of the 
admission of negro testimony in court against a gallant officer 
of the navy that called for his interference ! 

On the other hand, should the Anti-Abolitionists say to him, 
" Mr. Van Buren, what guarantee will you give us that if we 
vote for you, you will not favor the scheme of these infamous 
fanatics?" how quickly would he refer them to his repeated 
declarations that he would apply the veto to any bill having 
for its object the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ! 
Upon the subject of internal improvements he is as well pre- 
pared. To one party he points to his vote to establish toll- 
gates upon the Great Cumberland Road, — such was his loz>e, his 
zeal, for internal improvements ! He calls attention also to his 
approval of numerous other bills making great appropriations 
for works of that nature. 

To the opposing party, he will avow that he is against internal 
improvements by the general government, and point with 
exultation to the complaints of the friends of the great national 



122 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

road, that he asked for no appropriations for it in his last table 
of estimates and expenditures. 

On the subject of Federalism he pursues the same policy. 
To the Federalists, he can turn to his evident support of Rufus 
King, their great champion, and exhibit the book he wrote in 
his favor. To the Republicans, he can point to his support of 
Daniel D. Tompkins. Now, am I not justified in calling Mr. 
\^an Buren a free-trader in politics ? What has he ever done to 
adx'ance the true interests of his country, or promote its pros- 
perity? There can be but one answer, — he has done nothing! 
If old Plutarch were to burst from his tomb and be called upon 
to record the services he has rendered to his country, what a 
dread blank the old historian would be compelled to present to 
the world! What reasons have the people to advance such a 
man to the highest office in their gift ? Repeat his name to his 
countrymen : does it fill the heart with grateful emotion ? No ! 
but at the name of Washington, or even Jackson, and of Harri- 
son men's souls are moved ; but sound the name of Van Buren 
and the hearts of men are as cold as a tombstone, or even as 
cold as Van Buren himself. His administration has been, thus 
far, a series of unprovoked wrongs and violated pledges. 

Look at the ruined currency, the depreciated paper now 
floating over the country, the only currency almost in circula- 
tion. For his country, Mr. Van Buren has done nothing; for 
the office holders he has done much ! He has given them a 
currency far above that of the people, and he had reduced the 
wages of the laborer to enhance the salaries of the office holders. 
When I see office holders busying themselves in elections, I 
think of the declaration of my friend Grundy, who said, "They 
were voting for their bread." They are the Prsetorian bands of 
the executive ; they come all "drilled, armed, and paid into the 
contest," while the people, whom they oppose, are only armed 
with the republican principles instilled in their minds by their 
fathers. 

Here the great orator drew a striking parallel between the Pres- 
ident's army of office holders and the Prgetorian bands of Rome, 
and mirrored forth the fatal consequences that would inevitably 
en.sue if our people did not fully rouse themselves and put 
the usurper down. He spoke of England's democracy ; how 
much it had at one time accomplished by resolving to submit 
no longer to the arrogance and insufferable dictation of the 
throne. He took a glance at our own country, when Jefferson 
was elected Vice-President, and told what the great Republican 
promised if the people elected him President, — that he would 



SOUTHWESTERN CONVENTION AT NASHVILLE. 123 

effectually put a stop to the interference of office holders in 
elections. This evil, even at that early day, was beginning to 
alarm the Republicans of the country. 

Jefferson was elected, and fulfilled his promise. Harrison 
now gives a similar pledge, which he will surely fulfill. See- 
ing that no check in that direction was to be expected from 
the present President, Mr. Van Buren, he had introduced a bill, 
a year or two ago, into the Senate, to bring about again what 
Mr. Jefferson effected, but which Mr. Van Buren opposed, and, 
indeed, he was constantly seeking to aggravate the offense com- 
plained of His bill was designed to secure the freedom of 
elections against the interference and dictations of officeholders. 
It left them free to vote as they pleased, and made them inde- 
pendent of the executive. Under this bill they were not com- 
pelled, in order to retain their places, to electioneer for the 
President. They were filling the people's offices, and ought not 
to be required by the executive to neglect their legitimate duties 
in order to electioneer for him. In selecting a judge of a court 
the main object ought surely to be to obtain one who will faith- 
fully discharge the duties of his station, biased by none, uncon- 
trolled by any superior. This bill had been most grossly mis- 
represented. It had been called a "gag-lazv" by those who 
were really attempting to gag all office holders, closing their 
lips, not allowing them to say one word against the powers that 
be, however corrupt and dishonest they might have found them. 
Instead of gagging them, the bill would relieve them from that 
state of surveillance and make them independent; restoring to 
them the liberty to vote for whom they pleased. Mr. Critten- 
den said, "this was the object he had in view in introducing his 
bill." He referred to Benton's bill to restrict executive patronage, 
introduced in 1826, and stated some of its arguments and pre- 
dictions. Those predictions had been verified. The President 
says to his office holders, " Electioneer for me and secure my 
re-election, and I will keep you in office." Benton's prediction 
has been fully realized. This worst species of venality and cor- 
ruption has come upon us. His bill was intended to put a stop 
to it. He loved freedom of speech, partly, perhaps, because he 
used it so freely. When his bill came before the Senate for 
action, and Benton opposed it, he referred him to his own bill 



124 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

and predictions of 1S26. When Mr. Buchanan opposed it, he 
referred him to what he had said on a former occasion against 
the interference of office holders in elections. He read to the 
Pennsylvania senator, who was taking notes to reply, his own 
words. The senator dropped his pen and stood aghast. Three 
days after he got himself prepared with a defense which he pro- 
nounced before the Senate. But this was not enough, though 
Mr. Buchanan was an old Federalist and was presumed to be 
well acquainted with the best method of defending Federal and 
opposing Jeffersonian Republican doctrines. Mr. Hall, of New 
Jersey, another old Federalist, stepped forward to the rescue and 
framed a report, which not only countenanced the office holders 
in all their indecent interference in elections, but absolutely 
enjoined it upon them as one of their duties. This report was 
adopted by the administration, and thirty thousand copies were 
ordered to be printed and circulated. He said he thought the 
number should be a hundred thousand, so that every office 
holder could have a copy of his orders. " For himself," Mr. 
Crittenden said, " his motives were pure in offering that bill." 
He was proud of it, and no name its revilers could give it would 
make him ashamed of it. He knew to what use the bill had 
been turned b\- demagogues in Tennessee to effect the object 
which was accomplished last year ; he knew it had been used 
against the senators of this State (Tennessee) who voted with 
him for its passage. They, like himself, voted for it, wishing 
to effect what Jefferson had the " honesty to order done" without 
the aid of legislation, and it gave him pleasure to have it in his 
power to proclaim that, had his colleague, Mr. Clay, been 
present when the vote was taken, he, too, would have given it 
his support. By means of that bill the Senate had been deprived 
of the services of the State of Tennessee, and the whole country 
had been deprived of the valuable services of his distinguished 
friend, Mr. Forster, now presiding over the deliberations of this 
Convention. Ikit justice will be done him, and that, too, at no 
remote day. 

h'ellow-Citizens, said Mr. Crittenden, I wish that I could stop 
here. I wish I could say that no other statesman but ni}' hon- 
orable and esteemed friend Forster had been sacrificed by 
means of that bill, and the manner in which it was grossly per- 



SOUTHWESTERN CONVENTION AT NASHVILLE. 



125 



verted and misrepresented. Some of your banners floating over 
us this day tell me, tell us all, of his departed colleague, Hugh 
Lawson White. It was my good fortune to know that venerable 
patriot well, to possess his full confidence. He was a good, 
honest, upright, and sincere man, — as sternly honest as Cato, 
as scrupulously just as Aristides ! Full well do I remember 
that most solemn and imposing scene in the senate-chamber, 
on the Instructing Resolutions, when he took his leave, forever, 
of that body, of which he had been a bright ornament for many, 
many years. Hugh Lawson White stood erect, with his old 
gray locks floating over his shoulders, and calmly, but sternly, 
performed his duty. All was hushed and still as death ; it was 
a scene which filled the beholder with awe and veneration. 
When on the point of leaving Washington to return home, I 
strove to detain him. I sought him for that purpose, and found 
him, not in his carriage, but on Jiis hoi'se. I warned him that 
the winter was rude and cold, the winds bleak, the snows deep 
and treacherous. I implored him not to depart at such an in- 
clement season. His reply — so simple, so characteristic — I 
shall never, never forget : " Tennessee recalls me ; I must go." 
No human power would have swayed him ; he loved and 
honored his State, and when she spoke he was ever ready to 
obey. He did return at her call, and now lies buried beneath 
the green sod in her eastern mountains. He died a martyr to 
that bill which the partisans of the administration so loudly and 
vehemently condemned. Well, let them denounce it, — Jefferson 
proclaimed it, Harrison proclaims it, Clay is for it, and White 
died a martyr to it. 

Mr. Crittenden said that the terms he applied to Mr. Van 
Buren and his leading partisans he did not apply to the great 
body of the party, that from one cause or other suffers itself to 
be led by them : 

Mr. Van Buren calls himself a Democrat. I, said Mr. Crit- 
tenden, call myself a Democrat. He maintains that it is just 
and right to possess and wield the power he claims ; I avow it 
is unjust and wrong. He pretends that his measures are Re- 
publican; I contend that they are ultra Federal. He usurps the 
name of Republican ; by this he hopes to carr>' out his ultra 
Federal doctrines, and get his office holders to deceive the 
people into the belief that he is a Republican, a pure Democrat. 
Martin Van Buren a pure Democrat! Great God, what a 
pedigree for Democrats to refer to hereafter! By creeping 
about on his hands and knees he has got the start of the De- 
mocracy, Are my hearers willing to confide in such a man — 



126 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

in such a President ? He wished " to extenuate nothing, to set 
down naught in mah'ce." If he had not painted Mr. Van Buren's 
character fairly, he wished his hearers to add what they could 
in his favor, and then, for the sake of comparison, place him by 
the side of Harrison ; then choose, shall it be this cologned and 
whiskered Democrat, or the plain, clear-headed, substantial old 
resident of the West ? General Harrison is an honest man ; 
the testimony of the numerous old soldiers guaranteed this ; 
he knew himself something of Harrison in the field, but the tes- 
timony of others proved enough. Mr. Crittenden referred to 
the many offices Harrison had filled, by means of which he 
could have enriched himself, lived in a costly mansion, and, like 
Van Buren, drank wines from the south side of Madeira. 
General Harrison was content to perform his public duties 
faithfully, then retire to his farm, and live by its cultivation, 
dwelling in his plain, old-fashioned house. Will you have such 
a man for your President? Now, I will tell you what old Van 
Buren and his advisers at Washington are probably thinking: 
" Oh, well," say they, " these little transient excitements, conven- 
tions, etc, of the Whigs are foolish affairs ; they will die out 
by-and-by, and all will go smoothly for us," 

Their long enjoyment of public office and continued plunder 
of public money makes them hopeful. 

They say to us, " Oh, you have begun too Soon, you'll get 
tired before November." Thus power was flattering itself; but 
he could tell the spoiler that the zeal and enthusiasm now in 
action throughout this broad land will not subside till the Goths 
are driven from Rome and honest men put in their places. The 
deep-seated feeling which we now see is not ephemeral, A 
spark of the glorious old Revolution is blazing ! it is not dying 
out! It burned seven years in darkness and storm, and it will 
burn on now, and blaze higher and hotter, until freedom shall 
again trample upon oppression. 

The spirit of liberty was aroused everywhere throughout this 
vast country ; he had seen it up in the North. The aurora 
borealis was nothing to it. He had seen the people with up- 
lifted hands pledging themselves not to lay down their arms 
till the nation is restored to her just rights. 

I\Ir. C. reminded his hearers of Commodore Hull's address 
to his men on board the Constitution, just before going into 
action with the Guerriere, After picturing to them the conse- 
quences of defeat, he said : 

" You can conquer if you will. Will you do it ?" I tell you, 
Ml the language of the great Hull, You can conquer if you 



SOUTHWESTERN CONVENTION AT NASHVILLE. 



127 



will. Will you do it? Do not let the predictions of the 
President and his office holders prove true. 

Mr. C. portrayed with thrilling effect the consequences of de- 
feat, and declared that it would be better that we should fall 
before some Caesar or Napoleon, "with our backs to the field 
and our feet to the foe," gazing up to heaven from a death-bed 
of glory, than to be conquered by venality and corruption. He 
referred to the sister States of Tennessee and Kentucky, said 
they were alike in soil, climate, and pursuits, and about equal 
in population. He wished to see, and believed he would see, 
them side by side, hand in hand, in this great struggle for 
liberty. He knew the fire was up in the mountains ; it will 
burn yet brighter. He had heard that to the North the flame 
of liberty was blazing ; he had himself seen there flags flaunting 
the heavens as high as a bird can soar. 

Old Virginia — God bless her ! — the mother of States, was up 
and doing. As for New York, she is determined to call home 
her son. Martin has been out too long already ; she knows 
him for a wayward boy, and is anxious to have him back. 

He assured his audience that the enthusiasm they were now 
witnessing was but a small part of that which was pouring down 
the Alleghany, the Ohio, the Mississippi. These great streams 
are vocal this moment with the shouts of freemen, the gladsome 
songs of children ! 

The people, like Noah's Ark, have been out for a long time 
in the dark and troubled waters. Noah saw a sign of relief in 
the myrtle which the dove bore back to the ark. Have we not 
also a glorious augury of success in the bright eyes which now 
look with smiling approbation upon our proceedings ? Every- 
where the grace and beauty of the land have blessed our 
assemblies with their presence, — God bless them ! In their 
footsteps I am willing to follow. The women of America 
always have favored, and always will favor, every great and 
good cause. 

I feel confident of the triumphant success of the Whig cause, 
but I would not exult over a prostrate foe. I would have 
the Whigs magnanimous in their triumph, giving no needless 
offense to the enemy. 

The victory achieved. General Harrison will rule like a loving 
father over all this great people. 



128 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Archbishop Spalding to Mrs. Coleman.) 

Baltimore, December 26, 1870. 

Mv DEAR Mrs. Coleman, — As I am not a civilian, but a cler- 
gyman, I feel some reluctance in complying with your request 
to write out the substance of what I related at the elegant break- 
fast of our mutual friend, Dr. Samuel D. Gross, in Philadelphia, 
on the 9th of August, in regard to your venerable father, John 
J. Crittenden. I recalled that reminiscence as a Kentuckian, 
whose State pride was all aglow when remembering an incident 
among the popular forensic efforts of one of Kentucky's most 
eloquent sons. The facts, briefly referred to on that occasion, 
were, in substance, as follows : — Finding myself accidentally in 
Nashville, in August, 1840, whither I went for purposes of 
recreation, I was induced by my friends to attend the great 
Southwestern Whis: Convention. Mr. Crittenden was to be the 
chief orator of the day, — Mr. Clay having spoken the day before. 
I went, not as a politician, for I took no interest in politics, but 
as a Kentuckian, anxious to hear a brother Kentuckian speak, 
and I was well repaid. Though thirty years have elapsed, I have 
not forgotten the deep impression produced upon my mind by 
one of the most brilliant and impassioned bursts of oratory it 
has ever been my privilege to listen to, either in Europe or 
America. The whole scene is before me now, frcsli and vivid 
as on that morning when I stood enraptured by your father's 
eloquence. I still hear his silvery voice ; I still hear the accla- 
mations of thirty thousand people, whose very souls he com- 
manded and bore along with him throughout his masterly 
oration. Mr. Crittenden had taken a low stand upon the plat- 
form, and I still hear the cry, " Higher, higher, Mr. Crittenden ! 
Go up ; we wish to see yo\xx zvliole stature f And as he ascended 
higher upon the stand, so he rose higher and higher in 
eloquence. He took up every cry of that vast audience (as, 
when he was about to close, they threw to him first one and 
then another of the great political questions of the day) and 
rang the changes upon it, becoming more and more grand in 
eloquence at every step of his physical and moral elevation, 
showing that he and his audience were one. I particularly 
remember his comparing the outcry of the people for a political 
change to an avalanche rushing down from the summit of the 
Alleghanies to the East and to the West, and bearing all before 
it. This brilliant figure was carried out till the immense multi- 
tude made the welkin ring with their applauding shouts. Sel- 
dom have I witnessed such a success. I well remember, also, 
the acclamations with which Mr. Clay and himself were greeted 
by the multitude on their departure from Nashville. Mr. Clay 
spoke yfrj/, from the guard of the steamer, with his usual grace 



COMPLIMENTAR Y RESOLUTIOXS. 



129 



and eloquence ; then the cry was, " Crittenden, Crittenden !" 
Your father stepped forward, and in his most happy manner 
he said (smiling and bowing to Mr. Clay), " I suppose this flat- 
tering greeting is chiefly owing to the good company in which I 
have the privilege to be found ?" " N'ot at all f shouted the 
multitude. " Not at all ; it is for yourself! Come again, — come 
alone next time, and we will prove it to you !" 

This, my dear Mrs. Coleman, is the substance of what I 
1 elated at Dr. Gross's of the great Southwestern Convention. 

Faithfully yours, 

M. J. Spalding, 

Archbishop Baltimore. 

(Complimentary Resolutions as to the Trial in Baltimore of R. J. Breckenridge.) 

At a meeting of the Board of Trustees of the Second Pres- 
byterian Church of Baltimore, — the first that has taken place 
since the trial of their highly-respected pastor, the Rev. Dr. 
Breckenridge, for an alleged libel on a certain James, — it was 
considered to be both proper and necessary on the part of this 
Board to express their opinions and feelings in regard to that 
matter. Accordingly, several resolutions were moved, seconded, 
and unanimously adopted ; one of which is as follows : 

Resolved, That the most sincere and hearty thanks of this 
Board and of the whole congregation are justly due to the 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden, of the United States Senate, who so 
promptly left his seat in that honorable body at the call of 
friendship, to interpose the aegis of his talents and his fame, in 
order to cover the head "of one whom he had known from his 
earliest boyhood, and known him to be every way worthy of his 
best exertions." 

And nobly did he sustain the high reputation which pre- 
ceded him here by his masterly and powerful arguments, and 
by his chaste and manly eloquence. His speeches will long be 
remembered by the citizens of Baltimore as fine specimens of 
oratory, and they most cordially unite with their fellow-citizens 
of the West in assigning to Mr. Crittenden a distinguished rank 
among the most profound lawyers and the best public speakers 
in America. 

This Board considers it to be the glory of the legal pro- 
fession, that in the worst of times the cause of truth, justice, 
and innocence never wanted able and disinterested advocates, — 
a position so illustriously exemplified on the present occasion, 
and to which the present triumph may justly be ascribed. 

Baltimore, April 2, 1840. 
VOL. L — 9 



130 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Mrs. Lucy Thornton.) 

November 12, 1840. 

My dear Sister, — I cannot tell you how much I was gratified 
by the receipt of your letter; you atone so handsomely by 
your flattering excuses for your delay in writing that I not only 
pardon it, but am tempted to wish for a little more of your 
neglect to be atoned for in like manner. I had the happiness 
of meeting with your friend, Judge Hopkins, at the great Con- 
vention at Nashville, and of making the acquaintance of many 
other interesting and agreeable gentlemen of^ your State. How 
is it that with so many very clever people your State should be 
so Locofocoish ? Since your election in the summer, I have 
not allowed myself to expect anything from Alabama in the 
great presidential contest. I shall give her the more credit if 
she shows herself superior to Van Burenism, with its patronage 
and spoils. With or without you, we shall elect Harrison. What- 
ever course your State may take, I suppose we must admit you 
to a share in our victory, as you talk so patriotically on our side. 
We shall, therefore, be glad to see you in Washington as soon 
as we TiVQ fairly in possession of the White House and the Capitol, 
which, without a special Providence to the contrary, we humbly 
think will happen on the 4th day of March. If I could say it 
without flattering you too much, I should say you have cause to 
be proud of your children. I make an exception of your little 
Bess, who ought to have been a boy, though I suppose that is 
not her fault, and she ought not to be blamed for it. Are you 
not proud of old Kentucky, your native State ? Her majority for 
Harrison will be twenty-five thousand. Let any State beat that 
if she can ! Kindest regards to Mr. Thornton. 

Your affectionate brother, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. Lucy Thornton. 

(Thomas Corwin to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lebanon, November 20, 1840. 

Dear Sir, — I received a week ago your kindly letter of con- 
gratulations, and have just now bethought me that I must say 
a word or two by way of reply. I feci uneasy about the future, 
and scarcely know why. I perceive, in various quarters, news- 
paper instructions as to the principle on which the President 
should construct his cabinet, and this from some of the most 
respectable of our prints. Among other things, it is strongly 
insisted on that no member of the cabinet shall be taken from 
either branch of Congress. I do not object to this principle, but 
it seems to me to be carried further than has yet been contem- 
plated by anybody. If this is to be the rule, will it not limit 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. i^I 

the range of choice, as matters now stand, to a most incon- 
venient point ? I should be glad to know whether you would 
accept a cabinet appointment; and, if so, what place you would 
prefer. I could give you a satisfactory reason for this. I 
do not suppose that Mr. Clay would take anytJiing General 
Harrison could give him. I feel anxious that some I know 
should be near the President, for the reason that I should carry 
about with me an assurance that there was one honest man to 
give counsel when needed. I dare say you will think all this arro- 
gant. Well, be it so ; but you ought to remember that I have made 
more than 07ie Jiundred regular orations to the people this sum- 
mer; that I have, _;?;-j-/ and last, addressed at least seven hundred 
thousand people, men, women, and children, dogs, negroes, and 
Democrats, inclusive ; that I have made promises of great 
amendments in the administration of public affairs, and I do 
not wish to be made out liar, fool, or both, by the history of the 
first six months of the nezv era. I have the utmost confidence 
in Old Tip, but I know also that his cabinet advisers will and 
ought to have great weight with him. Pray let me hear from 
you in confidence, if yon so wish it. 

Yours truly, 

Thomas Corwin. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, November 30, 1840. 
Dear Crittenden, — General Harrison is to return here to- 
morrow evening, and to dine at the Palace with the electors. 
The arrangement was that he was to dine with Peter Dudley 
with the electors, and I was one of the invited. It seems he 
has changed the venne without notice. It's all right ! I under- 
stand he had a hard time in Lexington. I hear the strongest 
moveinent has been made upon him to appoint C. W. Postmas- 
ter-General, and the young D. private secretary. I don't believe 
it ! When here he made two or three attempts to chat with 
me, but was interrupted. I think then he talked in the right 
strain ; how he feels now can't say. Apprehending he might 
be fed too highly during his sojourn in Lexington, and possibly 
need a physician, I told Dr. Dudley hozv to treat his case. The 
doctor is a man of science, and if there is any difficulty in the 
treatment of the case, he will apprise me. I am a good doctor, 
of long experience in all diseases of the brain as well as of the 
stomach. I am overloaded with petitions ; at least four have 
been poked under my nose since I commenced writing. What 
a charming thing this government business is ! I know you 
want to be my successor, and, if you behave yourself well, I will 



132 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

appoint you. The office ought to be held by a good Christian 
man of meekness, patience, and humility. We have had all 
sorts of venison dinners and suppers since you left us. There 
has been more eating done in Frankfort during the last ten days 
than you ever heard of. Electors arc pouring in upon us from 
all quarters. A lew words of instruction, by way of practical 
improvement : Take strong hold, — don't be too modest. I know 
what I say. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

December 14, 1840. 

Dear Crittenden, — As I told you, your election to the 
Senate will take place on Wednesday. It may be that some gen- 
tlemen will press you hard to say whether you will hold the 
station or resign it before the legislature adjourns. Some wish, 
no doubt, to have an election this session. Should you go into 
the cabinet, I do not wish to be under the necessity of appoint- 
ing your successor; but still, let me tell you, take your time, — 
view the ground, and don't be hastened. If, after mature reflec- 
tion, you can see your way clear, I would be pleased that the 
legislature should know the fact and make an election, but 
understand well what you are about. The old D. is butting 
himself against some resolutions, offered by Pirtle, in favor of a 
national bank. He has been speaking an hour or two. When 
will wonders cease ? He will be tired of his honors before this 
session closes. I understand he says, " That Harrison's cabi- 
net will be a Clay fixing, out and out, and that it will all go 
dozvn. Crittenden is to go as Attorney-General (Clay's work), 
and he can't hold out twelve months," etc., and some other 
little compliments he paid you, which it would make you too 
proud to repeat. Since the young D. returned from his 
scout after Harrison, the old fellow is in a bad humor. There 
are many very uneasy souls here lest W. should get some 
place. You have no idea of the feeling of hostility created by 
the conjecture that he was to be provided for. I entejtain no 
personal feeling against him myself, but what I tell you is so. 

Truly your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 



CHAPTER XI. 
1840-1841. 

Pension to Hannah Leighton — Pre-emption and Distribution — Letters. 

TT is generally known, that on the evening of the i8th of 
-L April, 1775, the British army left Boston to proceed to Con- 
cord, where the colonial stores were collected, and to seize them. 
This was the commencement of the war. The mornincf of the 
19th this intelligence had been communicated to a considerable 
distance by the use of torches, tar barrels, and other signals ; 
and before noon Isaac Davis, a young man of eighteen or 
nineteen years of age, captain of a militia company, was on his 
way to protect the colonial stores. Isaac Davis was the husband 
of Hannah Leighton. Before the British troops could arrive 
at Concord they sent forward a party to take possession of two 
bridges on the Concord River, which were situated three or four 
miles apart ; and this was known at an early hour for many 
miles around. Isaac Davis with his company were soon under 
arms and on their march. They arrived at Concord by a road 
that led to the lower of these bridges, and there on the right 
and on the left were seen other collections of Massachusetts 
troops, but there was no organization amongst them. Davis, 
however, kept on his course; before he reached the bridge 
admonitory shouts were given to the militia not to approach ; 
this was disregarded ; the British fired, and several men fell ; 
Davis pressed forward, and as he neared the bridge the British 
fired, and he fell. In the contest that ensued, the British 
were driven back to Boston. Davis's widow married a man 
by the name of Leighton ; she was ninety years of age, was 
penniless, and asked relief from the government. 

Mr. Calhoun said he considered the pension-list no more 
than a great system of charity, and that the pension to men for 



134 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

six months' service was an imposition ; to call it a pension was 
a fraud on the public ; it was under the name of charity, but its 
true name was plunder. 

Mr. Crittenden said : I have been under the impression that 
this bill had passed through both liouses of Congress at the 
last session. Am sorry to find I was mistaken. It is vain to 
say that this case is like every other case, vain to tell me that 
this can be tortured into a precedent which could be abused. 
This case stands by itself, morally, socially, indeed, in every 
point of view. 

It is an application in favor of the widow of the first man that 
fell in the Revolution, when there was no regularly organized 
government. That man, stirred by his own patriotism, without 
a country, I may almost say, went forward to viakc, and then to 
defend, that country. Shall I, then, be told that this case would 
not be distinguished, both in the hearts and reasons of men, 
from the case of others under an organized government ? Such 
a statement cannot reach my understanding or my feelings. I 
hope the bill will pass, and that this nation will no longer remain 
under the reproach of refusing a piece of bread to maintain this 
poor widow of a Revolutionary officer who received his death- 
wound under such circumstances. I shall call for the ayes and 
noes that I may record my vote ; and if these are abuses, let 
those who commit them take the responsibility. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, January i, 1841. 

De.\r Crittenden, — One word : I have just received and 
read your letter to a few good friends who happened in my 
office. Your warm expressions of gratitude to your State for 
the kind manner of again electing you to the Senate made the 
tears run down their cheeks. I could hardly read it in an audi- 
ble voice. I have heard no one of any sense say you ought to 
resign before you actually accept some other office. Do nothing 
from motives o{ delicacy. I am persuaded you ought to run no 
risk whatever. Suppose General Harrison should die before the 
4th of March, what might be your condition then? Suppose 
your associates in cabinet should be anything but agreeable to 
you, how would the matter stand ? There is some hazard in 
resigning, and none by holding on. A safe course in this life 
is the better course. I again repeat, do nothing to relieve me 
f'oin evdyairassiiient (in case of a called session), to fill the 
vacancy. I am ready to act, or not to act, as occasion may 
require, and care nothing about responsibility, or as little as I 



PRE-EMPTION AND DISTRIBUTION. 135 

ought. All well. Went last night to a party at Judge Brown's. 
To-da)-, have a sjiiall dining-party of tliirty myself. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

On the 5th of January, 1841, Mr. Crittenden proposed an 
amendment to the pre-emption laws ; he thought that before 
granting to foreigners any of the privileges provided by the bill, 
they should record evidence of their intentions to become na- 
turalized. The advocates for the bill had urged its passage 
upon the ground that the foreigner exposed himself as a bulwark 
to guard our frontier. Mr. Crittenden declared the American 
people were not yet reduced so low as to offer mercenary re- 
wards to strangers to bribe them to expose their bosoms as a 
rampart against a foe. Not " against a world in arms" would 
he seek such protection, much less against a horde of naked 
savages. He contended that the soil of the United States be- 
longed to the citizens of the United States. He was the son of 
a pre-emptioner, was born on a pre-emption, and was ready and 
willing to give a pre-emption right of three hundred and twenty 
acres to every real bona fide settler who was not worth over one 
thousand dollars. As to a distribution of the proceeds of the 
common estate in the public lands, Mr. Crittenden always con- 
tended that the people had that right, that it had not been 
denied, and could not be disproved. In a speech made by Mr. 
Crittenden on pre-emption and distribution, he alluded to Mr. 
Benton's having stated that the presidential election of General 
Harrison was brought about by bankers and stockbrokers in 
England. ^Ir. C. declared that the result of the late election 
was not the effect of British gold, but the sense of the American 
people as to the management of their public affairs. The ex- 
pression of opinion came from the old ge7tuine Republican stock ; 
it was a spark from the old Revolutionary flint, and had blown 
the gentleman ''sky high:' He hoped they would not, 7iozu that 
they had reached the ground and were rubbing their bruised 
and broken shins, try to disguise the truth to themselves. The 
people were coming on the fourth of March, and bringing the 
man of the Log Cabin with them. The Van Burenites were 
puzzling their heads to account for it, but we will work out the 
sum for them. The honorable gentleman from Missouri seemed 



136 lJFe: of yoHX j. crittenden. 

to think that if the States once lapped blood during this process 
of distribution it would eventually become their common food, 
and the general government would be stripped of its revenue. 
The general government was the offspring of the States, and 
the States were not vampires ; they would not feed upon the 
strength and empty the veins of their child. 

The following letters, received and written by Mr. Crittenden, 
e.xplain fully the circumstances connected with his re-election to 
the Senate, and his immediate resignation, to take a place in 
General Harrison's cabinet. 

General Harrison was elected President, and took the oath 
of office 4th of March, 1841. The President called an extra 
session of Congress, to meet the 31st of May, but did not live 
to see it meet; he died on the 4th of April, 1841. 

(John Bell to Governor Letcher.) 

Washington, January 13, 1841. 

De.\r Governor Letcher, — I presume White keeps you ad- 
vised of all the on. dits of the day here, — of the 7inder-current 
plots and counter-plots, etc., — so I shall say nothing of them. 
Of myself I will say, that I believe for the whole time since the 
opening of Congress the ra)ik and file of our party here have 
been strongly in favor of my going into the cabinet. With not 
a few the feeling has been a positive one, not of mere acqui- 
escence. Still, the great leaders evidently hang back. 

Both Clay and Webster would be glad to have some more 
active or unscrupulous partisan (I know not which) than cither 
of them think I could be made. Webster thinks I am, or will 
be. a decided partisan of Clay, and the latter thinks I would not 
go far enough, or be bt)ld enough in his service. This is the 
gospel truth of the matter. 

It is either so or General Harrison himself has objections, for 
I have learned that he, or his friends about him, have been long 
since well advised <jf the course of sentiment in regard to me. 
Yet the War Dejjartment is still held up for the further devel- 
opment of public sentiment. I am growing pretty sick already 
of this thing o{ office in my own case, and the increasing tide of 
apj)lication from new ciuarters that daily beats against my ears 
gives me si^isms. In truth. I begin to fear that we are, at fast, or 
rather that our leading politicians in the several States arc, chiefly 
swayed by the thirst for power and plunder. Would you think 
that .Senator Talmadge is willing to descend from the Senate to 
the New York custom-house? This is yet a secret, but it is 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 



137 



true ! God help us all and keep us, I pray. I fear to speak of 
the list of congressional applicants. 

You gave me from the 25th December to the 4th March, — • 
two months' time on the draft ! Great stretch of liberality ! 
Don't you think so ? Much I got by the liquidation. Do you 
suppose the 4th March is to put me in funds ? Be ashamed ! 

Yours truly, 

John Bell. 

P.S. — It has been a great mistake in General Harrison not to 
come on sooner. We have great questions of policy to settle 
upon before we separate on 4th March. He will be too late to 
have anything well considered before we have to break up. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Tuesday Morning. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have been too constantly occupied day 
and night to write to you. This, however, is the less to be re- 
gretted, as the intelligence which you have received from a hun- 
dred different persons of your election to the Senate, is, or ought 
to be, sufficient to fill you with joy for the ne.xt six years. The 
plain fact is, taking into consideration the whole manner and 
matter of this election, it must be set down as the greatest 
triumph of your life. To beat a candidate for President and 
Vice-President, — all at the same time, by such a majority, — 
after so much boasting and parading, and threatenings to carry 
so many of his own party, is just about the severest operation I 
ever saw. I am told the old cock is very much dissatisfied with 
having been noi, though there is no doubt he fully consented 
to the arrangement. This election has created quite a heart- 
burning with the whole squad of Locos. The impression is 
gaining ground that the affair was arranged to kill the Colonel 
for the benefit of the little Dutchman. He was brought to the 
stake and burnt for the honor and glory of Van Buren, so say 
many of his friends. The truth is, he is dead and damned for- 
ever. I believe they have recommended him to be brought 
before the great Convention, and to submit patiently to what is 
then and there done to him. All a farce ! Nine out of ten of 
the Democratic party are for Van Buren. There will be a hell 
of a quarrel before long in ''these digg-i?igs." I had a fine 
saddle of venison sent to me last night, which is to be eaten to- 
morrow night. My wife wishes you could be present upon the 
occasion. 

Most truly your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 



13S LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, January 11, 1841. 
Dear Letcher, — Though I feel all the pangs "that flesh is 
heir to" at the idea of even the least apparent separation of my- 
self from good and noble old Kentucky, I suppose the proba- 
bility is that I shall, for a time, quit her immediate service to 
take the office of Attorney-General. I say probability, because 
the state of the case remains essentially as it was, subject to all 
the circumstances and contingencies that may change the views 
of General Harrison, or may influence my own judgment when 
tlie time comes for effective decision. As an honest man and 
politician, I ought to know who are to compose the cabinet, and 
some other things, before I commit myself as a member of any 
administration. And these matters I must, to a reasonable 
degree, ascertain before I act. I shall, I think, be enabled to 
act as I ought soon after General Harrison reaches here, and 
in time to enable my successor to be here ori the 4th of March. 
It may be of importance that Kentucky be fully represented on 
that day. It is a matter of regret to me that, if I should resign, 
my resignation should not be made to the legislature, and that 
it may devolve on you the responsibility of making an appoint- 
ment. But it may be that I cannot help it : and, indeed, the 
probability is that I cannot avoid such a result. Since I began 
this letter I have become party to a hot debate that is now 
going on in the Senate. Farewell. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Washington, January 17, 1841. 

De.\r Orl.'\ndo, — I have just received your letter of the 8th 
instant, and before this I trust you have received a long letter 
that I wrote you some time ago. I do not remember how long 
ago it has been, but I should say long enough for you to have 
received it before the date of your last. It may be that you 
have lost it altogether in the great mail robber}' that took place 
some weeks ago between this and Wheeling. lam not account- 
able for that, and you will, therefore, so far as I am concerned, 
please to retract propoitionably from the scolding you have 
directeil against me; and m\' present diligence in answering 
will surely protect me for awhile longer. 

I learn from my wife that both you and she are somewhat 
indignant at the frequency of my letters to Letcher. Isn't he a 
governor? and has he not at this time the management of two 
governments (the gener.il government and government of Ken- 
tucky) on his patriotic hands ? and does not all this require a very 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 



139 



active correspondence ? Ah ! when you become a governor, 
you will then know the difference between governors and com- 
mon folks. In one word, I am for you as governor of Iowa ; 
and I shall not, as lazy lawyers often do, submit the case ; I 
shall argue that case ; I shall try and give Chambers some other 
directions. We are old friends, and I can do as much with 
him as almost anybody else can. We now expect General 
Harrison here about the first of next month. In the mean 
time there seems to be a great pause in the affairs of men, as if 
every one was holding his breath. He will bring along with 
him such a storm as old iEolus could hardly raise. In anticipa- 
tion that the houses of the city cannot accommodate all that 
will be here, the Baltimoreans are now engaged in erecting, 
near where I am, a log cabin, about one hundred feet long, for 
their reception. I believe we have done all the cabinet-making 
that we can do here before Old Tip's arrival. It seems settled 
here that Webster, Ewing, and myself are to have places offered 
to us ; and as to the other cabinet appointments, nothing is 
known here, nor is there any very settled or definite opinion or 
preference among our politicians. 

Very little business, I think, will be done by the present Con- 
gress. We can't do what we would, and the Van Buren men, 
who are mustering for opposition, will leave us as many diffi- 
culties and embarrassments as they can. We apprehend that 
they intend to leave us in debt and without money. How does 
Letcher bear the afflictions that Mr. Wickliffe has made him 
heir to ? To me he pretends to laugh over them like a philos- 
opher. And how is D. succeeding in his new career ? He 
must seem a strange figure to those that have observed him in 
past times and past scenes. He appears to be advancing back- 
ward about as rapidly as he ever went forward. He must find 
a wonderful confusion of tracks on his path. Remember me to 
our friends. Thank God, they are so many that I cannot con- 
veniently name them all. But you and they will know who I 
mean. Tell Mason he is a lazy fellow, and to his wife and your 
own present my most respectful compliments. 

Your friend, 

Orlando Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Letter from J. J. Crittenden.) 

January 25, 1841. 

Dear Letcher, — Yesterday brought me your letter of the 
1 6th inst. I feel for Combs all the esteem and sympathy that 
you or any of his best friends can entertain, and I stand ready 
to endeavor to do whatever can and ought to be done in his 
behalf I shall bear his case carefully in my memory. But 



j^O I-J^^ OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

what can I do? I begin already to perceive that even he who 
has power to dispose of all the offices, is onl}- made to feel more 
sensibly the poverty of his means to satisfy the just claims of 
his friends. Although, as yet, it does not seem to me that any 
extraordinary avidity for office has been disclosed, yet I must 
confess that the number of i/aiiuaiits far surpasses my expecta- 
tion. With this mass of claimants, I hope that no one will con- 
found our friend Combs ; but still, they create obstructions and 
embarrassments in making proper selections. 

All I ask of my friends is not to overrate me or my means, 
and to be sure I shall never be found wanting in any proper 
case, when the interest of a friend is at stake. 

I am quite amused at Hick's becoming one of your visitors 
and companions. You must remember that if, as is very likely, 
he should become troublesome to you, it will be your own fault; 
and you may remember, too, that you will not find it so easy 
to dismiss him from office. 

Inter nos — I had hoped that Harrison's arrival here might 
enable me with propriety to determine on my own course, and 
to resign, if it became necessary, in time for my successor to be 
here b)' the 4th of March. But I doubt now whether it will be 
either in m\' power, or proper for me, to send you my resigna- 
tion till after the 4th of March. This has been a subject of 
anxious reflection to me. 

The general opinion — the almost unanimous opinion — here is 
that an extra session of Congress is necessary and expedient, 
and that it ought to be held as soon as the elections will permit 
it. I was sorry to hear, therefore, that some of our friends in 
our legislature were in favor of appointing some day, as late as 
the latter part of May, for our elections ; it should, I think, be 
at least as early as the first Monday in May. 

I heard that Old Master had a sore foot, and, from the scold- 
ing letter I received from him the other day, I guess he has a 
very sore foot. You should call and see him. I gather from 
my wife's letters that both he and she are made a little jealous 
of my frequent corre.spondence with you. And if you wish to 
suppress a little rebellion, I would advise you to have a little 
care in the direction to which I have pointed you. 

Your friend, 

Tm R. r. Li iciiKK, J. J. Crittenden. 

Cjovernor. 

(J. J. Criticinlcn to R. P. Letcher.) 

WASiUNr.TON, January 30, 1841. 
Deak Letchkk.— I feel myself overcharged with dullness to- 
night, and I must endeavor to relieve myself by pouring out 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 



141 



some of my stupidity upon you. I know no gentleman who 
can better bear it, or whose cheerful, active spirits, can sooner 
overcome such visitations. We know nothing yet of " old Tip's" 
approach, but our information leads us to suppose that he started 
from Cincinnati on the 26th inst., and will be here in about a 
week. I hear a rumor within the last hour that our State 
Senate had laid upon the table the bill providing for an earlier 
election of our members of Congress in the event of an extra 
session of Congress. I cannot credit such a rumor. Considera- 
tions of the highest necessity, as well as expediency, seem to 
me to require that the President elect should convene Congress 
at the earliest practicable period ; this is the general opinion. 
I was present, a few evenings since, at a dinner, where almost 
ev^er>' Whig senator was assembled. The necessity and pro- 
priety of a called session of Congress was made the subject 
of general conversation, and it appeared that there was an 
entire coitcwrence in the measure, and an almost imanimotts 
opmioji that it was proper and would be found to be absolutely 
necessary. 

My belief is that the party now in power, while professing to 
deprecate a called session, are resolved to leave the coming 
administration in such a situation that it must be swamped or 
resort to that measure. Under such circumstances, it seems 
to me that the friends of Harrison ought to give him every 
encouragement and facilitv^ to convene Congress, and do what- 
ever else the propriety or necessity of the case may require. 
And in the adverse circumstances in which his opponents will 
be sure to place the commencement of his administration, it 
would be most discouraging indeed if his supporters, if Ken- 
tucky, should refuse to afford her assistance in the only mode 
of remedy or defense that may be left him. I do not believe 
that the party in power intend to make, or will make, any ade- 
quate pecuniary provision for the support of the government. 
They have spent everything. Have delayed and postponed 
many payments that they ought to have made ; and while they 
will leave to Harrison's administration many of their debts, they 
will leave the Treasury without a dollar. 

Harrison, in my opinion, can succeed only by an energetic 
administration. He must go on and he must act. The people 
expect it, and are entitled to expect it. The fears that some 
entertain of an extra session are visionary. The real danger is 
in inaction, and falling behind, and disappointing the high hopes 
and feelings of t;ie people. This is my judgment of the matter, 
and I go for serving the people and not for attempting to rule 
them. 

I dare say,i)y this time, you are ready to cry " Enough," and, 



1^2 I-II^E. OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

according to Kentucky law, that ought to put an end to all 
further infliction, and so I conclude. 

Your friend, 
Robert P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, February i, 1841. 

De.ar Crittenden, — Don't forget, for the sake of the Lord, 
that i'lSt of all good fclUnvs, Judge Eve ; he is overwhelmed with 
the Weight of debt, but sustains himself with dignity, modesty, 
and cheerfulness. He declares he would almost as soon be 
hung as trouble his friends to ask for office for him. I will 
write to Webster and General Harrison in his behalf, and 
refer Webster \o you for his character and claims. I have been 
too busy to write, but no doubt others have informed you of the 
little, mean, culpable manojuvring in this quarter, by a few rest- 
less spirits. Keep cool ! take pattern by me ; I am always cool; 
don't believe Old Master,* he has '' a sore foot'' and docs no man 
justice while he is confined to his room. There he sits smokincf 
and damning everything but Iowa. He hopped up here yester- 
day, and told me he had drawn the most vivid picture of Die, in 
a letter to j-ou, that was ever seen. " Ah," said he, " I never 
wrote as j)retty a thing." Did it contain a word of truth? I in- 
quired. "No," said he, " not a word ; but that don't mar its 
beauty." Here he is noiv; has just hopped in out of breath. 
" Listen to this short article," said he ; an answer to a letter in 
the Ohsen-cr, attacking you, and^^v///j' touclibig me. " Will that 
do ?" said Orlando. H. says if our j'oung friend is appointed 
private secretary with the privilege of opening all the letters 
and writing to the newspaper editors, Crittenden ought to take 
office in no such concern. So say I, replies Old Master. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Feliruary 2, I841. 

Dr.AR CRrrrENDEN,— I did my best to keep your enemy, and 
all his tribe, off of you, but all to no purpose. You will see his 
last l(Ku- litter in the A\/>orter, to which I alluded in my hasty 
letter of ye.sterday. He wrote that letter himself, in my opinion. 
Dr. Watson is much excited upon the subject ; has received a 
letter from Lexington, telling him that villainous article ought 

* Orlando Brown. 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 143 

to be noticed. The truth is, the old gentleman wishes a change 
o{ venue, and you may look out for some of his heaviest blows. 
He is tired of abusing me, and, I was told the other day, he 
undertook, with a bad grace, to praise me in the Senate. Upon 
hearing this fact I requested one of the senators to call him to 
order if he ever dared to utter similar language during his natu- 
ral life. Laying aside all jokes, and in sober earnest, he and his 
set have been lavish of their abuse upon you, but in fact I pay 
little heed to such poor stuff. I know this much, however, 
many of your friends, both in and out of the House, give him 
the very devil upon all occasions, and his coadjutors are not 
spared. Since God, in his infinite wisdom, created the heavens 
and the earth, such another set of untiring intriguers never ex- 
isted as are now walking abroad. Mark me: I am not in a 
passion by any means, and have no "sore foot," but I speak my 
deliberate opinion of the matter. Hick has been here to-day; 
he gives notice of his appearance by a loud laugh. " Banish 
him !" No ! he sha'n't be removed from office. I would rather 
see him than any ten members of the legislature. Oh, yes, Mrs. 
Crittenden and Orlando were getting quite jealous ; I often pre- 
tended to get letters when none came, and would send word 
that if they wanted to hear from you every day, they had only 
to send up to the office of the Secretary of State. Orlando was 
merry over your letter. " Oh," said he, " if you have two gov- 
ernments under your charge, the thing is explained." Here 
comes five or six members ! How happy I am to see them 
with their petitions ! 

Yours, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, February 9, 1841. 
My dear Letcher, — Yesterday and to-day I received your 
letters of the ist and 2d inst. Let my wife and Orlando say 
what they will, and be as jealous as they please, you are an ex- 
cellent correspondent and entitled to the highest consideration. 
The D. cannot harm me, if he would. All that surprises me is 
that he should have any disposition to injure or attack me. I 
am not conscious that I ever gave him cause. On the contrar}-, 
I have served him and his. Whatever of malice he has to me 
must be unmixed and primitive, and the sole product of his own 
heart. I say to myself " that he cannot hurt me unless I afford 
him much better cause for attack than he now has." I would 
have you to know that I am more of a philosopher than to be 
much disturbed or perplexed by such attacks. From the appre- 
hensions you express for me, I cannot help inferring that you 



144 



LIFE OF JOHN j. CRITTENDEN. 



have suffered a ^'ood deal from the patriotic and philosophical 
animadversions of the senator and hi.s organ at Lexington. 
Urhmdo's account of your mingled smiles and contortions, your 
inward ^rief and outward cheerfulness, under the operation, 
cannot be altogether fictitious. For myself, I am a cool, un- 
impassioned man, looking on in calm humility at all such 
personalities. I wish I could impart some of this moral forti- 
tude to my suffering friends. 

I do confess that, from all I have heard, I do occasionally 
feel some natural resentments against him and his would-be 
jxirty, " I do not lack gall to make oppression bitter." The 
Scripture teacheth us to love our enemies, but it does not go 
so far as to require us to love perfidious friends. I take my 
stand on that ground, and it will puzzle any one to dispute its 
orthodo.xy; I conclude that I am not bound to love the old 
gentleman. You, too, will be justified in going that far, but I 
admonish you not to pass that Christian limit. The gentleman 
is, doubtless, a purely patriotic old man, and member of the 
church, and what may appear to vulgar eyes to be selfishness or 
malice must, in him, be regarded as mysteries of patriotism and 
piety. I trust that this conclusion will suffice to convince you 
of the good state of my feelings. I have addressed to you, 
under cover to my friend C. S. Morehead, two letters, the 07ie 
or the other to be delivered, as the legislature may or may not 
happen to be in session. The reasons for this are explained in 
my letter to Morehead. Before this reaches you that commu- 
nication will, I hope, be received. The circumstances had 
occurred and the period arrived, which I have constantl)- looked 
ffjnvard to as the only state of case in which I could properly 
act. I feel it a duty to act and to act promptly. Be assured I 
have not only uot been hastened, but entirely unmoved by any 
of the exhibitions of impatience which appeared in certain 
quarters. You are not to regard this, by any means, as even a 
constructive resignation. My purpose on that subject will be 
made known to you by my letter, which you will receive through 
Moreliead. Uld Tip arrived here to-day amidst a storm of 
snow and of people. He is in the hands of the city authorities 
here. I have not yet waited on him, but am to see him by 
appointment this evening. Write to " Old Tip" a .strong letter 
in favor of Old Master and inclose it to me, so that I have it by 
the fourth of March. I-'arevvell. 

Your friend, 

R. v. LirrciiKR, j. j. Crittenden. 

Governor. 



LETTERS FROM R. P. LETCHER. 145 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, February 9, 1841. 

Dear Crittenden, — Promises, you know, must be complied 
.with. Keep cool; a zvarni, decided, 'ivhole-enduring,tver\dLstmg 
friend of yours and of the Whig cause, has a call to go to Mis- 
souri and aid them in their political struggles against Benton & 
Co. I believe he is inclined to obey if he can be made register 
or receiver in the Platte County. You know him, — he was once 
lieutenant-governor of Missouri, and deservedly popular. I like 
him, and he will make a faithful officer in any station. Mr. 
Clay must not consider himself sligJited if I do not write him a 
similar letter upon this occasion. I hope you will explain to him 
that I mean no offense ; he is just as welcome to throw in a 
word for my friend as if he had been specially solicited. I re- 
ceived your letter of the 30th this morning. I hope you will 
often get into a similar mood and inflict similar letters upon me 
to relieve yourself Some of the cliaps who wished to admin- 
ister upon you before the breath left your body have been, I 
learn, a little cunning, — have written letters to members of 
Congress pretending that everybody here thought you ought to 
resign before you accept another appointment ; these letters 
were to be read to you, and to produce the desired effect. I 
heard of tJiat game the other day. Don't give yourself a 

moment's uneasiness. I heard, this morning, the old 

swore if they did not take care he would resign his seat. How 
unfortunate that would be to the country, and how cruel to me ! 
Do you cry " Enough ?" Then get up like a man, give me a 
list of the cabinet, I want to see hozv it looks. I wish I had the 
making of the critters. Don't Bell look scared ? Wise is a case. 
Clayton, I have heard nothing of him this winter ; he is the best 
fellow in the world. I want to see his name on the list. Don't 
speak of Thad. Stevens ; rumor says he is to be one, but if the 
old gentleman talks over the matter, Thad. can't succeed. Take 

care of our little darling, the young . 

R, P. Letcher. 

(R, P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, February 19, 1841. 

Dear Crittenden, — The legislature has adjourned, and the 
village looks gloomy. I feel as if it was a funeral occasion. 
They made a senator this morning, — Governor Morchcad is the 
man. This was unexpected to me. From all I have heard 
during the progress of the run, the result was produced by a 
violent and heated state of feeling between the friends of Buch- 
ner and Calhoon. The result is by no means dissatisfactory to 
me. Considering the governor's condition, to say nothing of 
VOL. 1. — 10 



,^G LIFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

his amiability and true devotion to the Whig cause, no one 
will, I think, regret his success. I am gloomy this morning, 
indeed I may say sad. You have not forgotten how a boy 
feels when his associates all separate from him the last day of 
the school ? Thi? is )uni< my case. I shall write a letter for Old 
Master to old Tip. Now, look here ! Woman with a crjang 
child has just come in to get her husband out of the Lexington 
jail. This is too bad ! It is a case which would call into requi- 
sition all jw^r Christian virtues. 

Your friend, 
John J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(Letter from J. J. Crittenden.) 

February 20, 1841. 

Mv DEAR Letcher, — We have not yet heard of your recep- 
tion of my official communication to you. It will produce, of 
course, a considerable excitement in the legislature, and among 
the competitors for the succession. It is quite probable, I think, 
that though my course may disprove the charge of conspiracy 
between us, that is, of withholding my resignation till adjourn- 
ment of the legislature, it may give rise to another, and that is, 
that, upon some collusion between us, the thing has been so 
timed as to take some candidate (our friend C. for instance) by 
surprise. I must cut your acquaintance, it subjects me to so 
many suspicions ; all the charges against me, I find, are founded 
on the presumptions arising out of my intimacy and connection 
with you. You are the great contriver and politician that has 
seduced my innocency. Our amiable friend, Mr. W., must have 
taken this view of the matter. I am sure that of me, taken 
alone and in the abstract, he entertains the kindest and highest 
opinion. You have, in some way, sadly deranged his notions 
as to persons and things. His proposed amendment to elect 
members of Congress to serve till the first Monday in August 
is a fine specimen of constitutional learning and legislation. He 
is a capital old fellow, and I don't know what you would do 
without him if Providence should remove him from your coun- 
cils. You would be left in darkness. I trust in Heaven that 
the legislature will not separate him, or any of his adjuncts, 
from you, jjy sending him or them to my place in the Senate. 
You will i)erceive by this I still retain a friendly regard for you, 
notwithstanding the various charges and attacks that your ac- 
quaintance has exposed me to ; and in despite of all the past, I 
must still subscribe myself. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

P. S. — Old Tip is absent in Virginia. The cabinet he has 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 147 

designated meets with general approbation here. At the instant 
there was some little sensation produced by some of the appoint- 
ments (Granger and Badger), but this has subsided, or is sub- 
siding, and, so far, we shall have a fair start. General Harrison, 
so far as I know, has not here announced any resolution as to 
the measure of a called session ; but my own impression is con- 
fident there will be one. You need not fear that the little 
clique who are opposed to you at home will have any undue 
influence or favor here. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, IVIrs. A. M. Coleman.) 

Senate, March 2, 1841. 

My dear Daughter, — It is impossible forme to convey to you 
any just idea of the incessant occupation of my time. Between 
the court, the cabinet, the Senate, many friends, and a host of 
office seekers, I can hardly say that my life is my own, much 
less one moment of time. It seems to me that if I had the sole 
disposal of all the offices and honors of the government, I could 
not be more hunted after, and hunted doion, than I am. I am 
hardly sure of keeping my senses, and yet I reproach myself 
for not writing to you in despite of all obstacles. Your letter 
of the 23d of February, just received, has brought back upon 
me an increased amount of self-reproach. You know, however, 
that my silence cannot proceed from any want of affection for 
you. You know that I love you dearly and with all my heart. 
You know now how the cabinet is to be constituted. My posi- 
tion in it is exactly that of my own choice, — the only one I 
xvoidd accept. I could have selected another if I pleased. Gen- 
eral Harrison's offers to me were very kind and flattering. I 
was really imposed upon by Bob^s joke ; I could not be angry 
about it, and I can noio laugh at it ; but I feared that you were 
all about to make some concerted attack on General Harrison 
in my behalf, and that would have grieved me. It was unneces- 
sary, and I would have no solicitation for me. I am impatient 
to be at home. My new duties will soon call me back, and 
here I vevwsXfix my residence. 

Kiss the children for me. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. A. M. Coleman. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, March 4, 1841. 
Dear Crittenden, — You have cut my acquaintance by way 
of soothing D., and what have you gained by it either in this 



'«I48 LIFE OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

State or tlic United States ? I see that, just at that time, you 
drew upon yourself a burst of indignation from the galleries, 
and a mighty rebellion would have been the consequence but 
for the generous and humane interposition of your friend, Tom 
Benton, who had the goodness to cry out with a loud voice, 
" Take away the blackguards ! out with the blackguards !" I 
have read it in the papers this moment, and very good reading 
it is. "Old Master" says the riot was occasioned by Preston's 
bestowing a higli compliment upon you, which created the 
disturbance in the galleries; but lie don't know everything. 

However, Benton saved you, and I feel just the same kind 
gratitude to him for his timely interposition in your behalf, 
that I felt to the old D. for his special attention and benevo- 
lence towards me. "Out with the blackguards !" said Benton. 
"Save the ladies!" said Clay. Sensible to the last, never un- 
mindful of the ladies in any emergency. It is well for Benton 
that his order was not .strictly executed. However, you owe 
him a debt of gratitude, that's certain, and I hope you will 
always acknowledge the obligation, though you may not live 
long enough to discharge it. He must have the offer of a big 
dinner when he comes through this State. Kentucky will 
never fail to treat the benefactor and protector of one of her dis- 
tinguished senators with becoming and marked respect. This 
is the 4th of March. What a great day this is in the city ! Yes- 
terday was a great day also to the nation ! — the last day of Van 
Buren's reign ! The I.ord be praised for all his mercies ! Van 
13uren went out of office yesterday, and so did two fellows go 
out of the penitentiary. I turned them out; they had hwi Jive 
days left to hold their places, and I thought it was but just and 
right to emancipate them at the same time Van Buren was 
emancipated. When will you be at home? How does Bell 
look and act, and walk and talk? I should like to see him very 
much indeed. Secretary of War I think he is. Well, that's a 
very good place ; I hope it will be well filled. 

I must tell you, this is rather the dullest place since the legis- 
lature adjourned that the Lord ever made in his six days' work. 
I should die of ennui, if I had not the pleasure of being an- 
noyed by everybody and everything. Come home and stay 
here six weeks, receive my instructions, and, if necessary, aid 
me in making out directions for the governor of Iowa. 

I would not be at all surpri-sed if, instead of two governments, 
I shall have the care of three at the same time. 

Your sincere friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 



CHAPTER XII. 
1841. 

Appointed Attorney-General of the United States by General Harrison — Mr. Mc- 
Leod's Trial for the Burning of the Steamer Caroline — Papers relating to this 
Trial — Judicial Opinion as Attorney-General on Allowance of Interest on 
Claims against the United States. 

ON the fifth of March Mr. Crittenden was appointed At- 
torney-General by General Harrison. The trial of McLeod 
for the burning of the steamboat Caroline was expected to take 
place in New York about that time. 

The British government had avowed the transaction as 
done under their authority, and demanded the release of the 
prisoner. At the urgent solicitation of the President, Mr. Crit- 
tenden consented to go to Albany and look into the matter, 
though he considered the undertaking as altogether distinct 
from his official duty as Attorney-General. The following 
letters and papers were found among Mr. Crittenden's papers, 
and possess, I think, a general interest as relating to this im- 
portant matter : 

(J. J. Crittenden to Robert P. Letcher.) 

March 14, 1841, 11 o'clock at night. 

Dear Letcher, — See what sacrifices I make of time and 
sleep to my correspondence with you ! God knows how you 
manage two governments and yet live. For my part, with only 
a small portion of one resting on my shoulders, I can scarcely 
find time to say my prayers. I am in arrears to you several 
letters, and I acknowledge the debt. I have the best of all 
excuses: it has not been in my power to pay up punctually. 
To-morrow I start for the remotest part of Western New York 
to attend the trial of McLeod, indicted for murder and burning 
the steamboat Caroline. You understand the case : the British 
government avows the transaction as done under its authority, 
and demand the release of the prisoner; it has thus become a 
national affair of delicacy and importance, and it is the Presi- 

(149) 



1 50 I'^^E OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

dent's pleasure that I should attend the trial. This has disap- 
pointed me sadly, in deferring my return home. You, too, must 
be grieved and make yourself very unhappy on this occasion. 
That will be some consolation to me. I may be absent two 
weeks on this trip, but I sJiall then return home if I have to run 
away from office, President and all ! We arc laboring along 
and endeavoring to keep the peace among the office seekers ; 
but nothing less than a miracle could so multiply our offices 
and patronage as to enable us to feed the hungry crowd that are 
pressed upon us. 

I have one sad thing to communicate. It has grieved me 
sorely. I have been laying my trains and flattering myself 
that I was making progress towards the accomplishment of our 
object in making Orlando governor of Iowa. Chambers was 
to be located here. I was pleased to think tliat was fixed. To 
my surprise, in the last few days, I have understood that Cham- 
bers has changed his mind, and is to go to Iowa as gox^crnor, 
and the indications now are that such will be the result. This 
is going a little ahead of what is generally known, and you 
must treat it as confidential ; but disagreeable as it is, you must 
let Orlando know. I like Chambers, and cannot blame him, 
but he has disappointed me in two respects, — by not staj-ing 
here himself, and interfering with my hopes for Orlando. Now 
I must go to bed. Farewell. 

Your friend, 

Robert P. Letcher. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Paper relating to McLeod found among Mr. Crittenden's Letters.) 

My visit to New York in March, 1 841, and all my agency 
in regard to the case of McLeod, was undertaken at the instance 
of the President, General Harrison. It was inconvenient to 
me, — my wishes and my interest required my return to Ken- 
tucky. I proposed the selection of some other person ; but 
it was insisted on that I should go, and I submitted. It was an 
undertaking altogether distinct from my official duty as At- 
tornc)--General. The object of my visit and the duties enjoined 
on me appear from the letter of instructions addressed to me 
by Mr. Webster, the Secretary of State, and drawn up by the 
direction of the President. I had before received in substance 
the same instructions orally from the President himself, and it 
was to his authority and not that of the Secretaiy that I con- 
sidered myself subordinate. At Albany I met Governor Sew- 
ard, exhibited m)' letter of instructions, and delivered to him 
the papers therein alluded to as intended for him. We con- 
versed a good deal at large on the subject of my instructions. 
The}- were before the governor, and I desired to know what 



CASE OF MCLEOD. 151 

his views were in respect to the case of McLeod. He was 
unwilling to direct a )iol. pros., and perhaps added that he had 
no such power; but he stated his entire confidence that McLeod 
was not guilty, and that the proof was clear that he was not 
engaged in the expedition against the Caroline, and was absent 
in Canada when the murder charged against him was com- 
mitted, and on this ground he must be acquitted whenever 
tried ; and furthermore he stated that if convicted he could 
and would pardon him, and so avert the threatened war; that 
the President might rely on his pursuing this course. He pro- 
fessed his earnest wish to act in harmony with the Federal 
government, but was unwilling, as before stated, to direct a iiol. 
pros., and thought the preferable and best course was to await 
the acquittal of McLeod by a jury, a result which he consid- 
ered certain, and that such an acquittal, or proof of his inno- 
cence, would be more satisfactory to the community and tend 
to allay the great popular excitement then prevailing. 

Wishing to know, as far as I could, what would be the course 
of Governor Seward in any contingency, a question was sug- 
gested as to the pardoning of McLeod before the trial. The 
governor was averse to this ; it would be unsatisfactory to the 
community, and still said he could and would pardon him if 
convicted, and thereby prevent the anticipated hostility. We 
did, after the examination of Mr. Fox's letter and consultation 
on the subject, agree in the conclusion that, though his demand 
was for the release of McLeod, then in prison, there was no 
ground to apprehend that hostilities would be attempted unless 
or until McLeod should be sentenced and punished. The gov- 
ernor knew that the chief object of my agency in attending the 
trial was to see that the case was properly placed on the record 
in the event of a conviction, so as to enable the Supreme Court 
to exercise its revisory jurisdiction, if it had any. Though I 
do not know that the governor made any objection to any law- 
ful proceeding having such revision in view, I think he mani- 
fested, z/" he did not express, some objection to the Federal gov- 
ernment taking any part in the prosecution against McLeod, 
and perhaps mentioned it as an objection to the appointment 
of Mr. Spencer as District Attorney for the United States that 
he had him employed as counsel for McLeod. 

(To Mr. Webster.) 

I have the honor to make known to you for the information 
of the President of the United States that, in obedience to his 
instructions received through you, I set out from this place to 
attend the trial of Alexander McLeod, which was expected to 
take place at Lockport, in the State of New York, on the day 



152 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of March last. I had proceeded on my way as far as Albany, 
where I received certain intelligence that the trial would not 
take place at the time appointed, and that the case would neces- 
sarily be continued in consequence of some irregularity or de- 
fect in the legal preparations for the trial. It was also said that 
the prisoner had given notice of his intention to ask for a con- 
tinuance and a commission to take depositions, etc. Under 
these circumstances, it was unnecessary for me to proceed fur- 
ther, and, after resting a few days at Albany, I returned to this 
cit}-. 

At Albany the case of McLeod seemed to be a subject of 
interest and general conversation, and with the distinguished 
governor of that State and his enlightened secretary I frequently 
conversed on the same subject ; and, disappointed as I was, I 
think I may assure the President that there has been great ex- 
aggeration in the rumors that have reached him of the violence 
of popular feeling and excitement against McLeod. 

At Albany I had the honor of several interviews with Gov- 
ernor Seward, in which I made known to him that the case of 
McLeod had acquired a character of some national importance 
and delicacy, in consequence of the recent formal avowals of 
the British government, and demand for his release ; that it was 
onl}' in this national aspect of the case that the President had 
any care or concern about it, and that he was only desirous to 
be fully informed of the truth of the case, and that it might be 
dealt with and disposed of upon a full view of all the facts, in 
a manner conformable to the justice of our laws and the char- 
acter of our country ; that he entertained the highest opinion 
of, and confidence in, both the wisdom and justice of the courts 
of New York, and, not doubting but that they would dispose 
of the case properly, he wished that it might be so conducted 
that all the facts of the case, and questions of law arising out 
of them, might be on the record, so as to be subject to any 
revision that the courts of the United States might have a right 
to exercise and to stand as a perpetual and authentic memorial 
of facts, — of a case which had become the subject of complaint 
by tile British government, and might become the occasion of 
still more interesting negotiation and controversy between that 
government and the government of the United States ; that it 
was for these objects, and not for the purpose of any interference 
in the case, that it had pleased the President to direct me to 
attend the trial. It would thus appear that he had not been 
inattentive to a matter which, in possible contingencies, might 
affect his duties as chief magistrate. 

Governor Seward expressed himself anxious to act in harmony 
and concert with the general government ; but I need not attempt 



CASE OF MCLEOD. 



153; 



to give you his views as he has himself communicated them in 
letters to you. From conversations I had at Albany with many 
intelligent gentlemen, well acquainted with Western New York, 
and some of them residing in that part of the State, I am sure 
the account of excitement has been greatly exaggerated. 

As to the object of my intended visit to Lockport, it may be 
proper, perhaps, for me briefly to state the information I ob- 
tained from all those sources that were accessible to me at 
Albany. There can be no doubt that the invasion of our terri- 
tory, the destruction of the Caroline, and the killing of one or 
more of the unresisting people that were sleeping on board that 
vessel on the night of her destruction, are regarded by the 
people of Western New York as a great outrage and insult, and 
that a deep sense of the injury still prevails in that community, 
although the excitement of the moment has generally passed 
away. It was in this temper of the public mind that McLeod, 
voluntarily coming into New York, and in the very neighborhood 
of the place where the outrage was committed, proclaimed and 
boasted publicly in a hotel of his participation in that outrage. 
By this offensive conduct the resentments of the people were 
excited ; he was arrested, an indictment was regularly found 
against him for the murder of which he boasted, and he has 
ever since remained in custody for his trial on that indictment. 
Public sentiment demands that the law should have its due 
course, and that if entitled to it on any ground of national or 
municipal law, he should receive his discharge from the legal 
tribunals in the regular course of jurisdiction. Any executive 
interference to prevent or arrest the judicial examination and 
decision of the case would be regarded with great jealousy 
and disapprobation. If this case is left to the judiciary, and 
he is acquitted or discharged upon a hearing by their courts, 
they would be satisfied. They have no disposition to make 
him a victim to their vengeance or to see any injustice done 
him ; but now that his case is regularly in the hands of the 
law, they think it due to public sentiment and to the adminis- 
tration of public justice that it should be disposed of by their 
courts in due course of law ; they desire that his defense, what- 
ever it may be, may be fully heard and justly decided upon, — • 
and the universal opinion seemed to be, that if he were other- 
wise guilty, the recent avowal, by the British government, of 
the transaction in respect to which he stands accused, will be 
received and adjudged a good and sufficient defense. From 
the professional and public opinion that I heard everywhere 
expressed in New York, I entertain not the least doubt that 
whenever his case shall be heard by the proper tribunals of 
New York, he will be acquitted or discharged, if it shall be 



I-^ LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

made to appear that the acts for which he is charged were done 
under the sanction or orders of his government ; tJiat can only 
be made to appear to the legal tribunals by some regular course 
of judicial procedure. It may be well known to the executive, 
but neither the executive of this country or a king of England, 
acting upon their knowledge, can enter a court of law and 
dictate or interrupt the course of its proceedings. ^ The king 
may cause a nolle prosequi to be entered in a criminal prose- 
cution, or pardon a condemned man. 

(William H. Seward to Hon. J. J. Crittenden.) 

Albany, May 31, 1841. 
My dear Sir, — I welcome the news of your return to Wash- 
ington. If it is regarded as worthy of your consideration, you 
will learn that during your absence a correspondence, not more 
unpleasant than unprofitable, has taken place between the Presi- 
dent and myself concerning the affair of Alexander McLeod. 
Your memory will retain the views presented to you, when here, 
concerning the disposition of that subject deemed proper by me, 
and tlie fact that it was requested that if those views were not 
approved at Washington, a further consultation might be had 
with me before definite action was adopted. You will, I trust, 
remember that I distinctly advised against any extraordinary 
proceedings being taken, or with the consent of the government 
permitted, to secure the prisoner's release without a trial before 
a jury, and that I, with all my counselors, especially advised 
against the appointment of his retained counsel as district at- 
torney, especially on the ground of its incongruity and of the 
injurious and unseemly effect it would present. From that time 
no communication, formal or otherwise, was received here until 
very recently, and in the mean time the course of the govern- 
ment was left to be learned from rumor, until the subject of a 
supposed collusion between the government at Washington 
and that of this State, to effect the prisoner's discharge without 
a trial, became a point of legislative inquiry and a charge of the 
opposition press. While satisfying the legislature and the 
public on that subject, I, in good faith, addressed a brief letter 
to the President concerning I\Ir. Spencer's appearance as counsel, 
to which I received a kind reply. From that reply I was 
induced to believe that the subject was viewed as having less 
importance at Washington than, considering its bearings upon 
so delicate a question, I thought it really had, and that, at all 
events, my acquiescence in the course adopted would not be 
proper and safe. I therefore addressed a second letter to the 
President, in the same kind and confiding spirit as the former. 
An answer from the President, in any general form, overruling 



LETTER FROM WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 155 

my opinions (although I should not have been convinced by it) 
would have ended the correspondence, and, leaving both parties 
to their proper responsibilities, would have avoided all unkind- 
ness. The President, however, replied at length in a spirit that 
seemed to me unkind, and in a manner which required the firmest 
adherence to my positions and the most vigorous defense of 
them I could make. I replied accordingly, and his rejoinder is 
before me, in which (as I cheerfully admit was to be expected) 
he preserves the same disposition and tone as before. My 
further reply will go with this letter. 

Although I feel that I am injured in this matter in the house 
of my friends, I care nothing for that, but I regret that I am 
misunderstood. I cannot but believe that the confusion into 
which things necessarily fell for a time at Washington was the 
consequence of the death of General Harrison, and your absence 
from Washington in a season when your explanations would 
have been useful, has contributed to this result. My object in 
addressing you is to call your attention to the subject, in order 
that you may now do whatever shall seem to you to be useful. 
I do not ask your interposition. I have no personal reason for de- 
siring it. I do not ask you even to acknowledge this commu- 
nication. I should deem it improper for you, as a member of 
the cabinet, to write me on the subject, except in support of the 
President, but I think it well, in this informal way, to suggest 
that the talent and zvit of a Whig administration might be more 
profitably employed in some other manner than in an unavail- 
ing effort to drive me from a course which, in my poor judg- 
ment, is required not less by patriotism and the honor of this 
State than by devotion to the administration itself, — that enough 
has already been written by the President upon an exciting 
subject (in regard to which I must take leave to think the 
feelings of the people must be better understood here than at 
Washington) to do incalculable evil if it should ever meet the 
public eye. I think that during your visit here you acquired 
information enough to know what President Tyler cannot know, 
that in all that has passed I have been firm, frank, and consistent. 
The course pursued in regard to the same question at Wash- 
ington has not been so. If you think it well to acquaint the 
President with what you know concerning the matter I shall be 
personally obliged ; but I desire that it may be understood it is 
done only as a thing of public importance, and by no means in 
such a manner as to induce an opinion that I would either so- 
licit notice of a personal grief or carry it into the general account. 
With very sincere respect and esteem, 

your friend and obedient servant, 

William H. Seward. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 



156 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his son Robert.) 

June 7, 184I. 

My dear Robert, — Your letter has just reached me, and I 
am now taking the remnant of a most laborious day to answer it. 
You requested me to send you ten dollars to defray the expenses 
of your trip to Ilarrodsburg on occasion of the celebration of 
the settlement of Kentucky. I inclose it to you, and am pleased 
to find you interesting yourself in the early history of your own 
State. If the fact was not so common, it would appear strange 
that there should be so many persons well acquainted with 
Rollin's Ancient History who know little or nothing of their 
own country. You are reading the life of Alexander Hamilton, 
and I am not surprised that you should feel great admiration 
for him : he was undoubtedly a man of the rarest and greatest 
mental c)idoiK.'])icnts ; but you should be a little careful of 
adopting your opinions of Mr. Jefferson from his biography. 
You must know that Alexander Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson 
were the great rival and popular political antagonists of their 
day, and no doubt felt and communicated to all within the 
range of their influence, unfavorable opinions and prejudices in 
respect to each other. Mr. Jefferson was a man of great genius 
and learning, and devoted to the cause of human liberty and 
the principles of free government. There are some things in 
history, some specks in the character of Mr. Jefferson, we must 
regret ; but these imperfections may be overlooked and par- 
doned, to some extent, in consideration of the great passages of 
his life, and the many illustrious exertions of his genius in the 
cause of his country. It does you credit, and shows taste and 
judgnioit, that you have read Chevalier's U. S. with so much 
satisfaction. It is an able political and philosophical work. It 
is singular that Chevalier and De Tocqueville should be the two 
most profound observers and commentators upon our country 
and its institutions. I am gratified at your taste for history, but 
take care not to withdraw from your collegiate studies. I wish 
you to graduate with as much reputation as possible. I believe 
you can obtain \\\c first Jionor if you make the effort. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

R. Henry Crittenden. 

(Henry Clay to E. M. Letcher.) 

Washington, June 11, 1841. 

My dear Sir, — White was elected Speaker. He does not 

come up quite yet to my hopes, but I trust he will improve. I took 

no part in his election. We are in a crisis as a party. There 

is reason to fear that Tyler will throw himself upon Calhoun, 



AN OPINION. 



157 



Duff Green, etc., and detach himself from the great body of the 
Whig party. A few days will disclose. If he should take that 
course, it will be on the bank. It is understood that he wants 
a bank located in the District, having no power to bnuich without 
the consent of the State where the branch is located. What a 
bank would that be ! The complexion of the Senate is even 
better than I anticipated, and although Mr. Adams has created 
some disturbance in the House, there is a fine spirit generally 
prevailing there. 

Your faithful friend, 
Mr. E. M. Letcher. H. Clay. 

This opinion, given by Mr. Crittenden during his term of 
Attorney-General, under General Harrison, is the only one 
which will be published : 

In respect to your Second question, it appears to me unneces- 
sary to go into the general question of interest, or the liability 
or obligation of a government to pay it. In this instance the 
single inquiry is, not whether interest ought, in justice, or any 
principle of analogy, to be allowed, but whether the judge has 
been invested with any authority to award it ; and this depends 
on the proper construction of the act of Congress of the 26th of 
June, 1834, — his sole and whole authority is derived from that 
act. It is the standard by which his jurisdiction must be meas- 
ured and limited. By the terms of this act he is authorized to 
receive and examine, and adjudge, in all cases of claims for 
losses occasioned by the troops in the service of the United 
States in 18 12 and 18 13. Interest on the amount o{ such, losses 
is certainly a thing very distinguishable and different from the 
losses themselves. It may be that justice would have required, 
in this case, the allowance of interest as well as of the principal 
that was lost ; but Congress alone was competent to decide the 
extent of its obligation, and to give or withhold authority 
for the allowance of the principal, — that is, the value of the 
property lost, with or without interest. The whole subject 
was before them for consideration and legislation, and the 
question of interest was as important in amount as the principal. 
They did legislate, and provided for the liquidation and pay- 
ment of claims for losses, but made no provision for any claims 
of interest. The inference, to my mind, is irresistible that they 
did not intend to authorize the allowance of interest. 

It is confidently believed, that in all the numerous acts of Con- 
gress for the liquidation and settlement of claims against the 
government, there is no instance in which interest has ever been 
allowed, except only when these acts have expressly directed 



158 I-IF^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

and authorized its allowance. I feel myself constrained, there- 
fore, to entertain the opinion that, so far as relates to the allow- 
ance of interest, the decision of the judge is unwarranted and 
erroneous. 

Very respectfully yours, 
Hon. Thomas Ewing, J. J. Crittenden. 

Secretary of State. 



CHAPTER XIIL 
1841-1842. 

Letters from Clay, R. Johnson, R. P. Letcher — Crittenden's Letter of Resignation 
of his Place in the Cabinet of J. Tyler — Letter of G. E. Badger — Letters of 
Crittenden to Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Washington, August 16. 

MY DEAR SIR,— It is understood that the President con- 
cedes the power of establishing agencies or branches, with 
authority to deal in the purchase and sale of bills of exchange, 
and to do all other usual banking business except to discount 
promissory notes or obligations ; that with the assent of a State 
branches may be established, with authority to discount notes and 
to do all other usual bank business. Upon this basis it does seem 
to me that a bank may be constructed with a larger recognition 
of Federal authority and of more efficiency than the one which 
the President has refused to sanction. It should be done by 
conferring on the bank and its branches all the usual banking 
powers, and then, by restrictions and exceptions limiting them 
to the basis before stated; there is less danger of embarrass- 
ment and error in this form of legislation than in the attempt 
to limit the powers of the institution by specific description 
and enumeration of them. I pray you to consider this well, 
with all the great consequences which attend it, and do what- 
ever your known liberal spirit of compromise and yowx patriot- 
ism, may direct. Mr. Clay can lose nothing by a course of 
conciliation ; his opinions are known to all, and to whatever 
extent he may forbear to act or insist upon them, it will be 
regarded only as another and further sacrifice made to his 
country. Do not believe that the least selfishness influences me 
in anything I have suggested. 

P. S. — Consider if it would not be better to drop everything 
about the assent of States, and making the banking power a mere 
emanation of congressional authority, exclude it from the 
discounting of promissory notes. The moneyed transactions of 
men will be put into the shape of bills of exchange, and the 
bank thus formed may be easily amended by future legislation, 
if the power of discounting notes should be found useful or 

(159) 



l6o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

desirable. The political effect of settling this matter now and 
by yoiir jucans will be great. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(Reverdy Johnson to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Baltimore, August 30, 1841. 

My dear Sir, — I have just heard, from a source which I know 
may be relied upon, that Mr. Alexander Hamilton, of New York, 
who, it is understood, has been for several weeks in Washington 
and almost an inmate of the President's house, came over last 
evening from Washington to have an interview with Mr. Maher, 
of this city, and Judge Upshur, of Virginia, who has been in this 
place several days. Not being acquainted with either of the 
gentlemen, he obtained this morning an introduction to them. 
Mr. M. at once introduced the President's course in regard to 
the bank bill, and heard only the most decided opinions against 
it from him, which seemed to surprise him, and in a few mo- 
ments, without more being said of a political character, the in- 
terview terminated. He then went to see Upshur, and was with 
him /// private for several hours. Now, sir, oitr impression is 
(that is, the impression of the few to whom these facts are 
known) that he has been sent up to sound these gentlemen in regard 
to a nezv cabinet, and Mr. M., in respect to the department j'02c 
hold ; so thinking, I deem it due to you — to the friendship ex- 
isting between us — that I lose no time in making this fact 
known to you for your consideration. It is exceedingly im- 
l^robable that the visit of Hamilton could have any other pur- 
pose, and, if half the reports we hear from Washington are 
true, it is almost certain that the object I suggest is true. If 
you think it proper, you are at liberty to show this to any mem- 
ber of the cabinet you please. Assuming my conjecture to be 
right, I forbear to speak of the movement, because I cannot do 
it without using terms of the President that should not be 
applied to him except in the last emergency. 

Sincerely your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. Reverdy Johnson. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, September 3, 1841. 
Dear Crittenden, — I have just read your letter of the 26th 
with the liveliest interest. All your trials, difficulties, and vex- 
ations were fully understood by your friends in Kentucky as 
accurately as I now understand them after reading your inter- 
esting conmnmication. No friend blamed you for not writing. 
Your silence told everything. We talked matters over and 
expressed our sympathies and our heartfelt regrets that official 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. i6l 

connection, obligations, and prudence necessarily limited your 
freedom of speech and action. No one, so flir as I know, has 
intimated that you ought to have resigned upon the coming in 
of the veto. Some of your friends believed you would do so ; 
others feared that in a moment of indignation and disappoint- 
ment you might do so ; but those who knew you best thought 
you would take no hasty action, but be governed by circum- 
stances which should or might control a majority of the cabinet 
in their movements. I rather think that, under the influence of 
that opinion, I wrote you some five or six weeks since to keep 
wide awake and be cool. The veto did not surprise me. I was 
fully apprised of the Captain's intention for some considerable 
time before. I had rather indulged in the hope that his heart 
micrht fail him before the time for final action. Duff Green told 
me the President told him he would veto the bill. The Van 
Buren party, in this quarter, announced that the veto would 
come weeks before it reached us. 

After I saw he had some four or five Virginia schoolmasters 
around him, I confess I lost all hope. Ah, that was too bad ! — 
our chief cook, in whom we placed all confidence, to poison 
our favorite dish ! Yes, I believe most confidently he has the 
arsenic ready for the second dish, and will certainly dash it in 
if Wise and Rives and Mallory tell him. Just let those fellows 
say "6^^ it, my Captain Tyler, old Virginia is at your back; 
Clay is trying to head you ; don't be frightened by one of Clay's 
mobs. If you do, Virginia will disown you ; Virginia will be 
everlastingly disgraced in your person if you yield. Jackson 
carried everything before him by his firmness, and so can you. 
You are the most popular man in America ; you elected Har- 
rison, and can elect yourself again easily. If you give way, 
you are a lost, ruined, disgraced, discarded creature, and Clay 
will be the next President !" Then let Calhoun make him a 
secret visit, and the poison goes in to a dead and moral cer- 
tainty. The motives by which the Captain is influenced are 
as distinctly known throughout all the land as his illustrious 
name is. All parties speak of it openly, mixed up with abuse, 
scorn, and ridicule. Should the cabinet be placed in such a 
situation by the President as to force them to resign, he will 
have no party. He may have five or six miserable, vain, fool- 
ish abstractionists, three nullifiers, and one Anti-Mason, — not 
enough for a decent funeral procession. The Whigs, before 
they adjourn, in the event of a dissolution of the cabinet, ought 
to hold a meeting and solemnly devote him, transfer and assign 
him over to the " Locofocos." They ought, furthermore, by 
resolution, to declare " that no honest Whig should hold office 
under such a faithless public servant." Then let the Captain 

VOL. I. — II 



l62 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

" paddle his own canoe," assisted by his Virginia friends. If 
once he gets ashore, I will give him a certificate of honesty, 
probity, and good demeanor, — qualities which he never had 
and never can have except upon paper. I am rejoiced in my 
soul that Webster will conduct himself like a man in this busi- 
ness. To tell you the plain truth, I honestly distrusted him. I 
feared he would disgrace himself by giving up his principles 
rather than his place. I thought he was upon the edge of a 
precipice, just ready to fall into an abyss, not knowing how far 
down he had to go. Now, I am relieved in my feelings, and 
am highly gratified. I feel as joyful over him as a good, old, 
faithful member of a church would feel over a brother who had 
wandered off from the true faith in pursuit of idols and had just 
returned to the fold, full of prayer and devotion, ready and will- 
ing and able to persevere to the end in the good cause. The 
Whigs are more firmly united now than before ; rely upon this. 
The vetoes are a good cement to hold them together. 

I received your letter this evening just after I had finished 
the labors of the day, and this accounts for my long letter. 
Should the cabinet dissolve just after you finish reading it, you 
will be ready to come to Kentucky, where all will be rejoiced 
to see you, and none more so than your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(Governor Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Sunday Morning, September 5, 1841. 

Dear Crittenden, — We got no mail from Washington to- 
day nor yesterday. Our anxiety to hear how matters now 
stand in the city has, I assure you, become too intense to be 
altogether agreeable. My own fears, I confess, as to a favorable 
issue are much greater and stronger than my hopes. I have 
talked over matters with a very few select friends, again and 
again speculating upon this, that, and the other thing, so re- 
peatedly that really I have lost all sort of interest in my own 
conversation; still, I allow myself to be harassed, fretted, vexed, 
excited by reflection to such a pitch, that, by way of a sort of 
occupation to keep myself as cool as possible, and to avoid all 
intercourse to shun the everlasting question, What is the news? 
do, for God's .sake, tell us the news from Washington ? I have 
shut myself up in the office (Sunday as it is) and find myself 
writing, for what purpose or for what object the Lord only 
knows. Why don't you go to church, say you, and take the 
benefit of the clerg}' ? Why, it would be a great sin in me to go 
to church with my state of feelings at this moment. I should be 
cursing and d — g at all the Virginia politicians (with a few ex- 
ceptions), the schoolmasters, and "Tyler too," during the whole 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 163 

of the service. I could not hear with any patience the Apostle 
Paul preach just at this time. If I had all power in my hands 
for one month I wonder if I should not be the mildest ruler that 
ever lived! I should not ask Lynch for any of his assistance. 
I would be calm, and cool, and prudent, though not wise by 
any means; but as sure as the sun shines I should afford ma- 
terials enough for some historian to write a mighty big book, in 
which there would be a great deal of good reading too. 

In the first place, I would have the law of treason better un- 
derstood, more practically defined, and more clearly illustrated, 
so that the weakest man in society could comprehend it, and 
"Tyler too" should be able to see and to feel its force. Im- 
peachments ! why, there should be no such foolish word in all 
my vocabulary. As a man gets older he gets more sensible, — 
I know I do. He sees things in a clearer light. I feel quite 
sure Botts does. I have just read his love letter to his con- 
stituents, and I would not be at all afraid to trust him with all 
necessary pozvers for, and during, a short reign. I don't know 
Botts personally, but I like him ; he is an honest man, a bold 
man, and a sensible man. I wonder, if Tyler should make another 
electioneering tour to the great West, if Botts will bear him 
company! I should say they would be exceedingly agreeable 
to each other, just at this time, as traveling companions. 

But enough of all this. If you are under the necessity, both 
as a patriot and as a gentleman, to quit the miserable concern, 
come home quickly. There is but one Kentucky. Keep up 
your spirits; be of good cheer and of good temper; above all 
things, come back to my government, and my people will take 
care of you and will take a pleasure in it. 

John Russell told me, some days ago, when I wrote to you, 
he wished to say if you returned to Kentucky you must send to 
his mill all the time. He says he will zi'hip any man who 
denies his right to furnish you with corn-meal, and flour, and 
pork, and whip you if you don't take it, or if you make a wry 
face at it. 

Having written thus far, I feel much better, I thank you. 
One idea: if you return to Kentucky and feel like practicing law, 
take my everlasting worker Harlan, for your partner, and he 
will be pleased, I have no doubt, to join you. Such another 
partner could not be had in any countr}^ 

Still, I have a little sort of a hope that Tyler's advisers will 
admonish him to yield, and that all may yet be well. I am 
going to join a hunting-party, Wednesday, — Charley Morris and 
the Bacons, — about three miles from town. I shall make the 
experiment whether the chase is not more agreeable and amus- 
ing than reading petitions and cursing our rulers. 



1 64 LIFI^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Now, if you halloo Enougli ! I will let you off. Enough ! you 
say, then I am done. 

Your friend, 

Letcher. 

P.S. — Give Webster, when you come away, one good, affec- 
tionate shake of the hand for me, and say every kind thing to 
him you please. 

(R. P. Letcher to J.J. Crittenden.) 

September 8, 1841. 

Dear Crittenden, — What's a man to do when he sees 
nothing, hears nothing, knows nothing, and wants to see, hear, 
and knoiv everything? Such is my condition at present. We 
get nothing from Washington, except the passage of the land 
bill, which may be vetoed, and if so, we shall run distracted 
without a doubt. I wrote you yesterday, and I write again 
to-day, just for the want of occupation. What adds to my vexa- 
tion is, that I had the misfortune, returning from dinner, to meet 
old W., or rather as I stepped into the judge's room, there he 
was, talking loudly against a United States bank. My presence 
brought him to a conclusion, and, when he recovered, he did 
me the favor to walk out. I am told he is much tickled with 
the idea that "brother C." is to be one of the cabinet. Should 
there be a new cabinet Calhoun will have a finger in the pie, 
and one of the dynasty comes in to dead certainty. I saw by a 
paper of the 2d that Archer was to make a speech in favor of 
the bank bill. I am rejoiced! I like Archer much, and should 
be highly gratified for him to do his country some service, and 
add to his own reputation. The bill will pass with Archer's 
vote, and who knows but Tyler may have a dream, or see sights, 
which will bring him to a knowledge of the truth? If he don't 
see sights now, he will after awhile. I expect to hear of his 
talking and crying in his sleep before long ; he has raised the 
devil in this country. I received a letter this morning from a 
man in Russell County, asking me if I thought it would be an 
unpardonable sin to go to the city and kill him ; the fellow wrote 
as if he thought he had a call to put him to death. Another 
writes me, to call the legislature together for the purpose of 
passing a Commonwealth's bank, and damning John Tyler. I 
don't know whether you will be a private gentleman or a public 
one when you get this. If you Imve left the city, I hope you 
have authorized John Tyler to open this letter. 

Truly yours, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 165 

(J. J. Crittenden to the President.) 

Washington, September 11, 1841. 
Sir —Circumstances have occurred in the course of your 
administration, and chiefly in the exercise by you of the veto 
power, which constrain me to believe that my longer continu- 
ance in office, as a member of your cabinet, will be neither 
agreeable to you, useful to the country, nor honorable to myself. 
_ Do me the justice, Mr. President, to believe that this conclu- 
sion has been adopted neither capriciously nor in any spirit of 
party feeling or personal hostility, but from a sense of duty, 
which, mistaken though it may be, is yet so sincerely enter- 
tained that I cheerfully sacrifice to it the advantages and dis- 
tinctions of office. 

Be pleased, therefore, to accept this as my resignation of the 
office of Attorney-General of the United States. 

Very respectfully yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 
The President. 

The following March Mr. Crittenden was elected to the 
Senate to fill Mr. Clay's unexpired term, and was re-elected for 
a full term. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, September 11, 1841. 
Dear Letcher, — I have just received and read your long and 
mteresting letter of the 3d instant. You say towards the con- 
clusion of it, "Should the cabinet dissolve just after you finish 
reading this," etc. Now, for so long a shot this is absolutely 
the best on record ; it was exactly to the centre. The cabinet 
was in the process of dissolution. The resignations of Ewing, 
Bell, Badger, and myself were on the way to the President's 
when your letter was brought in and thrown on my table. I 
fear you will have to detract somewhat from your cnlogiiniis on 
Webster ; he has declined to join in our resignations, and will 
continue in office, finally, as I calculate, to be turned out. 
Granger, too, will continue in office, and perhaps be reserv^ed 
for the same fate. I do not know who will supply the places of 
the resigned. I am not even fully apprised of the speculations 
of the day. Baillie Peyton is here and greatly pressed to take a 
cabinet place. I have talked with him ; he is resolved not to 
accept, but may be overcome. I have just heard General Clinch 
spoken of for Secretary of War. I am satisfied he will accept. 
Judge Upshur, of Virginia, is spoken of, and will, I suppose, ac- 
cept. The President will have hard work to make up a cabinet 
which will please the Senate. As the time is but short, he will 
probably have to resort to the alternative of nominating unex- 



l66 Lil'i^ OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

ccptionablc individuals at a distance; if they do not accept, he 
gains time and nia\' supply the \'acancies in the absence of the 
Senate. There is great firmness and great excitement among 
the Whigs in Congress, and a more resolute union among them, 
except, perhaps, as to a portion of the Northern Whigs, who are 
held in a sort of neutrality and suspense by the course of Mr. 
Webster'. The Whig members from the great West are, to a 
man, united, fierce, and denunciator)- towards Mr. Tyler. From 
what I have heard, they will publish an address to the people 
of the United States, recommending a course of action to the 
Whigs of the Union, denouncing the course of Mr. Tyler as a 
betrayal and abandonment of the Whigs, and proclaiming that 
they will no longer consider themselves responsible for the con- 
duct of the Executive Department, etc. A nobler set of fellows 
than the \\'hig members of the present Congress never repre- 
sented any people, and the energy, union, and firmness which 
has marked their conduct is worthy of all praise. The diffi- 
culties, trials, and mortifications to which they have been sub- 
jected were \er\' great ; yet, so far, they have been equal to it 
all, and but f-W have been faithless or slow of heart. 

Since I closed the last sentence, I have heard that the new 
nominations for the cabinet have been made, — W^alter Forward, 
Secretaiy of Treasury; Judge McLean, Secretary of War; 
Judge Upshur, Secretary of Na\'y ; and Mr. Legare, of South 
Carolina, Attorne)--General. What the Senate will do with 
them I am not informed. The great difficulty will be with 
Upshur. 

Do not prepare any of your sympathies for me. I am proud 
and happy, and as for all the losses and inconveniences that 
ma>- come on me from the loss of my office, I shall bear them 
manfully, strengthened to do so by the consciousness that I 
have acted as honor and duty to the counti")' required. Between 
the first and tenth of the next month I shall take a drink with 
you in your own house. Keep your bottles set out and full, 
and if your liquor be good and your entertainment the same, I 
will then give you all the particulars about the great affairs at 
Washington. Farewell. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, September 13, 1841. 
Dear Letcher, — I wrote to you the day before yesterday, 
and I promise that this shall be a short letter, provoked chiefly 
by your letter of the 5th instant. recei\-ed this morning. Since 



LETTER FROM GEORGE E. BADGER. 167 

I last wrote you, Granger has resigned, so that Mr. Tyler has 
been deprived of the whole of his most enlightened and patri- 
otic cabinet, or f/*/ J/r. Webster. He holds on, and looks like 
grim death ! What say you ? shall I give him all the affec- 
tionate gratulations and messages you sent in your last letter ? 
or what disposition shall I make of them ? 

He has, at least, faltered on the way ; I still hope that that is 
the most of it, and that, though he has faltered, it will be but 
for a moment, and that he will redeem himself by an abandon- 
ment of Mr. Tyler. His time for repentance is very short ; the 
thoughts and feelings of men are moving on too rapidly to 
afford him much delay. 

He may yet, by energy and decision, rescue himself; his 
delegation are uneasy at his situation, and if they advise him 
manfully it may save him. 

The Whig members of Congress are about to publish an 
address ; it is said to be a very good one ; you will get it almost 
as soon as this letter, and that, together with Ewing's letter in 
the rntelligencer o{ 'CiXi's, morning, will give you a full view of the 
state of affairs here. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

You do not think more highly of Harlan than I do, and 
when I get back to Kentucky, if he should think a partnership 
would not be disadvantageous to him, I dare say it would be 
quite to my liking. On my return we will talk more of this. 

. J. J. Crittenden. 

(George E. Badger to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Raleigh, Februaiy 4, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — I learn from the papers that you are in Wash- 
ington. What on earth are you lurking about there for ? Do 
you expect any favors from the White House? or are you endeav- 
oring to get Legare to appoint you his clerk ? Are you prepared 
to become a Tyler-man in politics ? and do you, in poetry, prefer 
the Poet's Lament to Milton, or Ahasneriis io Paradise Lost? 
This latter question you ought to be prepared to answer before 
you indulge any hopes of advancement. Pray give an account 
of yourself. Do you ever visit President Square ? If you do, 
you can think of a late Secretary of the Navy. Do you remem- 
ber a certain carpet which will owe its preservation from moths 
for half a century to your diligent sprinkling thereon of what 
we boys used to call ''Amber/'' Do you remember a certain 
lady of a certain Secretary of the Navy, who exhibited the 
greatest singularity of taste in saying that a certain Attorney- 
General was a good-looking man ? I know }'ou ha\'e been long- 



1 68 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ing to write to mc, but have been withheld by the fear of the 
seeming presumption of an <u-Attorney-General addressing an 
f-r-Secretary, and I write as a proof of my favor, and an evidence 
of my condescension to put you at ease. What is to hinder you 
from getting in the cars and paying me a visit ? I can give you 
a good bed, a good dinner, good wine, and a hearty welcome. 
I suppose Ewing is endeavoring to get an appointment. His 
coru-plautUig letter of resignation ought to get him a clerkship, 
particularly if he has read Ahasuerus, and committed half as 
much of it to memory as he once recited to me from Dante's In- 
ferno. Wishing you success in all your efforts to obtain execu- 
tive advancement, 

I am very truly your friend, 

George E. Badger. 

(Letter from J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Februaiy S, 1842. 

Mv DEAR Letcher, — I have just finished a sort of business or 
semi-official letter to you, and now I wish to write you entirely 
on private and personal account. 

You arc, I know from past experience, a sagacious gentle- 
man, and good at far-seeing and guessing; but still, I think you 
can hardly have an adequate notion of the state of things here. 
Utterly condemned as the administration has long been, and it 
is still growing in scorn and contempt, and there is really 
danger of its sinking into such impotence and odium as to par- 
alyze the whole government, — and yet Mr. Tyler, in this con- 
demned and desolate condition, steeped to the lips in shame, is 
still, if the universal reports that I hear be true, inflated with 
ideas o{\\\s great popularity, — second to none but Washington, 
— thinking of nothing so much as his re-election, — holding 
Whigs and Locofocos equally as his opponents, and reserv- 
ing his favors and offices for fylcr-mcu. From all I can collect, 
such is about the condition of your President. Of his ministry 
I know but little. Webster looks gloomy and sad. In Con- 
gress they seem to have but little influence. The little corps 
of Tyler-men do not seem to thrive well, and e\-cn the}' do not 
alwaws conform to administration measures. In the midst of 
such disasters, discipline may naturally lose its force. 

Notwithstanding the necessity of the case, and that even 
members of Congress were without their pay, the treasuiy-note 
bill for five millions of dollars was forced through Congress by 
a nominal majority of one in each branch, and that majority 
obtained onl)' by the silence or voluntary withdrawal of members 
whose votes, if given at all, would have changed the majority 
and defeated the bill. There was, in fact, a majority against it 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 169 

in both houses of Congress, and yet, without that supply, there 
was not a dollar in the treasury to pay either army or navy. 
In one month I suppose it to be inevitable that Mr. Tyler must 
come before Congress for another supply of treasury notes, and 
I doubt whether any exigency will induce them to grant it. 
Such is the state of affairs, and from their sad condition I must 
infer that you have withdrawn that salutary participation which 
you were formerly pleased to exercise in the administration of 
this government. Clay, I think, would now acknowledge our 
wisdom in advising against his coming to this session of Con- 
gress. You have saved him from a most critical and delicate 
position by the failure to pass the legislature resolutions 
against the bankrupt law. He will soon resign, and in time for 
the General Assembly to elect his successor, and that event will 
occur with some circumstances rather disagreeable to me, in 
respect to my being a candidate. I was, year after year, a 
somewhat prominent advocate of that law ; but yet it is one of 
those measures in respect to which I should have conformed 
to the wishes of my constituents had I remained in the Senate. 
To declare that sentiment on the eve of an election might ex- 
pose me to the suspicion of sacrificing a former opinion, not to 
a high sense of duty, but to the ambition of obtaining a seat in 
the Senate. 

And now, sir, I wish to take a little hand in your adminis- 
tration. Imprimis, being informed that Bishop Smith is not to be 
reappointed to the office he now holds, or lately held, of superin- 
tendent (I believe that is the title) of common schools, I do very 
cordially recommend Mr. Sayre, of our town, to that office. I 
think he will devote himself to it zealously and usefully ; he 
has education and talents and manners ; and lastly, my wife 
writes me, quite imploringly, to entreat you to give to Atticus 
Bibb the office of Commonwealth's Attorney, for the district in 
which he lives. 

He is said to be a noble-hearted and talented fellow, and his 
late reform may entitle him to kind consideration. I hope that 
you may be able to reconcile it to your sense of duty to give 
him the office. 

Remember mc kindly to our friend, the Lieutenant-Governor, 
and to all our other friends in and out of the legislature, and, as 
the Chinese said to Mr. Van Buren, " May you live long to be 
a security to your people." 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

R. P. Letcher, 

Governor of Ky. 



I-O LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

WASHlNGTtiN, December 9, 1842. 

Mv DEAR Sir, — After a most toilsome and most dangerous 
journey I reached here on the second day of the session, being 
the eleventh day after I left home. 

The Whigs from all quarters seem to me, as far as I can see, 
to bear their defeats with fortitude and spirit, and to look to the 
future with all the confidence that could be expected. It ap- 
pears to be the general impression of those that I have talked 
with here, that, for want of a present motive and immediate 
object, the Whig party has not been and cannot be roused to a 
full exertion of its strength till the next presidential election. 
This is at least a consolatory view, and I am willing to confide 
in it as the true explanation and state of the case. But this 
fluctuating zeal, that requires so much to get it up and so little 
to put it di)wn, is not the most reliable. Under present circum- 
stances, Clay's truest friends here seem inclined in favor of a 
national convention. They do not doubt his nomination by 
such a convention, and think it will have the effect of reassuring 
the party and combining all the little fragmentary parts that 
might otherwise be disposed to fly off in the hour of need. I 
incline to this course myself, and regard it as a measure to 
fortify, and not really to bring in question, the pretensions of 
Mr. Clay. 

I send you with this a copy of the President's message, that 
the people might not be delayed in the enjoyment of this 
precious document. Expresses were prepared to convey it with 
the rapidity of steam throughout the land at the moment of its 
delivery to Congress, and upon some false rumor that a quorum 
of the Senate was present on Tuesday last, off went the mes- 
sage in all directions one day before there was any Congress 
assembled to receive it. This little accident produced so much 
ridicule as to disturb that grave consideration with which such 
a revelation from John Tyler might otherwise have been re- 
ceived. 

Since my arrival here I have been surprised to learn, from 
inquiries made of me, how extensively the hopes and appre- 
hensions of my defeat in our senatorial election had gone 
abroad. A Loco member of Congress, from Arkansas, told 
another member, a Whig, who scorned the idea of my being 
beaten, that he was well informed about it, and thought I would 
be defeated, and I suppose that the Tyler party fully expect it. 
All this furnishes grounds to apprehend that greater effort and 
preparation have been used for the purpose than we anticipated, 

Owsley heard, as he passed through Lancaster, that }-our 
nephew, George McKee, would vote for Hardin in preference 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 171 

to all others. And Phelps, of Covington, informed me that the 
member from Kenton, a Mr. Bennett, I think, was very in- 
different for whom he voted. He was elected as a Whig, but 
his county, I believe, is Locofoco. This was told me as I 
came up the Ohio. And Phelps also gave me to understand 
that he had defeated an attempt that had been got up by the 
Locos to instruct him to vote against me. I give you these 
particulars that they may be remedied in equity, if any such 
remedy there be. My old acquaintance and friendship with his 
father and relatives would make McKee's opposition quite 
mortifying to me. I know that the mere fact of your relation- 
ship puts it out of your power to do anything in the matter. I 
hope, however, it will turn out that Owsley's information was 
incorrect. 

You will see that in both houses of Congress propositions 
have been made for the repeal of the bankrupt law. I thought 
from the first that a temporary bankrupt law was better suited 
to this country than a permanent system, and was in favor of 
limiting it to two years. It was one of a series of measures 
urgently sought for by the Whigs of New York, Louisiana, etc., 
and rather conceded to them than desired by those of the Ken- 
tucky Wliigs who supported it. It has to a great extent accom- 
plished its object, and, though there may have been abuses, it 
has relieved from imprisonment (for in many of the States that 
remedy is continued) and a hopeless mass of debt many an 
honest man whose fortunes had been wrecked in the disastrous 
times through which we have passed. Under all the circum- 
stances, and especially in deference to the opinions of my con- 
stituents, who, I believe, are opposed to the continuance of the 
law, I have made up my mind, I think, to vote for its repeal. 

Your friend. 

To R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

P.S. — Aren't you glad my paper has given out? 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

February 25, 1842. 

Dear Crittenden, — The election for senator will come off 
this afternoon at three o'clock. I doubt whether there will be 
any opposition ; none unlese it should be old Duke, — your friend 
and my enemy. I don't believe, however, he will run. Colonel 
Johnson has just left me again, after renewing his bond of fidelity. 
We are getting very thick, I can tell you. If I had time I 
would make you laugh heartily about many matters connected 
with this election. Oh, the duplicity of this world! 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Letcher. 



172 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

February 24, 1842. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have only a moment to say a word or 
two. Mr. Clay's resignation w^as filed yesterday, and I am told 
that in one moment afterwards a few demons set about the 
work of mischief. They are endeavoring to bring out all sorts 
of opposition, trjnng ever>'body and anybody. Underwood, 
they think, would embody the greatest force, because of his 
Green River residence; but that point has been guarded. His 
friends won't allow the trick to be played, tliat is settled ; and if 
Underwood was here he would settle it in the same way. 
Charley Morehead is talked of, but, in my opinion, he won't 
make the attempt. Ben Hardin is here ; I presume he will be 
the opposition, — hope he will make a poor show. The old 
Monarch is also here, but I don't believe he came on that busi- 
ness. The D. is heading the party in opposition to you. I am 
told that a caucus was held last night ; don't think there is the 
slightest danger of the result. Colonel Richard Johnson is now 
with me; he will act the gentleman, and go for you ''through 
thick and tinny Had a long talk with him since I commenced 
this letter. He will carry with him as many friends as he can, 
and reall>- I must tell you that you are not to forget his honor- 
able feelings and fair dealing. I know you like him, and you 

ought to like him. 

Yours, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, February 26, 1S42. 
Dear Crittenden, — O. K., as you will, no doubt, hear from 
various quarters. The affair went off handsomely, quietly, flat- 
teringly. Old man Golhom aided like a gentleman after he took 
time to cool. He novdnated you. Colonel Dick Johnson called 
upon me last night, and swore " he had never exerted himself 
so much in all his life to keep down (as he said) a damned fac- 
tious opposition of damned rascally Whigs, as well as Demo- 
crats." He did behave well, indeed, and no mistake. 

Yours truly, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, April 9, 1842. 
Dear Crittenden, — Clay's valedictory is exceedingly fine 
and appropriate ; I admire it much. This village is crowded 
with bankrupts and lawyers. The D.and young D. are among 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 173 

the distinguished visitors. I know you will take pleasure in 
hearing that these two noble fellows are in good health. I had 
the honor to see them this morning, face to face, at the State- 
House gate. They looked interesting, but I had only a moment's 
satisfaction in beholding them. They appeared anxious, I 
thought, to deprive me of that pleasure. When will Congress 
adjourn ? When will you be at home ? What will Congress do ? 
How does Captain Tyler stand ? Hozv do his promising boys 
behave ? How does Webster stand the racket? Has he proved 
himself clear of all fornications by affidavits or otherwise, and 
will he remain in his present situation long, or will he be pushed 
out ? I think he will be thrown overboard before very long. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
1842. 

The Loan Bill— Apportionment Bill— Letter of James Buchanan to R. P. Letcher— 
Letters of Letcher, Clay, and Crittenden. 

THE following eloquent and touching appeal to the senator 
from Arkansas, will strike all who knew Mr. Crittenden 
as eminently characteristic of him : 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, in reference to the charge 
made against the Whig party by the senator from Arkansas, 
that they were a debt, loan, and tax party, I can only obsen^e, 
that I had hoped a pause Avould be allowed, in the present con- 
dition of the government and the country, for breathing-time, 
for patriotism to come into action. I have, however, heard, in 
the last few days, two speeches from a gentleman known to me, 
and esteemed by every one in all the relations of life, in which 
he charges his friends with unworthy objects and intentions. I 
have heard this charge uttered with deep regret. The calanii- 
ties which menace the country require the co-operation of wise 
counsels and unimpassioned deliberation. What tendency can 
crimination and recrimination have to reach just conclusions? 
What light can they shed upon public counsels ? The fierce 
fire of party is one that burns, but sheds no light. I am sure 
it is impossible that in a heart so generous and so just as that 
possessed by the senator from Arkansas, there should exist a 
belief that the object of the Whig party was to bring down de- 
struction on the country, or to involve him and his posterity in 
the calamities that he depicts. It seems to me we might debate 
on the affairs of government without so much asperity. I am 
willing to bear all my responsibility; but it is known to every 
gentleman in this body that the Whig party have not the con- 
trol of the government, and in all fairness an undue share of 
responsibility should not be thrown upon them. There is no man 
more willing to retrench and reform than myself, and I believe 
tiiis to be the case with my friends. We are willing to take 
counsel with these gentlemen themselves, and I implore them 
not to suppose that we wish to fill the hands of the government 
with money to squander in extravagance. How can the senator 
V 1 74 ) 



SPEECH ON THE APPORTIONMENT BHL. 175 

from Arkansas, after casting an imputation on the Whig party 
of opposing and abusing the President, suppose that they were 
anxious to place in his hands the means of wasteful expenditures? 
I will vote for this bill, but I will do so with profound reluctance ; 
I vote for it under a sense of obligation, which impels me to act 
from public duty. It seems to me that the allusions made by 
the senator from Arkansas, to the relations of the Whig party 
with the President of the United States, were unkind and un- 
generous ; but I will not be drawn into any debate on this 
point; I will choose the time and occasion to revert to such 
matters, if it should be ever necessary to do so. I had hoped 
the time had come — a marvelous time — when the two great 
contending parties might meet on one common platform and 
reason together. 

On the 24th of May, 1842, there was a debate on the appor- 
tionment bill, and Mr. Crittenden argued for the smallest ratio 
of congressional representation. In relation to the other amend- 
ment proposed, that of not requiring States to be districted for 
the election of representatives, Mr. Crittenden did not approve 
of the modification; he did not wish it to be left optional with. 
the States to take the district system or the general ticket 
system ; he was conscientiously opposed to the latter and in 
favor of the former ; he believed that the only fair mode of ob- 
taining a just representation was by the local district system; 
he thought the general ticket system nothing but a return to 
the old continental Federal system. Give the States of New 
York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio that general ticket system, and 
these three States, he was confident, could control the other 
twenty-three with imperial power; he believed there was not 
now a single State which elected their presidential electors 
by district, and in that there was a bright example burning with 
evidence of what might be expected in relation to elections for 
members of Congress. He was not willing to convert our re- 
publican system into an oligarchy. The senator from New 
York, Mr. Wright, tells us that if we pass the law for districting 
the States, New York will not obey. This sort of defiance 
should not be brandished in the face of the country to weaken 
our great bonds of union. He trusted this sentiment, though 
forcibly spoken, was uttered without deliberation. 



17(5 LIFE OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

(James Buchanan to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, April 17, 1842. 
Mv DEAR Sir, — I have done all I could do for Kentucky and 
her hi^dily esteemed governor. I believe the course I have pur- 
sued has been satisfactory to his magnificent ambassador, Gen- 
eral Leslie Coombs, and to xMr. Crittenden. By-the-by, this same 
ambassador is a man among a thousand ; I like him very much, 
and yet I have never seen any specimen of human nature with 
which he could be compared. I think he possesses a clear head 
and a warm heart, and yet he talks too much for a diplomatist, 
unless he acts upon the principle of Talleyrand, that the use of 
speech was given to man to conceal his ideas. He is an 
agreeable study, however, and I should be pleased to have 
another chance at him. I think the Whig party, just now, is in 
a sick and lowly condition, and the sooner you get out of it the 
better. The grand Sir Hal is worth the whole concern, and 
they will, in the end, be false to him. Some of them are begin- 
ning to look over their left shoulder already. With how much 
more dignity he would close his political career by retiring to 
Ashland, and keeping out of the presidential struggle! The just 
fame which he has acquired ought to satisfy any man's ambition. 
So far as I am personally concerned, I am sincerely sorry he 
has left the Senate ; he was an itgly customer, it is true, but there 
was a pleasure in contending against such a man, and one sus- 
tained no disgrace in being vanquished by him. I like Critten- 
den very much, and he is a very able and adroit partisan debater. 
I know nothing of the four-horse team tt) which you allude ; I 
think they do not desire to hitch on with them the hero of the 
Thames. The late minister to England, or the late governor 
of Tennessee, will, most probably, be Van's Vice, should he be 
nominated. But you will learn all about it from his own lips, 
as I presume you will be of the party at Ashland to welcome 
the ex-President and his Neptune. Tyler and his cabinet are a 
poor concern ; they live upon expedients from day to day, and 
have no settled principles by which to guide their conduct. 
The 71?(7(^//Vi- flatter him with the belief that whilst the politicians 
are deadly hostile to him, from jealousy of his rising fortunes, 
the people are everywhere rising en masse and coming to his 
rescue. Such is the tone of the Madisonians, and if you desire 
to obtain an office from him I advise you to pursue that course. 
Unless I am greatly mistaken in the signs of the times, an 
attempt will soon be made to head Mr. Clay on the subject 
of a national bank. It would seem that Tyler is now willing 
to approve the bill of Ewing, and Mr. Clay is to be attacked 
for having defeated the establishment of a bank from jealousy 
of Tyler, — Heaven save the mark ! His constitutional scruples 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. ijj 

would be satisfied with the provision, that no branch should be 
established in any State without the consent of the legislature, 
though an agency to transact the business of the treasury 
would not require such permission. Tyler and Webster, then, 
are to become the chiefs of the great Whig National Bank party, 
and Clay is to be denounced for having prevented the adoption 
of his own favorite measure. So we go ! This seems to be the 
present track, but how they may continue it is mighty uncer- 
tain. For myself, I am a looker-on here in Vienna. I have been 
long enough here to understand the game, though I no-w^x play 
myself. The movements in Pennsylvania have been voluntary, 
so far as I am concerned. The attempt of Colonel John?,on'^ 
friends there has been a greater failure than I anticipated. We 
shall not divide upon our presidential candidate. We have a 
way of chopping off the heads of those, without cererriony, who 
will not submit to the decisions of the party in the National, Con,^ 
vention assembled. 

With sentiments of grateful kindness, 

I remain your f'liend, 

James Buchanan. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Governor Xetcher.) 

"Washington, May i, 1842. 

Dear Letcher, — My wife's arrival and my change of loca- 
tion, etc. have interrupted my ccrrespondence for a time. 

Clay's leaving Congress wa^i something like the soul's quit- 
ting the body. His departure has had (at least I feel it 'so) 
an enervating effect. We shall gradually recover from it. 
Captain Tyler will serve as a blister-plaster to stimulate and 
excite us, and that, perhaps, is the very best use that he is sus- 
ceptible of 

Tyler has produced the strangest sort of distraction and in- 
action that was ever seen. He sits in the midst of it, mighty 
busy and bustling, — the Tom Thumb of the scene, — thinking 
himself the admiration of the world and the favorite child of 
Providence. Take it altogether, it is the most severe bur- 
lesque on all human ambition and government that was ever 
witnessed, I know, however, that I can add nothing to your 
conception of the full merits of the scene. You have a quick 
taste for the perception of such rare exhibitions, and to your 
imagination I leave them. We understand here (and certainly 
the Madisonian gives signs of wrath) that the President is v^xy 
angry with the poor Senate for its rudeness in rejecting some 
of his nominations, and especially that of Mr. Tyson, and 
threatens to turn out of office all "Clay Whigs and ultra Demo- 
crats," and to appoint none but " moderate men," alias Tyler-men. 
VOL. I. — 12 



I-S LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

The President and his men have been blustering about that 
matter, and I do believe that it has of late been seriously thought 
of, if not determined on, in his councils. But they will not dare 
to execute such a purpose. We cannot restrain him from turn- 
ing men out of office, but the Senate can, and will, control him, as 
thc.-y ought, in respect to his appointments. There is not in the 
Senate a single incmbcrwho calls himself, or is willing to be called, 
a Tyler-man. There are some oi both sides of the chamber that 
are more or less infected, but this rather contributes to unite all 
the others, and to insure a majority against improper or un- 
worthy appointments. 

Benton acts and speaks openly and manfully, and says he 
will have no wh — g with this administration. On the contrary, 
Calhoun is supposed to be contracting a little more kindness 
for it. I understand that he is not unfrequently of their parties 
and councils, and things are supposed by some to be tending to 
a clo.ser union between him and the administration. This is 
mere surmise, but it seems to me not at all improbable from the 
character and condition of the parties. They both want help 
badly, and each, perhaps, counts on using or cheating the other in 
the end. It is a pity such congenial parties should be kept asunder, 
and I wish, with all my heart, for a consummation of their 
union. If the administration will flatter Mr. Calhoun's ambition 
for the Presidency, he may carry over his followers to their 
support, and give them something of a basis for an "Adminis- 
tration Party." The very first movement, however, towards 
suth an end would be the signal of alarm and hostility on the 
part of Ikniton, Buchanan, etc. But what is to issue out of the 
strange and unsettled state of things that now exists no one can 
foretell, and all seem to be .standing still and looking and wait- 
ing for events. So far as I can learn. Clay's retirement has had 
the happiest effect upon the public feeling and opinion in respect 
to him, and all the indications seem to be that, without the aid 
of any convention, he will be the candidate of the universal 
Whig party. I think we have every prospect of unanimity on 
our side, and that there is on the other side almost a certainty 
of division and discord. 

I hope that Kentucky will give Clay a triumphant reception 
on his return home. If ever man did, he deserves it, and Ken- 
tucky will be as much honored in giving as he in receiving. 
Its effect abroad will be good, and will give atone to that public 
feeling which, I hope, will be everywhere awakened. 

I am weary of Washington, yet see no prospect of getting 
away from here sooner than the middle of July. 

The prevailing impression here seems to be that Lord Ash- 
burton will settle all difficulties with us. He appears to me to 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 179 

be a clever old gentleman, and that, you know, is saying a great 
deal for a lord. Webster must hope to heal his character a 
little by making peace, and I think, therefore, that we may ex- 
pect it. 

I have no intercourse with Tyler and his secretaries. I do 
not seek them, and they seem to avoid me. I can hardly im- 
agine how you get along without me. I hope that you suffer 
greatly from my absence. I should like to spend the balance 
of this evening with you, " Old Master," Mason, etc. Coombs 
must be doing a good business in Philadelphia, and I hope will 
be able to bring the Schuylkill Bank to terms. My best respects 

to Mrs. Letcher. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, May 30, 1842. 
Dear Crittenden, — Van Buren arrived and departed very 
soon after I wrote you last ; he reached here in the evening and 
left next morning. Don't mention it, for the honor of our city, 
but such another reception never occurred in any age or country. 
He was received on top of the Hill by some thirty Locos, and 
the procession formed immediately with all the pomp and parade 
you can imagine. Four rickety buggies, sixteen horsemen, — 
poor horses and shabby riders at that, — a stage with three pas- 
sengers inside and twenty little boys outside, an open barouche in 
front with the musicians (exclusive of negroes and boys), consti- 
tuted the procession. I don't know zvhere the little fellow was 
placed, whether in the middle or behind. Jeptha Dudley and 
the honorable gentleman were somewhere in the same vehicle. 
They marched through the city, down by Phil Swigert's, and 
up by your house, and up to the front of the Capitol. And 
where was Phil Swigert? I can't tell you. Phil was one of 
the committee to receive Mr. V. B. from Colonel Johnson and 
his friends, and give him a grand entry into toivn. Well, poor 
Phil, when he saw the sight on top of the Hill, and heard the 
little rascals cry out, " Stand back, gentlemen, don't crowd',' broke 
down the Hill and got into the railroad cut, and has not been 
seen since. Well, when the shoiv arrived in front of the Capitol, 
there was quite a good-looking crowd assembled. Hewitt spoke 
at him. I heard not a zuord of it. Van Buren spoke a word or 
two, in a sort of confidential whisper, when two or three fellows 
called out, "A little louder, Mister/ we want to hear you." "The 
speech is over, anyhow," cried another fellow. Taking it alto- 
gether, this was the most complete burlesque on all public 
receptions that could be devised by the art of mortal man. I 



I So LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

was vexed and a little mortified, but my mortification went off 
in a roar oi laughter ^\\ by myself. 

Your sincere friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, June 3, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 27th with its 
inclosurc. I was glad to perceive that you had taken ground 
in favor of a numerous House of Representatives. I have long 
entertained that opinion, and I believe the larger house will have 
always a greater effect in checking executive power, as well as 
being a better representative of the people. I am very sorry 
that you think so little good is to come out of Captain Tyler. 
I hoped that niy absence from Washington might have contrib- 
uted to his improvement; if it has had no such effect, he must 
be incorrigible. Is it true that he has threatened, and means to 
turn out the Collector of Philadelphia, because he would not 
dismiss some forty Whigs from office ? There is a very great 
embarrassment and distress prevailing in Kentucky, much more 
than I imagined before I came home. Every description of 
property without exception is greatly depressed and still declining 
in value, and what aggravates the distress, — no one can see 
icJicn or }ioi<j it is to terminate. Most of our hempen manufac- 
turers are ruined, or menaced with ruin. This is owing to the 
introduction of India and other foreign stuffs used in bagging. 
Our people say that they cannot do with a less protection than 
five cents the square yard upon bagging. When the tariff gets 
to the Senate (will it ever get there ?) you and jw/r colleague are 
expected to take care of this single Kentucky manufacture. I 
am glad that our friends in Congress bear up so cheerfully 
under recent adverse results in State elections. Seeing, how- 
ever, that the Captain claims the victory (whether it be won by 
Democrats or Whigs, with rather more pleasure when achieved 
by the former), I hope that our friends will recover from their 
apathy ant! disgust and treat him to some Whig victories. 
Will you not concur in the Senate in the reduction, made bythe 
House, of the enormous approi)riations asked by the Depart- 
ments of War and Navy? It seems to me that the state of the 
countiy, the state of the treasury, and the interest of the Whig 
party, all unite in favor of that reduction. The senseless cry 
of tile ilefeiises of the eouutry, the augmentation of the navy, etc., 
ought to be wholly disregarded. Had the estimates been 
double what they are, and a proposition made to bring them 
down to their present amount, this .same cry would have been 
raised. I\Ir. \'an Buren spent four or five days with me, accom- 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. i8l 

panied by Mr. Paulding; we had a great deal of agreeable con- 
versation, but not much of politics. Both the gentlemen 
appeared to be pleased with their visit. The public reception 
was quite imposing in Lexington, — much better than Van 
Buren has probably received anywhere during his journey. 

Present my warm regards to Mrs. Crittenden and your mess- 
mates, General Green and lady. 

Faithfully your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. H. Clay. 

(K. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, June 3, 1842. 

Dear Crittenden, — I cannot imagine what you will all do 
in the, city to keep yourselves out of a state of torpidity since 
the war in Rhode Island is ended, and the Stanley and Wise 
affair is compromised honorably to both parties. I have not seen 
the terms of adjustment, but it is enough to hear the affair was 
arranged to the mutual satisfaction of each party concerned in 
the handsomest manner possible. Killed none, zuonnded none, 
scared none, and honor divided. Well, I am really glad there 
was nobody hurt, and that there was no fight ; but just between 
ourselves, I don't exactly see how that liek was withdrawn. I 
guess it was all right and proper; but, for want of accurate 
knowledge, I cannot quite see into the thing. Hereafter I hope 
each will entertain towards the other all proper respect. 

The judges of the Court of Appeals adjourn to-morrow, and 
I shall be left very much alone. Hodges has gone to Wash- 
ington to get an office. Phil Swigert has eloped since the Van 
Buren reception, and may possibly never return. Judge Brown 
is sick in bed, but will be well enough to take a little of my 
old brandy to-day with the judges, — none of whom, I am sorry 
to tell you, have joined the temperance cause. Old Master is 
entirely incog.; nobody even sees him. Cates is very gloomy 
and snappish, and is exceedingly disagreeable ; he has lost all 
his bets upon every race that has been run. Jake Swigert has 
retired into private life. • Edmund Taylor is agreeable at all 
times except when Cates is about, and then he takes the pouts. 
Colonel Dick Johnson was here a few days ago ; he seems to 
understand very well that Mr. Van Buren is stacking the cards ; 
but he will have to stand it. Dick is much the best fellow of the 
two ; but he will be bamboozled as sure as a gun. He inti- 
mated to me he would prefer Clay next to himself to any man 
in the Union. You never saw a more restless, dissatisfied 
man in your life than Dick is. 

The Clay barbecue is all the talk now. I wrote to Governor 
Morehead this morning about one hundred and ninety-five 



1 82 LIFE OF yOI/X y. CRITTENDEN. 

stand of arms due the State of Kentucky from the United 
States. You once introduced a bill about them ; look into the 
affair. The claim is perfectly just. I wrote to Morehead last 
winter or fall upon the subject; but he may have forgotten 
the business altogether. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, June 7, 1842. 
Dear Crittenden, — I write to-day merely to keep up a sort 
of running fire. Since Van Buren's departure I have not seen 
or heard of Cla}'. I presume he is engaged in loading his big 
gun, to make a great report Thursday next. The old horse is 
upon rising ground, I think, and if he should meet with no 
accident, will run a great race. Keep a good lookout in your 
part of the track and see that there are no obstructions thrown 
in his way; he "can win the race if he is kept well, turned well, 
and rode well." Phil S. has once more made his appearance in 
public ; he laughed at himself till the tears ran down his cheeks. 
What has become of John Russell ? Is he helping Hodges to 
get an office ? The Relief party are not so ranipantant as they 
were in the spring; such another pressure was never known in 
this State. I had a hearty laugh with Van Buren. He asked 
me how I stood the campaign for governor, how I liked 
crowds, etc. I replied, "Well, I delight in crowds." "But," 
said he, " did you not get tired of speaking, and how long 
did you speak?" " Generally about four hours," said I, "in the 
daytime, and then a small check of about two hours at night." 
" Is it possible ?" said Van. " But I suppose you must have been 
fatigued making the same speech so often!" "Ah!" said I, 
" never the same speech. Your administration furnished the most 
fruitful topics for discussion, and I had not gotten half through 
with you before the campaign closed." Van laughed heartily, 
and said he had not thought o^ that. He inquired if I ever told 
that stud-horse story upon him. "Yes," I replied, "once, to 
about five thousand people." " It took well," said he, " no doubt, 
for it is tlie best story in the world." The little fellow is busy 
making his arrangements for another trial. Let him come ! I 
believe we can beat him, or any man of his party who has been 
spoken of 

Yours, 

Letcher. 

(R. P, Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, June 21, 1842. 
De.\r Crittenden, — The old Prince is taking a pretty con- 
siderable rise ever)'where, I can tell you. I guess he now 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 183 

begins to see the good of leaving the Senate, — of getting off 
awhile merely to get on better. He must hereafter remain a 
little quiet and hold hisjazv. In fact, he must be caged, — that's 
the point, cage Jam ! He swears by all the gods, he will keep 
cool and stay at home. I rather think he will be prudent, 
though I have some occasional fears that he may write too many 
letters ; still, he is quite a handy man with the pen, and his letters 
have some good reading in them. Will Scott run upon his ticket 
as Vice-President ? That matter ought to be understood very 
soon. Our people will move before long, and they would like 
to know what they are about before the work is begun. The 
Whigs were fooled too badly not to be particular another time. 
If Scott is the man of sense I think he is, he will not hesitate 
about the matter. Tyler, it appears from what Wise says, in- 
tends to veto the tariff bill, if it should pass ! I wonder if he 
liopes to die a natural death? I rather think he wishes to render 
himself conspicuous by being hung. I should be sorry to 
say anything to wound your sensibilities, particularly as he is a 
friend of yours ; but I am inclined to say he is the damndest ras- 
cal and biggest fool of the age. Hodges has returned full of 
wrath ; he failed in getting an office. Charley Morehead is the 
man who is entitled to all the damns of the Whigs if a Loco is 
elected here. Tell John Russell to move himself home ; he has 
been playing the game of cheating and deception long enough. 
Does he still board with Captain Tyler, or does Bob board with 
him ? Order him off, and come home as soon as you can. I 
have the best assortment of good wines now in Kentucky, to 
say nothing of whisky and brandy, and nobody to drink a 
drop of it. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to E. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, June 23, 1842. 

My dear Letcher, — I owe you for two or three very inter- 
esting letters, and have nothing to pay you with. Captain 
Tyler and his sayings and doings are rich themes ; but, then, 
he and they are so notorious that you are as well acquainted 
with them as I am. 

He is supposed to be now pluming his wings for a new flight 
of treachery and folly. Rumors of changes and cabinets and 
measures fill the city, and are the subjects of our conversation 
in all companies. I believe that some such movement is in con- 
templation. Tyler cannot be insensible to the im potency and 
degradation of his present position, and may well conclude 
that any change must be for the better. He has injured the 



1 84 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Whi's^s deeply, and therefore hates them deeply. He does not 
hope for, and probably does not wish, any reconciliation with 
the Whigs ; that is altogether impracticable. He must look, 
therefore, to the Locofocos, and his natural inclinations concur 
with the necessity of the case. His contemplated movements 
must, therefore, be made with the view of conciliating and 
coalescing with them or some section of that party. I think 
there cannot be a general coalition of that party with him, but 
that he may probably come upon terms with the southern 
branch of it ; that is, with Calhoun and his tails, etc. The 
result of this would be a schism in the party very beneficial to 
the country. My wish is to see the Whig party rid of him — 
rid of the nuisance ; and their true policy is to strip him of all 
disguise and compel him to appear in his true character of 
enmity and hostility. I think you may rely on it that the 
Whig party in Congress will act considerately and firmly. No 
public body, at least no previous Congress, were ever called 
to act under more circumstances of disadvantage and embar- 
rassment. Thwarted and obstructed by the President, abused 
and reviled by the press, they have still toiled on in their pa- 
triotic course, and endeavored to serve their countrj'^ in the 
midst of all this opposition and reviling. They are ever abused 
and slandered for imputed delay and negligence in the transac- 
tion of the public business, and they are thus abused by the 
President and the press, when he himself has been the main 
cause of all the derangement and delay that have occurred. I 
wish I could have been with you at the great Clay barbecue (I 
am opposed to the word "festival"). You may depend on it 
that Clay is going ahead like a locomotive. You will have 
heard of his nomination in Georgia, — a really popular and 
enthusiastic movement. In New York the Whigs will have no 
one but Clay; they are determined, ardent, and confident of 
success. I was surprised and delighted to find prevailing there 
so pure and noble a spirit. The Whigs of the city of New 
York are already acting with skill and efficiency, and pressing 
their operations and clubs throughout the State. They say 
they will have Clay, and no one but him; that they can and 
will give him the vote of the State. I believe them, for their 
spirit and energy give appearance of success. 

I must make a little speech; so farewell, and God bless you. 

Your friend, 

RoBT. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 



CHAPTER XV. 
1842-1843. 

Letters of Crittenden, Clay, Letcher, and Webster. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Mr. Clay.) 

Senate-chamber, July 2, 1842. 

MY DEAR SIR, — rhave learned here, from a source to 
be relied on implicitly, that at the meeting to be held in 
Pennsylvania, on the 26th of this month, for the nomination of 
a presidential candidate, it is intended to nominate General 
Scott, but with a declaration of their intention to support the 
candidate of the Whig party, whether designated by a national 
convention or other evidences of the choice and preference of 
that party. All these qualifications of their nomination are 
understood as having reference to and as providing for the 
event of your being the candidate of the party, which all seem 
to regard as a settled matter. It would be better for all parties 
that the Pennsylvania convention should at once and directly 
give you their nomination ; and I have had conversations with 
some of Scott's most confidential friends to convince them of 
the correctness of my opinion, especially as it regarded Scott 
himself Such a nomination, in the midst of so universal and 
ardent a sentiment in your favor, would place him in a very 
awkward, if not ridiculous, position before the world, and would, 
besides, expose him to much jealousy and prejudice. No one 
that I have conversed with dissents from this view of the mat- 
ter ; but yet it is doubtful if anything can be done to change 
this purpose of the Pennsylvania convention. It is most prob- 
able that their nomination will be given to Scott, but will be 
regarded by themselves and others as merely nominal, and, 
with the qualifications annexed to it, as virtually and substan- 
tially a nomination of yourself I shall not cease, however, to 
attend to the subject and to give it, as far as I can, the best 
shape and direction. There is but one opinion here, and that 
is that you are the candidate of the Whig party, — the only man 
to be thought of; the people have already settled that question. 
I assure you I have never witnessed on any other occasion 
such a flow of public opinion as is now going on in your favor. 
Making all allowance for my own bias, I can say that the 

(185) 



lS6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

progress of this public opinion is such as to surprise both your 
friends and opponents. The influence of that public opinion 
is manifest ; it decides the doubtful, encourages the timid, stim- 
ulates the bold, and alarms your opponents. All this I see 
around me. There is no longer any serious thought of a Whig 
competition for you. I understand that Scott has lost all hope, 
and I wish he could be saved from all further disappointment 
or difficulty on the subject ; he is a good Whig and a good fel- 
low, and will eventually support you heartily. It is not to be 
wondered at if, in the first moments of his disappointment, 
he should show some little impatience, and his wounded vanity 
not permit him to take the most proper or prudent course. In 
common with the rest of us, he has his portion of vanity, and 
that may well be excused on account of his other great and 
good qualities. I like him, and am sure he will do right at 
last. I have not conversed with him about this Pennsylvania 
convention or his purpose in respect to it. I have spoken freely 
with Preston and Archer, his most intimate friends, and left it 
with them to counsel him. Both of them fully agree with me 
as to the folly of bringing him into competition with you, and 
would be glad to see him out of the ivJiole affair. The only 
question seems to be how he is to get out of it in the most re- 
spectable manner. Since I have been writing this, Evans, of 
Maine, came to my seat to tell me that he had just heard that 
the convention assembled in his State to nominate State officers 
had nominated you for President in a most enthusiastic manner. 
At my request, he has promised to write to you as soon as he 
receives a printed account of the proceedings. Be sure that 
you answer his letter ; all our friends here would be flattered 
by your correspondence, and you must task yourself a little to 
please them. If we can only keep up the feeling that now ex- 
ists, your election is certain. Tyler is one of your best friends ; 
his last veto has scored us all well; it had just reached the 
convention in Maine, which nominated you and denounced him. 
It has also a fine effect upon our friends here, and will insure 
the passage of our tariff bill, with a reservation to the States of 
the proceeds of the public lands. Suppose Tyler vetoes that, 
what, then, shall we do? Shall we pass the tariff, giving up 
the huuls, or adjourn and let all go together? Write me 
immediately in answer to these questions. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Hon. n. Cl.w. 



LETTER TO HENRY CLAY. 187 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

July 15, 1842. 

My dear Sir, — Our friend Botts is passionately resolved on 
impeachment of the President. I believe that the very fact of 
his taking such a lead in the matter has had the effect of check- 
ing or repressing, to some extent, the tendency that was apparent 
to such a result. Botts's ardor, and the strong personal feelings 
that are ascribed to him, alarm the more timid and prudent, and 
they do not feel safe or confident in following him in so respon- 
sible and delicate an affair. Besides, it is considered a little 
premature at present, when we have another veto impending. 
Botts is dissatisfied at not finding all the Whigs concurring 
with him, and, I am just told, has written to you on the subject. 
His discretion, you know, is the least of his virtues, and you 
should, I think, answer him very carefully and cautiously. He 
could hardly forbear to use your name and authority as a sanc- 
tion for his course, and I should consider it as most unfor- 
tunate and injurious to have your name at all mixed up in this 
matter. 

My feelings against Tyler are strong, but I doubt the policy 
of impeachment. He would be acquitted, and his acquittal 
might be considered a justification of his offenses by a country 
that now condemns him. A vote of a want of confidence 
amounts almost to an impeachment in all its moral conse- 
quences. We have just received intelligence of the election in 
New Orleans ; it is most cheering, and will serve to increase the 
confidence of your friends, and to augment the tide that is now 
running in your favor. 

Nothing has occurred to change or disturb my convictions 
that we shall pass the permanent tariff, with a reservation of the 
land fund to the States, and that Tyler will veto it. " Clouds 
and darkness" rest upon all beyond that. If our tariff friends 
from the North can be reconciled to it, we will, as the last alter- 
native, pass a bill on Simmons's plan, with a duty of twenty per 
cent, on the home valuation. I received yesterday your letter 
of the loth, and, as the merchants say, contents are noted. I 
have this moment seen our friend Abbott Lawrence, and hap- 
pening to tell him I was writing to you, he bids me to say 
"that there is a sort of a groiindszuell going on in Massachu- 
setts in your favor;" and as to the negotiation with Ashburton, 
in which you know he is engaged as a sort of auxiliary, he 
says " that though there have been great difficulties in the way, 
he sees light ahead, and hopes for favorable results in a few 
days." With the conclusion of this negotiation, I think it very 
probable, from what I hear, that Webster will retire from the 
cabinet, whether into private life or into some other office is more 
doubtful. 



I S3 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Heaven knows when we shall get away from here. The last 
conjecture is that it will be about the 15th of the next month. 
That depends on contingencies. 

Your friend, 

Hon. Henry Clay. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, July 16, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — Your favor of the 9th is received. You ask 
whether there may not be danger, in the event of another veto 
upon the permanent tariff, of some of our ardent friends of a 
tariff yielding distribution. I hope not. Acting together in 
the passage of the bill ; the indignation which another veto will 
excite ; the public manifestation of disapprobation of the past, 
and the still stronger disapprobation which will be exhibited at 
the second ; the confusion which has been occasioned in the 
collection of the revenue by the late veto, — all these circum- 
stances combined will, I trust, knit you together, consolidate 
your strength, and prevent dissension. I think you cannot give 
up distribution without a disgraceful sacrifice of independence. 
The moral prejudice of such a surrender upon the character of 
the party, and ujion our institutions, would be worse than the 
disorder and confusion incident to the failure to pass a tariff 
Great as that disorder and confusion would be, it would be to 
give up the legislative power into the hands of the President, 
and would expose you to the scorn, contempt, and derision of 
the people and of our opponents. The disorder and confusion 
would continue but for a short time, until Congress met again, 
or was called together, and then let them pass just such another 
tariff as he had vetoed. The occasion calls for the greatest 
firmness. Do not apprehend that the people will desert you 
and take part with Mr. Tyler. They will do no such thing. 
When the veto comes back, the Locos will probably vote with 
the President ; that will identify them still further with him, and 
as, by their vote, they would enable you to pass the bill against 
the veto, they will have to share with him the odium of its de- 
feat. But if, in the contingency which has been sup])osed, 
some of our friends should desert, let them go ; they will find 
it difficult to sustain themselves against the storm they will 
have raised around their heads. If they go they can effect 
nothing but by a union with the whole Loco party, and thus 
attempting to pass a good tariff without distribution. Now, I 
suppose it will be impracticable to carry the whole Locofoco 
party, or enough of them, with the deserters, to pass such a 
tariff In my view of it, I think our friends ought to stand up 
firmly and resolutely for distribution. The more vetoes the 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 189 

better now ! assuming that the measures vetoed are right. The 
inevitable tendency of events is to impeachment; but nothing 
ought to be done inconsiderately, or without full consultation. 

I was sorry, therefore, to see our friend Botts allow himself 
to be drawn out prematurely by Mr. Gushing. As to a vote of 
zvant of confidence, it would be a right thing if you will resolve 
to follow it up by more stringent measures. The idea of such 
a vote is drawn from English usage ; and there, if ministers do 
not resign, the vote is followed by other more efficient proceed- 
ings. Here, John Tyler and John Jones would laugh at your 
vote if you stopped there. They would pass a vote of want of 
confidence in you. It would not do to move such a vote in the 
Senate, because it is the tribunal to try impeachment. It should 
be confined, if moved, to the House. I am afraid that you would 
not effect the object of a more thorough identification between 
the Locos and Tyler. They would go off upon the ground of 
its being irregular and unconstitutional, and would say that you 
ought to impeach. If a vote of " ivant of confidence'' would be 
carried by the union of the great body of both parties, its effect 
would be very great. If it can be carried in the House without 
any splitting of our party, and nothing better can be done, I 
should think it desirable. You may show these views, if you 
think them worth anything, to the Speaker and your colleague, 
and General Green. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Henry Clay. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, July 16, 1842. 

Dear Letcher, — The Senate will adjourn in a few minutes, 
and I have determined to employ the interval in writing to you. 
You are a man of business, and a few words are enough for a 
wise man. 

The permanent tariff bill, reserving the land fund to the States, 
will pass the House to-day or to-morrow. It will pass the 
Senate and will be vetoed. What then ? I think we will then pass 
a bill in conformity to your compromise act, laying the duties 
at twenty per cent., etc. This will leave the distribution act un- 
affected. What more we shall do personal to Captain Tyler I 
can't say. Impeachments, votes of want of confidence, etc. are 
talked of, but it is hard to tell what may issue from the wrath — 
the just wrath — of Congress. 

Webster will succeed, and in a few days, in concluding a treaty 
with Ashburton ; so I believe from sure information. It is 
supposed that Webster will then retire from the cabinet, and 
then, or shortly after, it is probable that that illustrious body. 



igo LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the cabinet, will fall into a pretty general dissolution in some 
decided Locofoco firm. So may it be. 

We shall have stirring times here when Tyler's next veto 
is announced. My great moderation and patience will then, I 
fear, give way, and explode in a speech. The Senate has ad- 
journed. Farewell. 

Your friend, 
R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, July 21, 1842. 

Mv DE.\R Sir, — I received your letter of the fifteenth. Botts 
has not replied to me. If he should, I shall express to him my 
serious regret at that movement of his about impeachment. It 
was, I think, ill timed and injudicious. No such movement 
ought to be made, if made at all, without full consultation 
with friends. 

I am not surprised at its tendency to repress the spirit of im- 
peachment. There is cause enough, God knows ; but it is a 
novel proceeding, full of important consequences, present and 
future, and should not be commenced but upon full considera- 
tion, not of one mind only, but (and I dare say Mr. Botts has so 
considered it) of many minds. 

Mr. Tyler will probably veto the tariff, and dismiss old Jona- 
than Roberts. If he should do so, and Congress adjourns 
without settling the tariff, there will be a state of feeling among 
the people that may force Congress to impeach him when it 
reassembles. In the contingency of his impeachment, I do not 
think that his acquittal by the vote exclusively of the Locos 
would have any bad effect. 

In my former letter I wrote you what struck me about a 
vote of want of confidence, as a preliminary measure confined to 
the House. I thought well of it, but as a definitive, final pro- 
ceeding, without any ulterior measures, I was afraid it would 
not do much good. 

We have lost the governor of Louisiana ; a committee of five 
gentlemen from that State, which they left on the 9th, dined 
with me jx-sterday, and they assure me that the result was owing 
entirely to the predominance of the Creole feeling and other 
local causes, and that there cannot be a doubt of the State being 
Whig, and for me. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. H. Clay. 



LETTER TO HENRY CLAY. 



191 



(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Senate, August 2, 1842. 

Dear Letcher, — I have just received your letter of the 27th 
July. I will let you know when I shall be at home, but when 
it will be, I grieve to say, I cannot now tell. I have a hope, 
but it is only a hope, that we shall adjourn about the 20th of 
this month. I feel somewhat relieved to-day, having had, on 
yesterday, an opportunity of discharging a portion of my detes- 
tation of John Tyler. I am resolved that I will not in future 
allow any great accumulation of it to remain on hand, but will 
expend it gently upon him, from day to day, to the end of the 
session. This course will be necessary to my health in this hot 
season of the year. I go often to the Treasury to inquire about 
your distribution or land money. The answer is still, " The re- 
turns and accounts are not yet received and made out." I take 
pleasure in dunning them, and shall do it diligently. 

We are now on the tariff bill. Bagby is drumming away, 
and makes some allusion to me. I must listen to him. He 
thinks while I am writing this letter that I am taking '^ notes on 
his speech," and has just said that he sees me taking notes. 
He is a bag of wind. Farewell. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

R. P. Letcher, 

Governor. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Senate, August 3, 1842, 
My DEAR Sir, — Tariff bill is now under consideration in the 
Senate, and I hope we shall order it to be engrossed before we 
adjourn. So far we have succeeded in rejecting all amendments, 
as well those reported by our committee as those offered by 
our opponents. The bill is not in every particular as I could 
wish it, the duties being in some instances too high, as, for ex- 
ample, our duty on hagguig of five per cent, the square yard. 
This is much complained of by our Southern opponents, and in 
truth I could wish it four per cent. But, upon consideration 
of circumstances, the exigency for money, the exigency of the 
times, and the delay and danger of sending the bill back to the 
House, we concluded, with the probability of a veto before our 
eyes, to take and pass the bill as it came to us. I think our 
determination was right ; there is nothing essentially wrong in 
the bill. We will carry it through without amendment, and 
have it before Mr. Tyler by Saturday night. Its fate with him 
is scarcely doubtful, though there are some who indulge the 
hope that he will sign it. So far as anything can be anticipated 
from such a man, he will most certainly veto it. My informa- 



ig2 LIFE OF yOHN 7. CRITTENDEN. 

tion confiiDis such an anticipation. Mr. Adams is of opinion 
that, in such an event, we ought at once to adjourn without at- 
tempting anything more. In that sentiment some of our ardent 
friends concur ; I do not, I think we should then pass Sim- 
mons's bill with a duty of twenty per cent, and immediately 
adjourn, and that, too, with a detcnninatioji and agreement to 
disregard the threatened proclamation of the President to con- 
vene us instantly to supply him with revenue. So far as I can 
learn, Tyler still retains all his delusion, malignity, and mad- 
ness. The treaty with England will be communicated on Sat- 
urday, — so I am confidentially informed by one of our foreign 
diplomatic friends. There have been some difficulties in ad- 
justing the Creole case not yet entirely settled, but give rise to 
no apprehension. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. p. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, August 8, 1842. 

Dear Crittenden, — I thank you for your letter of the 2d just 
received. Do, for God's sake, let out all your wrath and gall 
and bitterness upon John Tyler before you come to Kentucky. 
I\Iake haste and come home and be amiable all the time you 
have to spend with us. I have not been very sweet-tempered 
myself for the last six or seven days ; but, through the grace 
of God, I am getting a little better. We shall have a few more 
Whigs in the legislature than I thought. We shall have about 
fifty-five or sixty Whigs in the lower House, and seven or eight 
f'lidged fellows of the Loco stripe pledged to vote for Crittenden. 
There is good reading for yon ! In my opinion, you need not 
have the slightest apprehension about your election. Ben 
Hardin and John Helm may possibly try to figure in the game, 
but it will not amount to much. I have neither seen nor heard 
from the old Prince very lately. I am anxious to see what Web- 
.--tcr will do or say when he leaves the cabinet. If he has one 
grain of common sense left, he will give the Tyler concern a hell 
of a kick and fall into the Whig ranks and swear he is now and 
always was a true Whig. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(T- J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Senate, August 12, 1842. 
Dear Sir, — We are in a state of great embarrassment here, 
and, as yet, no course has been determined upon to lead us 
through the confusion and difficulty resulting from the last veto. 



LETTER TO JAMES HARLAN. 193 

It is difficult to adopt such a course as will satisfy those who 
are bent on resistance to the usurpations of Tyler and those 
who fear the effect of our adjourning without an adequate 
tariff. Our friends of the North seem to be very seriously and 
sincerely apprehensive that their constituents will be discon- 
tented to such an extent as to be fatal to their coming elections 
if we should adjourn without doing or attempting something 
more. We had several meetings on the subject with but little 
success, and are to have another this evening. In the midst of 
these differences of opinion a kind and conciliatory spirit pre- 
vails, and all agree that union is our greatest interest, and we 
will not allow that to be shaken in any event. This is the only 
conspicuous sign remaining in the dark prospect before us. 
To-morrow I may be able to write you more distinctly, and you 
may be assured that, whether wisely or not, we will act con- 
siderately. Mr. Adams is chairman of the committee and is 
preparing a report on the last veto. We look for an able and 
stirring report, and take care to stimulate him by letting him 
know that our expectations are high. The treaty with England 
was laid before us ; there has been no action or indication of 
opinion about it, but I presume it will be approved by the 

Senate. 

Your friend, 

Hon'. H. Clay. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to James Harlan.) 

August 16, 1842. 

Dear Harlan, — At the receipt of your last letter and ever 
since I have been constantly expecting so early an adjournment 
that I supposed you would prefer my retaining and bringing 
with me the certificates of stock, for which you wrote, rather 
than hazard their transmission by mail. Finding how much I 
have been mistaken, I regret that I did not at once send ; but as 
it can now not be long before our adjournment, I shall not 
think it safe to commit them to the mail, seeing that there will 
be so little difference in the time of arrival, and supposing that 
it cannot make any difference in the ultimate result. 

I believe we shall adjourn during the next week, but all is 
uncertainty and confusion. While all the Whigs share in the 
indignation against Tyler's usurpation and despotism, sectional 
and particular interests connected with a tariff are drawing them 
in a different direction, and threatening us with divisions. Night 
after night have we held meetings and consultations with a view 
to harmonize in some course ; but I am sorry to tell you that 
we have not yet reached any such conclusion, and that I look 
forward to the issue with some apprehension. A general senti- 
voL. L — 13 



,94 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

nu-nt, however, is avowed by all to preserve the union of the 
\Vhi<^ party in any event, and in that it is to be hoped we may 
find a remedy for the differences of opinion that exist as to the 
course we ou^ht now to pursue. Some are for giving up the 
lands, others for passing such a bill as will not raise the ques- 
tion about the lands, and others again are for adjournment 
without doing anything. 

It is almost inconceivable how' so paltry and impotent a being 
as Tyler could do so much mischief; he is endeavoring to make 
his apostasy the more paradeful and glaring, in order to recom- 
mend himself to the Locofocos. He is willing, for his accept- 
ance by them, to pay the price of open shame and treachery, 
and even on those terms offers himself somewhat in vain. For 
they are really ashamed openly to take and avow him, though 
they secretly incite and use him as a tool, as I believe. 

We have not yet acted on the treaty with England. It has 
not been much examined, but I presume that it will be ratified. 

The elections in the West have somewhat disappointed us, 
and especially that in our own State. The distresses of the 
country are such, and originate in such causes, as seem to me 
to entitle to lenient consideration those of our friends and 
countrymen who are excited to some indiscretion, and the way, 
as it appears to me, to prevent excesses, is to appeal to them in 
a spirit of kindness and indulgence, and to grant all the relief 
that is required, and that is warrantable and constitutional. By 
a small, timely concession, we may avert, what may otherwise 
probably turn out to be, the same miserable career that we ran 
about twenty years. My anxiety on the subject induces me to 
say perhaps too much. You, who are in the midst of the scene 
and can look over the whole of it, will best know how this ex- 
citement for relief can be best tempered, and what I have said 
you must regard as the private suggestions of a friend, who is 
too far off, and so little acquainted with the exact state of things, 
to decide upon it with any confidence in his own judgment. 

Your friend, 

To James Harlan, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

August iS, 1S42. • 

My dear Letcher,— I have only time write you a line. 

I think now that we shall adjourn on Monday, according 
to a resolution passed by the House and now before us. 

There will be no tariff law ; that seems to me to be pretty certain. 

The last communication from the treasury on the subject of 
your land-money is herewith inclosed. It Jitirts my feelings 
very much to be dunning so good a man as Mr. Tyler. But 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 195 

will not a man suffer for his country ? Let the diligence of 
dunning in this case answer the question. 

In hopes to see you before long, I subscribe myself, 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, December 8, 1S42. 
Dear Crittenden, — I was called to the office to-night upon 
a matter of business, and told my wife not to look for me back 
before ten o'clock. My business is through, my fire is good, 
and it's only nine o'clock. The idea occurred to me that you 
would like to get a short letter from old Kentucky, so I give you 
a few lines. I called at your house yesterday to inquire if you 
were dead or alive, but got no satisfaction on either point. The 
Yeoman is still upon your bones ; I know that information is 
quite agreeable to you. There is a long article in the morning 
paper about the senatorial election. Tanner never wrote that 
piece ; I will bet ttuo to one t\\^t McCalla wrote it all, except a few 
sentences penned by the D. All I have heard in regard to the 
election of senator is favorable to you. Since you left, after 
a few social gatherings, our town has become solitary and 
alone. Colonel Johnson spent some time with me a few days 
ago. He talks zvcU, but how he will act remains to be seen. It's 
all a mistake about his going for Clay next to himself for Presi- 
dent. He is for vie, after himself, for he told me so £',i-pressly, 
and said, moreover, he did not care how soon they piit that in 
the papers. He says he will carry Pennsylvania all hollo ! and 
no mistake ; he is happy in the prospect ahead, and feels confi- 
dent of success. I told him he would have to hold very strong 
cards to win the game against a stocked pack : he thinks his 
cards strong enough. Ask Buchanan if the Colonel has any 
chance for his State. I like Buck, and should be sorry to see 
the Colonel take his own State from him. The plain truth is, 
Buchanan is the cleverest man of all his party, and has the best 
capacity. Van Buren not excepted. 

Yours, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(Daniel Webster to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, December 20, 1842. 
My dear Sir, — I received, this morning, your letter of the 
23d. I assure you, my dear sir, I should be most happy to see 
you and talk with you a good deal. I do not believe that in a 
free conference we should differ very widely as to the causes 
which have brought things to their present condition ; but I am 



iq(5 life of johx y. crittenden. 

much more doubtful whether either of us could invent a remedy. 
I have noticed, of course, what has taken place in Kentucky, 
not omitting the speeches, letters, etc. at the Frankfort bar- 
becue. Vcr>' well ! It would be affectation in me to pretend 
that some of these things, coming from the quarters they did, 
have not given me pain. They certai-nly have, while for others 
I feel nothing but contempt. But neither those which cause 
pain nor those which only excite contempt will be likely to 
move me from any purpose which I may entertain. I am glad 
you think favorably of the correspondence with Lord Ash- 
burton. I send you herewith a copy of some parts of it. I 
wish it could be generally read in Kentucky, but I suppose that 
is hardly possible. I will add, my dear sir, that I retain my per- 
sonal regard and good feeling towards you, never having heard 
of any personal ill treatment on your part, and not at all ques- 
tioning your right, as well as that of others, to differ from me 
politically as widely as you please. Who thinks most correctly 
of the present, or who predicts most accurately of the future, are 
questions which must be left to be solved by time and events. 

Yours very truly. 
Governor Letcher. Daniel Webster. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, January 13, 1S42. 

Dear Governor, — I have this day received information of 
my re-election to the Senate ; the majority has far exceeded my 
expectations. I know not what to say on this occasion ; my 
heart is full, but not of words. 

Hetter friends no man ever had, and to you especially I owe 
much ; but, if the debt is to stand against me forever, I can 
never pay it off in icords. 

I have received all your letters, and most agreeable and satis- 
factory they have been to me. Your message is a very good 
one, and will be popular. It is prudent, wise, and temperate, 
and very prettily blended with some tender strokes of the ''ad 
captandiim',' — I mean no criticism, — just enough of that sort of 
coloring to give the whole a fair and glowing complexion. 

Since the commencement of this letter, in the writing of which 
I have been interrupted, I have yours of the lOth inst., and one 
from Harlan, inclosing your certificate of my election. I sup- 
pose that in good manners I can say no less than ''Thank you, 
genthinen." The result goes so much beyond my calculations 
that I am almost afraid there has been some conjuration about 
it. You have had about you, as I learn, sundry suspicious 
characters, such as Graves. I Lawes,Metcalf, Duncan, Pindell, etc., 
who, though without any seeming connections with you, have, 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 197 

as I suspect, been acting in some sort of concert with you, and 
under auspices My patriotism opposes all improper inter- 
ference in such matters ; but, yet, as I would not be an accuser, 
and as I have nothing but suspicion against you all, I shall not 
consider myself bound in conscience, as Mr. Tyler would say, to 
decline accepting the commission which you have sent me. 
Indeed, I have rather made up my mind to banish all suspicious 
thoughts, and to consider my friends as the very cleverest fel- 
lows in the world, and the most competent, especially in the 
selection of a senator. Your old friend Buchanan has just 
passed through an awful time, — a death-sweat. His re-election 
was suspended by a single hair, and for one day, at least, he 
believed that he was to be beaten. Tliat was a fearful day. 
The danger was occasioned by the same sort of combinations 
which threatened me at home. I comforted him and gave him all 
my sympathy, and in the most disinterested manner I denounced, 
for his sake, all coalitions designed to prevent the election of 
the man who was the choice of the party having the legislative 
majority. But Buck has escaped, and I am rewarded for my 
disinterestedness. We have exchanged congratulations. 

My old friend Johnson has allowed himself to be drawn into 
the commission of a sad error. In the situation which he now 
occupies as a candidate for the Presidency, he ought not to 
have exposed himself to such a defeat; it will be considered as 
ominous. I am very much disposed to concur in the suspicion 
that has been expressed to me, that some of the seeming friends 
who have urged him to this course, have really done so for the 
purpose of killing him off out of Van Buren's way. If the 
Colonel should have cause to believe this, I should think it 
would open his eyes a little. If the Van Buren-men have played 
this game upon him it was certainly very adroit, whatever may 
be said of its fairness. The greater probabil'ity, however, is, that 
it is nothing more than one of those blunders that the mistaken 
zeal of honest friends leads them to commit. The Calhoun-men 
are moved, "perplexed in the extreme," by the late letter of 
General Jackson, and the Philadelphians declare in favor of 
Van Buren. What they will do I don't know ; they don't know 
themselves. I think they are strongly disposed to nullify that 
letter. Whether they will shrink from so daring a purpose 
remains to be seen. 

There is one duty I must discharge before closing this short 
letter, that is, to send my most profound respects to Mrs. 
Letcher. The ladies have a right to interfere in elections. 
Even my gag-laiu does not touch their rights. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. J. J. Crittenden. 

Go^'ernor. 



1^8 LIFE OF yOHX y. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Mv DEAR Lktchek, — I have received your several letters 
concerning the senatorial election, and last night your official 
certificate of its results in my favor. I do not intend to turn 
sentimental at my age, or. at any rate, to make professions ; but 
to you and a few other friends in particular, and to the legisla- 
ture of Kentucky in general, I do feel something more than a 
sense of obligation ; it gives me pleasure to feel an affectionate 
sense of gratitude. Considering all the circumstances, my 
absence, my residence in the same little town with the other 
senator; the congregation, at Frankfort, of so many of our mag- 
nates who sigh for the place, and the presence of the sinister 
little party so adverse to me, and sustained by the favor of 
the federal administration, etc., I do think I may well be 
proud of the friends who could so signall}' triumph over all these 
difficulties and keep down any open opposition. Will some 
turn in the wheel of worldly events enable me at some time or 
other to do something in acquittance of these great obligations? 

I have repeated consultations here with Sergeant on the sub- 
ject of our ai)plication to the Pennsylvania legislature, and in 
respect to the most favorable legislation we could expect. In 
these matters I have been very much guided by him, and we 
have at length agreed upon a bill, and I start to-morrow for 
Harri.sburg to tvy to get it passed. I shall touch at Philadel- 
phia, on wa)- to or from Harrisburg, and just feel the Schuyl- 
kill Banl< a little, to see if there is any better disposition for an 
amicable settlement. 

But for this business I should have returned home, and should 
now ha\e been on the way, as I finished }'estcrday the last of 
my cases in the Supreme Court that will come on at the present 
term. Hut this business so encroaches upon the little time 
between this and the period that I must take my seat in the 
Senate, that I have abandoned all hope of seeing Kentucky till 
the adjournment of Congress. The disappointment is a se\'ere 
one to me. Besides seeing my wife and children so soon, I had 
the liveliest visions of evenings spent at your house, with ex- 
changes of Frankfort and Washington news, and a most unre- 
servetl denunciation of T)-lerism and all its appliances and 
api)urtenances. I can see Old ATastcr siroichcd on the sofa, and 
you lecturing, and at least counting the drinks that Mason and 
I would take from your bottle. But, alas ! all this must be post- 
l)i)ned for at least three months. What a long three months! 
Indeed, it has seemed to me since the world began Time 
never went by so slowl}- as it has since the accession of John 
Tyler. Tyler and his cabinet still hold on together; but they 
are daily acquiring more and more contempt and odium, and 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 199 

I think it impossible that they should hold out together much 
longer. 

But I am about to become a politician of the most exemplary 
forbearance and moderation. Clay is in pretty good health and 
spirits, but I have no doubt he feels a secret melancholy at the 
thought of quitting the scenes in which he has been so long 
engaged. I think that I can sometimes perceive the gloom upon 
him ; but his friends here with almost one voice agree that it 
is the right course for him. Harvey abandoned, as I have 
before stated, the idea of returning this month to Kentucky. I 
.have written to my wife to set everything in order at home, and 
then to come on to Washington immediately with the first com- 
pany that offers. Farewell. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor, Ky. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Washington, February 5, 1S43. 

My dear Wife, — I have received your letter of the 28th ; it 
renews to me the gratifying assurance that you are well, and 
gives me that delight which everything from your hand always 
does. Indeed, at the date of your letter all hands seem to 
have been not only well but frolicking. This is all very agree- 
able to me. I am glad to hear of Mr. Bullock's return in good 
health, and of the success of his mission. I shall not quarrel 
with you all for imputing the little indisposition of which I 
some time ago complained to my drinking too niucJi on hearing 
the news of my triumphant election ; but I must say it shows 
you all to be a very suspicious set and not overcharitable to be 
slandering a grave senator with such imputations. I think I 
have fully as good cause to suspect you of a little intemperance 
on the occasion. I certainly heard of your having a great ca- 
rousal and a crowd of good and merry drinkers around you. 
1 do consider my re-election, under all the circumstances, as 
the greatest and most honorable event of my life, and I rejoice at 
it the more because you have taken such an interest in it and 
derived so much gratification from it. I visited Mrs. Bayard last 
evening ; she inquired for you. I never saw her look better or 
younger. I shall soon have the pleasure of seeing and being 
happy in the midst of you all. 

I have this moment received two letters from Texas, giving 
me the afflicting intelligence that my son George was with 
Colonel Fisher in the late most unfortunate invasion of Mexico, 
and that he is, in all probability, now a prisoner. What is to 



200 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

become of him in such hands, God only knows. I shall see the 
Mexican minister immediately and do all I can for his safety 
and release. 

Farewell, my dearest wife. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. Maria K. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Senate, February 28, 1843. 

Mv DEAREST Makia, — I havc just received your letter, — the 
last, you tell me, that I am to receive this session. Then I am 
sure that I must go home very soon ; for not to hear from you 
or see you is more than I can bear. I am growing quite cheer- 
ful at the prospect of being with you so soon, and feel as if I was 
almost near enough to kiss you. Friday is the last day of the 
session. We have a great deal to do, — shall probably be in the 
Senate the whole of Friday night, and cannot be sure of start- 
ing homeward sooner than Sunday morning. I hope you will 
excuse me for setting out on that day ; expect me as soon as 
the journey can be performed. Next Saturday week I shall, 
without accident, be at home. For that evening let our friends 
of the legislature be invited to rejoice with us. You know how 
to anticipate my wishes, and have done so exactly in your pro- 
posal to entertain our friends on that evening. I shall be de- 
lighted to see the members of the legislature at our house. To 
find you all well and the house full of friends, will make me 
happy. My love to all, and to you, my dearest wife, a thou- 
sand kisses. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. M. K Crittenden. 



CHAPTER XVI. 
1843-1844. 

Letters of General Winfield Scott, of Webster, Clay, Crittenden, and Letcher. 

(General Winfield Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, April 5, 1843. 

DEAR CRITTENDEN,— It is just a month to-day since 
you, Archer, and others turned your backs upon me, 
leaving me to my fate ; and here is your first letter cruelly 
taunting me with the miseries of my isolation. In revenge, I 
have a great mind to turn Tylcr-uian and seek consolation in 
the pure circle about him. The run of the kitchen, as I have 
been cut off from his table since 1841, would be something. 
As he is everywhere organizing the Siuiss, a now numerous 
body even in the United States, he may be glad to accept a 
" tall fellow" — a " proper man;" and if I get the command of 
the guard, look out, — you can't head me — from the shoulders 
upwards, taller than your Botts. I shall begin under the good 
old second section to behead him and all the members of the 
cabinet except Z^<:?/^, " the faithful among the faithless," and their 
abettors. ''Ego et rex" — I and the Captain — will do the work 
thoroughly. I shall teach Wise that he is an ass, and Cushing 
that he is a stool. None of your bloodless reforms. Those 
whom I timi out shall be finally turned in. Dead men make 
no clamors. Did not you, at Mangum's supper, give me a 
lesson in despotism ? " Oh, the Father, how he held his coun- 
tenance !" Oh, rare, " he did it like one of those harlotiy 
players as ever I see." I shall imitate Macbeth : " Be bloody, 
bold, and resolute," until the whole mass of Whigs shall cry 
out for mercy. The age stands in need of an example. / am 
the man to give it, — I will bestride the narrow world like a 
colossus ! There's Archer, a " petty man," who of late did 
" walk under my huge legs and peep about," did no sooner 
reach Port Gibson than he writes, " Help me, or I sink !" and 
appoints me St. Louis, in May, to make the tour of St. Anthony's 
Falls, the lakes, etc. I have flatly denied him, because the Cap- 
tain can't spare me. Preston, too, after much fond talk of you, 
has just desired me to bring Archer to his solitude ; and here's a 
letter from Clinch tempting me with bacon and greens to his 

(^ 201 ) 



202 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

end of the world. As to Clinch, who is always talking about 
you, I have summoned him to receive judgment at the begin- 
ning of the next session. Your eloquence shall not again res- 
pite liim. Besides the "apple-brandy," I owe him a grudge 
about the junction oi " thon rivers." Talking of cutting off 
heads, reminds me of your invitation to commit treason by 
promising to play the part of a silent accomplice ; but he who 
plays at that game must be sure that he wins. 

" Treason never flourishes, what's the reason? 
When it flourishes, none dare call it treason !" 

I have not seen the President but for five minutes last month, 
when I went to say that I was about to run away for a few days 
to New York on public business and to my house in Jersey on 
private business, and I have scarcely seen a member of the 
cabinet. In this month they have committed rather more than 
the usual amount of meannesses. Preston, in the letter before 
me, thinks this kind oi tape rather more dangerous to our insti- 
tutions than the open, ruffian violence of Jackson. Removals and 
putting in relatives and corrupt hacks Tixo. the order of the day. 
Webster is gone east. I learn from good authority that he has 
been in doubt whether to go to London or stay at home and 
run for the Presidency on the question of the assumption of 
State debts. In one or the other position he hopes to become 
the agent of the European holders of American securities and 
make a million. Can this best be done as President or minister ? 
That's the question ! He may therefore be expected to return. 
The new Secretary of War makes us already regret the old. 

Upshur, it is said, is to go to the Department of State, and 
be /;////j'tv^ replaced by Cushing. Wise, I fear, will be re-elected, 
and our friend Botts beaten. This I should greatly lament, for 
" we could better spare a better man" — or rather a iviser. B. 
has great moral intrepidity, which the times call for. 

Profit, I am told, is still here, but whether detained by sick- 
ness or waiting for his reward I know not. 

I know not how to help your Missouri friend, who wants the 
charge of the hemp business, having no communication with the 
Secretary of the Navy. I shall continue to turn the matter over 
in my mind, but with little hope of being able to do anything. 

In a brown study I was brought up the other day all stand- 
ing at your door in Jones's Buildings. Eiglit long months more 
must elapse before we meet again. 

You will see Webster's dispatch about the right of visit. The 
Madisonian of to-day is even bellicose on the subject. With 
respects to Mrs, Crittenden and Letcher, 

I remain your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Critte.nden. Winfield Scott. 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 203 

(General Winfield Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, June 29, 1843. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have just returned from a tour of 
special duty at the Mihtary Academy, and find the accompany- 
ing letter, which I hasten to send you. 

I see that (as they say of theatricals) you are " starring" in 
Missouri, in the same troupe with Benton! How is this? I 
shall have to cut your acquaintance or take the other tack and 
become a Tjltr-inan. I'll cut my throat first! Did you note 
how nicely I got off from swelling the pageant at New York, 
Boston, etc. by going to hard work at West Point? The 
President wanted me very much ; but I spoke to him of the im- 
portance of the duties in zvhich I was engaged, — and I told the 
truth. You have had a lucky escape, for I came very near set- 
ting out for Frankfort and Lexington yesterday. The Fayette 
Legion invited me to join them, but I was compelled to return 
here, and apologized to the Kentuckians. I shall never have 
another chance of seeing you under your own roof 

Hoping that you are taking care of your health and pockets, 
I remain, in haste, 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

(General Winfield Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, October 14, 1S43. 

My dear Sir, — I dispatched a hasty note to you some days 
ago. You may remember what I said to you in the summer of 
the design to run Mr. Webster on Mr. Clay's ticket. The pro- 
ject has recently been revived in the Neiv York Conner and En- 
quirer, and the Whigs in that city by resolutions have spurned 
the proposition. The Richmond Whig is equally indignant 
against the Courier and Enquirer. " Where am I to go ?" the 
ex-Secretary may again piteously ask. I have no doubt there 
was some foundation for the report I formerly mentioned to 
you. We have had great success in Maryland and Georgia, 
upon which I felicitate you. In Philadelphia we have had a 
glorious victory. I have declined all invitations to public meet- 
ings, — the Bunker Hill, Fort Wayne, and some thirty others, — 
not wishing to divert a single Whig from the single candidate 
or to excite attention to my humble self; I understand, however, 
that certain newspapers still keep up my name. I have pre- 
vented the establishment of a new paper here with the same 
partial views. I wish to give a clear field, and God grant us 
success. Dick Johnson was here lately rather under the weather. 
He begins to think the Locofoco leaders will shuffle him out of 
the contest. He is gone North and East. I have no doubt he 



\204 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will gladly take the Vice-Presidency, and tliatwWX be the result. 
, Of what the cabinet is doing, or design to do, I know nothing. 

Ny I have not seen Mr. Tyler since the 4th of July, when I called. 

Upshur, I learn, has been writing certain bellicose articles in the 
Madisonia)i against England in relation to Texas. Clinch is 
with nie for a day or two. We talk a good deal of you, the 
TcDis, and the W'ithlacoochee. He will be back in January, 
when, if he does not abandon that junction, I shall have him 
shot under the former merited sentence. By the way, he brought 
some of Schley's brandy with him from Baltimore. 

In great haste, most truly yours, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Daniel Webster to R. P. Letcher.) 

Marshfield (Mass.), October 23, 1843. 

My dear Sir, — I read your letter of the 2d instant not only 
with interest but with cniotion. I believe every word you say, 
of your kind feelings and friendship towards me, which I am 
sure you believe I reciprocate fully and cordially. 

In the first place, you are right in supposing that I must live 
and die, as I was born, a "Whig;" as we have understood that 
term, and especially as we have understood it in the contest of 
1840. He is a fool as well as a foe who supposes it possible for 
me to tread back the steps of my whole political career, and 
abandon those principles, the support of which has made me 
considerable in the country. I am as willing now as I ever was 
to exert my faculties for the continued support and further dif- 
fusion of those principles. 

But, then, I have some degree of self-respect and some pride ; 
I shall certainly submit to no sort or degree of ill treatment, and 
such, I must confess, I think I have received. I seldom speak 
of myself or my affairs; but, as you invite it, I will be frank. I 
think, then, that a certain party, or division of the Whigs, mostly 
in the West and South, have not extended, in time past, that 
cordial respect towards some of us, this way, which they have 
ever received from us. For instance, in 1836 there was no 
Kentucky candidate before the people; there was a Massachu- 
setts candidate. Menu did Kentucky act? And, let me add, it 
was KoitKckv, in the course adopted b}' her in 1 836. that gave 
a new and unexpected direction to Whig preferences, and kept 
her munfavofitc son from the place in which she -tcishes to see him. 
I need not prove this; reflect upon it, and you will find it is just 
so. But let that pass. We all finally concurred in General Har- 
rison's election. His death blasted our prospects, and we had 
another man, and another kind of man to deal with. The Whigs 



DANIEL WEBSTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 



205 



were immediately alarmed, but the universal cry was, " Let Gen- 
eral Harrison's cabinet keep their places." I kept mine, and 
yet there are those who will never forgive me for it. The last 
conversation I ever had with Mr. Clay, he said, " I had great 
national objects, which I supposed I could answer by staying in 
the department; I was justified in staying." That was my own 
opinion. I had such objects, and I stayed till they were accom- 
plished. You regret that I remained after the treaty tvas com- 
pleted. My dear sir, when was the treaty completed ? It was 
ratified at the end of the session of 1842. The laws for carry- 
ing it into effect had not passed, and I knew were to be opposed, 
as they were opposed. They passed, however, at the end of the 
last session ; and then, and not before, the treaty was " coni- 
pletedr 

I then drew up the papers for the China mission, a measure 
which had originated with myself, and then immediately re- 
signed my office. Now, my dear sir, what is there to complain 
of in all this, supposing me to have been right in staying in the 
cabinet one hour after the other gentlemen left it ? 

There are other things : I did not approve of some acts of the 
Whigs in the called session of 1841. I did not approve of the 
rejection of Mr. Ewing's bank bill ; I did not approve of the 
readiness, not to say eagerness, which was manifested in some 
quarters to have a quarrel between the Whigs and Mr. Tyler. 
I thought we ought to try, to the last, to hold him, as far as pos- 
sible, to Whig principles and a Whig administration ; for I was 
unwilling to lose all the great objects of the preceding contest. 
I lamented, therefore, the Whig manifesto of 1 841, both in re- 
gard to its spirit and its topics. 

In September, 1842, a proceeding took place at a Whig con- 
vention, in Boston, which I knew was aimed against me. Its 
object was to destroy my standing and character, politically, 
with the Whigs. This object I determined to defeat at all 
hazards, and all consequences ; and, thank God, I did defeat it. I 
defended myself, and nothing more; and if what was done, 
necessarily, on that occasion, reached so far as to be detrimental 
to others, I am not answerable for that result. 

And now, my dear sir, let me recall to your recollection a 
little the course of events, and the conduct of some leading 
Whigs. I remained in office under the circum.stances already 
stated ; I got through the negotiation with England, and it does 
not become me to say how important this was to the country, 
or whether it was well or ill conducted. But, one thing is 
certain, it never received a word of commendation from certain 
leading Whigs. They did not complain of its results; but 
they did not appear to think that, in the conduct and conclu- 



2o6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

sion, there had been any merit worth speaking of. Very well ; 
no man is bound to praise ; praise and commendation must be 
voluntary. But, then, if to withhold approbation is no injury to 
be complained of, gross abuse, personal and political, is such an 
injury ; and you know how freely that has been bestowed on me. 
You know how I have been attacked and vilified by such men 
as Garrett Davis, Botts, Jno. C. Clark, Rayner, and many others, 
in Congress, all of them being more especial friends of Mr. Clay; 
I say nothing of what has been done outdoors, or of the con- 
duct of the scoundrel who publishes the leading Whig press in 
Kentucky. 

And, I must add, that if any attempt has been made by any- 
body to check this course of atrocious abuse, in and out of Con- 
gress, such an attempt has never come to my knowledge. 

I have novv, my dear sir, spoken to you, of myself, quite as 
freely as I have spoken to anybody ; I have done so with entire 
confidence in your friendship, and it is time, I believe, to take 
leave of the subject. 

I wish well to the Whig cause, and am ready to make all 
reasonable sacrifices to insure its success. But those who 
expect to displace me from my position, will find, if they have 
not found already, that they have a work of some little diffi- 
culty. I verily believe there is Whig strength enough in the 
country to elect a President ; but that object can only be accom- 
plished by the exercise of much consideration, wisdom, and 
conciliation. We must have a hearty Jinion, or the prospect is 
hopeless. That we must all be convinced of. 

Our State elections are now going on as they should have 
gone on last year, with a studied abstinence from national topics. 
The result will be, as I believe, that we shall carry the State 
by a strong majority. Massachusetts may then properly speak 
on national subjects. At present, she must reckon herself 
among Locofoco States. 

I shall be glad to hear from you, my dear sir, freely and fully 
as I write you. I go to Boston this week, at which place please 
address me. 

With constant and sincere regard, truly yours, 

D. Webster.* 

Gov. Letcher. 



* Two or three letters of Mr. Webster's to Governor Letcher have been kindly 
given to me by Mrs. Letcher, and I think they will be interesting in this connec- 
tion. 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 207 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, November 30, 1843. 

Dear Crittenden, — That you may not be disappointed, I tell 
you in the outset I have no news of any sort to interest you. The 
town looks like a deserted village ; whether this is occasioned 
by your absence I will not undertake to say. We have, every now 
and then, a very good saddle of venison and a few jolly fellows 
around it, — some drinking, and others wishing to drink, but re- 
fraining lest they might incur the heavy penalties of excommu- 
nication from ''temperance privileges^ I wonder how my friend 
General Scott would figure as a member of the temperance 
body ? If he will apply for it, I will send him a commission as 
president of the anti-drinking club without delay. Let him 
have no false delicacy about the application. One of the merits 
of my administration is, to reward merit, though in obscurity. 
How do the political cards run now ? The old Prince holds 
the honors, don't he ? I see some signs of Calhoun's intention 
to run, under the "free trade bannerr Let him try his luck ; 
he may do good — can do no harm. That old sinner declares 
and swears, I am told, that John Davis is the agent of the Yankee 
and English abolitionists, to raise an insurrection in the Western 
States, and that he is paid by the day for seri'ices. Shall he be 
put in the asylum at Lexington or Frankfort ? Benton, I am 
told, called upon the old Sea Serpent on his way to Wash- 
ington ; that was, I suppose, to clear up the charge of a coalition 
with Clay. I think, after that, he might venture to visit Captain 
Tyler. Warmest regards to Mrs. Crittenden. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, December 5, 1843. 
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 29th, on the 
subject of Texas, or rather its annexation to the United States. 
I had received a letter from Mr. Child, the editor of an abolition 
paper in New York, to which I returned no answer; not that I 
was unwilling to announce my opinion upon that subject, but 
that I did not think it right, uimeccssarily, to present new ques- 
tions to the public. Those which are already before it are 
sufficiently important and numerous, without adding fresh ones. 
Nor do I think it right to allow Mr. Tyler, for his own selfish 
purposes, to introduce an exciting topic, and add to the other 
subjects of contention which exist in the country. How is he 
to prevent it? Texas can only be annexed to the United States 
by treaty or by conquest. If the former, it is Mr. Tyler's duty 
— if he thinks it right to annex it — to conclude a treaty for that 



2o8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

purpose, if lie can, and lay it before the Senate. Nobody, I pre- 
sume, would propose to acquire it by war and conquest. But, 
let me suppose that he limits himself to a simple recommenda- 
tion of annexation without having negotiated any treaty for that 
purpose, — what could Congress do upon such a recommenda- 
tion? They could pass no act to effect it; he might as well 
recommend the annexation to the United States of Mexico 
itself, or of any other independent power. Indeed, a recom- 
mendation of any other independent country would be less 
irrational than the annexation of Texas, because to Texas 
Mexico asserts a title which she is endeavoring to enforce by 
the sword. We could not, therefore, incorporate Texas into 
the Union without involving the United States in war with 
Mexico, and, I suppose, nobody would think it wise or proper 
to engage in war with Mexico for the acquisition of Texas. 
We have, it is true, acknowledged the independence of Texas, 
as we had a right to do, for the sake of our commercial and 
other intercourse with Texas, but that acknowledgment did not 
extinguish, or in any manner affect, the rights of Mexico upon 
Texas. What has the House of Representatives to do with 
the treaty-making power prior to its exercise by the President 
and the Senate ? Considered as a practical question, every man 
must be perfectly convinced that no treaty, stipulating the an- 
nexation of Texas, can secure for its ratification a constitutional 
majority in the Senate. Why, then, present the question ? It 
is manifest that it is for no other than the wicked purpose of 
producing discord and distraction in the nation. Taking this 
view of the matter, I think, if there be such a recommendation, 
it would be best to pass it over in absolute silence, if it can be 
done. Should a discussion of it, in spite of your wishes, be 
forced, then, I think it would be better to urge some such topics 
as I have suggested above, and to treat it as a question with 
which Congress has nothing to do, and which has been tJirust 
upon it by one who has neither the confidence of the nation, 
or either of the great parties in it, with the evident view of pro- 
moting his own personal interests by producing dissension, dis- 
cord, and distraction. If there be no formal application from 
Texas itself, it might be urged, that to discuss the question of 
annexing it to the United States would be derogatory to the 
respect due both to Texas and Mexico, and would violate the 
dignity and character of our own government. I think, in some 
of the modes which I have sucfsrested, or in some other which 
may present itself to our friends at Washington, the mischievous 
designs of Mr. T}'ler may be averted. Should, however, a ques- 
tion be actually forced upon you in such manner that you will 
be compelled to express an opinion for or against annexation, 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 209 

I do not know what your view may be ; but / should have no 
hesitation in voting against it. Here are some of my reasons : 
First, the territory of the United States is already large 
enough. It is much more important that we should unite, har- 
monize, and improve what we have than attempt to acquire 
more, especially when the acquisition would be inevitably at- 
tended with discord and dissatisfaction. Second, it is wholly 
i;npracticable to accomplish the object of annexation, if it were 
desirable, for reasons already stated ; and, in the third place, if 
Te.Kas were anne.xed to the United States, the motive with 
those who are urging it would not be fulfilled. It would not 
now, or ever, give to the slaveholding section of the Union a 
prcpjiiderating zveiglit. The other portion would continue to 
retain the ascendency, which would be ultimately increased by 
the annexation of Canada, to which there could be no objection 
if Texas were admitted to the Union. I might add that there 
is great reason to doubt whether Texas could be admitted con- 
sistently with the Constitution of the United States ; but I do 
not dwell upon that point because of the force of the examples 
of Louisiana and Florida. Some six or seven years ago I ad- 
dressed a confidential letter to a distinguished friend, communi- 
cating my opinion adverse to the annexation of Texas. I placed 
it upon the ground that we already had quite as much, if not 
more, territory than we could govern well ; that I had no desire 
to see a new element of discord introduced into the Union ; 
that it was far more important to the happiness of our people 
that they should enjoy in peace, contentment, and harmony 
zvJiat they have than to attempt further acquisitions at the 
hazard of destroying all those great blessings. I have no copy 
of that letter, but I hope.it is in existence, and I will endeavor to 
procure a copy of it to be used hereafter if rendered necessary 
by the progress of events. I shall regret very much should the 
proposition come to a formal question. If the Whig party 
should in a body vote in the affirmative, such a vote would be 
utterly destructive of it, without the possibility of securing 
Texas. The best 21 se to make of Texas, perhaps, is to hold out 
to our Northern friends that if by the unhappy agitation of the 
question of slavery they should force a separation of the slave 
from the free States, in that contingency the former would be 
prompted to strengthen themselves by the acquisition of Texas. 
Texas is destined to be settled by our race, who will undoubt- 
edly carry there our laws, our language, and our institutions; 
and that view of her destiny reconciles me much more to her 
independence than if it were to be peopled by an unfriendly 
race ; we may live as good neighbors, cultivating peace, com- 
merce, and friendship. I think you will find there is not the 
VOL. I. — 14 



2IO LIFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

smallest foundation for the charge that Great Britain has a de- 
sign to establish a colony in Texas. Such an attempt would 
excite the hostility of all the great powers of Europe, as well 
as the United States. But odious as such a design on the part 
of Great Britain would be, as she would probably cover it under 
the pretext of emancipation, her conduct would not be regarded 
with so much detestation hy the civilized world 2iS would that of 
the United States in seeking to effect annexation. The motive 
that would be attributed to her, and with too much justice, 
would be that of propagating instead of terminating slavery. I 
send you this letter in its rough draught just as I have dictated 
it to my son John, who has acted as my amanuensis. When 
the message arrives I may write you again, if there is any 
occasion in that document for doing so. I am glad to hear of 
the faith which our friends entertain in our success next year; 
but I hope they will add good works, which I cannot help 
thinking important both in religion and politics. 

I remain faithfully your friend, 

H. Clay. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, December lo, 1S43. 

De.\r Letcher, — I have received your letter and thank you 
for it. 

The concern you expressed for that old gentleman who is so 
distressed about his son's banishment and troubled with such 
evil visions about John Davis's mission to the West is quite 
natural to one of your tender sensibility; and I am quite sorry 
that your charity should be disturbed by the doubts you enter- 
tain as to which of your asylunis would be the properest recep- 
tacle for him. Something ought to be speedily done, for I 
understand he has been fighting lately almost in your presence, 
and if his distemper should take a belligerent direction, the 
danger might be great. I suppose you are now convinced, 
all your speculations or fears to the contrary notwithstanding, 
that Van Buren will be the candidate of his party. There is 
no doubt about it. All the developments that have taken place 
here prove it, and no question is any longer made about it. 
I lis friends have a clear majority in the House of Representa- 
tives, and the Calhoun men and all other malcontents sunk 
under their ascendency ; though they had been plotting and 
threatening o])position, they did not, when the crisis came, 
dare to make it openly. They are now, I believe, ashamed of 
their tameness, and are revenging it by muttering their discon- 
tent, which I have no doubt is greatly increased, though to the 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 21I 

world everything appears quite smooth and calm. Calhoun has 
no strength — no abiding supporters — out of South Carolina, 
and must soon be given up by the friends he has. When that 
time comes, I cannot tell where they will go. I think but few 
of them will support Van Buren, and I feel still more confi- 
dence tliat the iDetter part will rally to Clay. They will have 
more confidence in the Whigs than in the Van Burenites, and 
I think we ought to manifest to them that ours is the liberal 
and catholic cause, and that all true men who come to its 
standard are received and treated according to their merits, 
— "that the latch-string is always out" and a welcome ready for 
them. The Whig press has been and continues to be very 
impolitic, and I may say ungenerous, in the hostile spirit with 
which it pursues Mr. Calhoun and his party. Cannot a wiser 
and a more liberal tone be given to it in Kentucky ? Talk 
with Robertson on the subject ; and if he concurs, as I am sure 
you will, he is the very man to give the right direction in this 
matter. 

Tyler is very much incensed at the election of Blair & 
Rives as printers to the House of Representatives. He con- 
siders it as a sanction of all the abuse that the Globe has visited 
upon him. And so far he is right. He and his son Bob de- 
clare that the Democrats have insulted the President at every 
step they have taken during the session, and that if the contest 
must be between Van Buren and Clay they will prefer the latter. 
There is no doubt, I believe, that they are saying this, and 
much more, of anti-Van Burenism, as, for instance, "that the 
world cannot furnish a parallel of the ingratitude and treachery 
with which they have been treated by the Democratic party." 
But these gentlemen are at best very iinsartin, and are now 
truly in a great passion. They are, thank Heaven, of no 
particular importance, and no calculation can be made about 
them. Webster is expected here about the last of the month. 
All that I hear about him is but confirmatory of the conclu- 
sions we formed at home, — that he wants to come back to 
the Whigs, that he will come back, and that he i}iust come 
back. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor of Ky. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, December 18, 1843. 
Dear Crittenden,-^ Your letter of the loth is received. You 
will get the Couunonwcaltli to-morrow, and there you will see a 
hurried little article in regard to Calhoun and his friends. It 



212 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will do pretty well for a beginning. Calhoun's friends feel flat 
and foolish, and talk and look like a slave who has been well 
chastised by his master, swearing he will be damned if he ever 
takes such another flogging without hitting a lick in return, and 
all the while looking around to see if his owner does not over- 
hear his threats. Now, the plain matter of fact is, they are en- 
tirely too tame — too submissive ; no reliance can be placed in 
such a bragging set of fellows. 

However, cultivate their acquaintance, — they will surely come 
to the aid of the Whigs, particularly if their support is not 
needed. If we can do without their aid, they will be the most 
fiery, rampant fellows you ever saw or heard of / knozv the 
boys of old, — the same fellows I served in Congress with for 
many years ; but they come now with changed names. I am 
anxious to hear what Webster is about ; what he says ; how he 
looks, and what he will do. I think your idea about him is 
correct. I shall mourn over his downfall should he fail to come 
up to the mark. 

I am rarely in town, — never, in fact, unless I go out to help 
some good friend to eat venison. That I am sure to do, being 
naturally a kind-hearted, obliging sort of fellow. Let me hear 
from you often. 

Very hastily, your friend, / 

R. P. Letcher. 



CHAPTER XVII. 
1844-1845. 

Letters of Crittenden, Letcher, Clay, Buchanan, etc. etc. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, January 18, 1844. 

DEAR CRITTENDEN,— As I shall eat no dinner to-day 
I can take a moment to give you a line. JV/ij' eat no din- 
ner? Because I shall give a large oyster-supper to-night to 
about forty, and of course I wish to have a good appetite. This 
legislature don't move to suit me at all, — there is no concert, no 
energy, no tact ; therefore there will be no good results. Helm 
heads the Locos in his decisions and in most of his votes. I 
have never been in the House ; see nothing of the members, 
except in large parties. A leader is wanted. Graves takes but 
little interest in the House ; perhaps he is too modest to aspire 
to be a leader. Jake Swigert and others wish me to put you on 
your guard in reference to Hardin, the postmaster, saying there 
was a rascally intrigue on hand to oust him. Had you not bet- 
ter see Wickliffe about his illustrious kinsman, and endeavor to 
save him. I have not read Rives's letter, — it will no doubt do to 
talk about. I should like to see and hear what Calhoun can say 
why sentence should not be pronounced upon him. I still have 
my fears about Van's ability to stand up, — he is too weak to run, 
you may rely upon it ; he is like Baillie Peyton's steer, which 
was so poor and weak it had to be licld 7ip to be shot. Mr. 
Crittenden will have, no doubt, a full report of the fair held last 
night. All I know is that a gentleman of your acquaintance 
suffered severely in the action. This thing of eating for a church 
is no light affair, I can tell you. I have been upon the decline 
ever since the fair opened. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, January 22, I844. 

Dear Crittenden, — You know I never complain; but I 
should like to suggest, in the most delicate manner, that you 
have all become exceedingly silent in and about Washington for 

C 213) 



214 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the last four weeks. What's the matter? Have you all turned 
Tyler-men? No, I should say not, as I see that the great 
" Prophet of Indiana" is rejected, and so is Henshavv. So far 
so good. Spencer, I suppose, will also be genteelly executed. 
If you can't get a good man, hold the place open for the next 
administration. My legislature is no great things, and I have 
very little reliance upon their sagacity or usefulness. The Locos 
have a leading control in everything, with the assistance of the 
Whigs, and I say it with the most perfect respect, take them 
altogether they are a poor set of fdlozus. They were afraid to 
give Dick Apperson his seat, though he was certainly entitled 
to it, lest they might linrt feelings. Yon may think I am writing 
you a letter, but I am not, — I am noiv talking to a fellow about 
7s.finc which he will have io pay to a dead and everlasting cer- 
tainty. He is about closing his last speech, and when he gets 
through I have nothing further to say to you. What has be- 
come of Calhoun's /^zr-letter? I am waiting with impatience 
to see it. Rives's letter takes very well in this county. Will 
Van Buren be the candidate ? I fear not ! Answer all these 
questions and a great many more which I have not time to put 
to you. 

Good-by says my man, and good-by says I. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New Orleans, Jan. 24, 1S44. 

My dear Sir, — I received your favors of the 2d and 8th 
instant. The object of the latter is attained by the death ot 
our excellent friend, Judge Porter, so far as respects a vacancy. 
I wish I could add that it would surely be filled by a Whig. 
That is very uncertain, although my hopes preponderate over 
my fears. A few days will supersede all speculation. I thank 
you for the information contained in yours of the 2d. If Mr. 
Tyler's present dispositions do not lead you to attach an undue 
importance to them, nor induce the Senate to confirm nomina- 
tions which they ought to reject, they are not to be regretted. 
Among those nominations are Cushing's, Profit's, and Spencer's, 
the latter decidctll)' the most important of them all. Does any 
man believe these men true or faithful or honest? If Spencer 
be confirmed, he will have run a short career of more profligate 
conduct and good /nek than any man I recollect. 

My departure from this city I have fixed between the 20th 
and 25th of February, and my arrival at Raleigh 12th of 
April. I shall leave Mobile the ist of March, I have appro- 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 215 

priated about a month and a half for the tour of Alabama, 
Georgia, and South Carolina. 

Your friend, 

Henry Clay. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, Jan. 28, 1844. 

Dear Letcher, — I have just received your letter of the 
22d instant, and am pleased to discover in it some evidence 
that a little neglect on my part in writing has had the effect of 
producing mortification and making you unhappy. This is 
quite flattering. But that poor petitioner ! You were mad at 
not receiving one of my agreeable letters, turned your ill humor 
on him, and refused to remit his fine. 

But now for your question. Calhoun's letter has no doubt 
been returned to him by his friends for reconsideration, because, 
as it is said, they thought it a little too strong or luirsJi. We 
slialL soon have it, I suppose, in some form or other. His friends 
here give indications which satisfy me that they will prefer 
Clay to Van Buren. They have, however, been so much dis- 
appointed and thrown into such a predicament by the superior 
strength and management of the Van Burenites, that they seem 
hardly to know what to do or say. For the present, they are 
very cautious and stand on their reserved rights. Clay, I be- 
lieve, will ultimately get the vote of South Carolina, if necessary 
to his election. Her public men will Jiavc a liaiid in the con- 
test, and will be quite willing, I suppose, to take a share in the 
crop. They must be tired, it seems to me, of that pretension 
to superior purity, which in times past made them turn their 
backs on such contests and throw away their votes. Webster, 
you know, is here. He called to see me, and I returned the 
civility, and we are quite gracious, as much so as could be 
expected. We talk of the approaching presidential election as 
a common concern. He identifies himself with us, and says zve 
ought to do tills, that, and the other, and he has decided on 
his course, and will go with us in support of the Baltimore 
nomination, and he knows well what that will be. You may 
soon expect to see a manifesto from him in the form of an 
answer to some New Hampshire men who were good enough 
to ask him to be a candidate for the Presidency. It will an- 
swer the purpose well enough, but it is not in that lofty and 
magnanimous style in which, for his sake, I should have liked 
to see him take his station in the field. Rives's letter is a good 
one, and he deserves credit for it. He is in earnest, and means 
to act up to it. After a long withdrawal, he again attends our 



2i6 LIFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

Whitj meetings and consultations, and evidently wishes to be 
considered o)ic of us. The confidence of Clay's election is 
already producing noble effects. The tide is in his favor, and 
all the floating votes are turning to him. Van Buren is surely 
to be the Loco candidate ; that is the settled doom of the party, 
and the authors of it could not, if they would, change it. 

The abandonment of Van Buren now, or his withdrawal 
from the contest, would be the signal of dispersion and defeat 
to the party, so you need not make yourself at all uneasy lest 
he should withdraw. For my part, I should be very willing 
to see them make the experiment. Tyler, there is no doubt, 
is now chiefly hostile to the Van Burenites, and may probably 
give the Whigs a preference over them during the balance of 
his administration, but there is no anticipating his vacillations 
or where he will settle down. We will certainly do nothing to 
repel his preference ; zve will even do what we can to cherish 
in him any returning sense of kindness to the Whigs ; but we 
intend also to hold on our course firmly and act our part in 
such a manner as to be satisfied with ourselves in any event that 
may happen. I think Porter will be rejected as Secretary of War, 
and Spencer, as Judge of the Supreme Court. This week will 
probably witness the decision in both cases. Wise has been 
nominated to Brazil, and will probably be confirmed. Many of 
the Whigs will vote for him from motives of kindness or policy, 
and some because they are satisfied with reducing him to so 
inferior a station. I have not determined myself what to do. 
I feel a repugnance at voting for him, and I do not like to 
vote in opposition to the friends who will vote for him. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, Governor, etc. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New Orleans, Feljiuary 15, 1844. 

Mv DEAR SiK, — General F. Alercer has just arrived here from 
Texas, and brings intelligence which has greatly surprised me, 
but which, in fact, I cannot believe to be true. It is in substance 
that it has been ascertained by a vote in secret session, or in 
some other way, that forty-two American senators are in favor 
of the annexation of Texas, and have advised the President 
that they will confirm a treaty to that effect ; that a negotia- 
tion has been opened accordingly in Texas, and that a treaty 
will be speedily concluded. 

Is this true, especially that forty -two senators have concurred 
in the project ? Do address me instantly, both at Montgomery, 
in Alabama, and Columbus, in Georgia, and give me such infor- 
mation as you feel at liberty to communicate. 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 217 

If it be true, I shall regret extremely that / have had no 
hand in it. 

Your friend, 

Henry Clay. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, March 13, 1844. 

Dear Crittenden, — No. This is fact in regard to White's 
declension of the judgeship. It will wear the appearance of a 
mere connivance, a sort of strategy, on my part, to take time, 
etc. If I could have had the least intimation in advance of his 
change of opinion, I would have been ready for the occasion. 
But let it pass ; no doubt there are some strong reasons why 
he should not leave his post. Squire Turner is in the field to 
fill White's vacancy. The disappointment which he will expe- 
rience on the occasion is enough to break the heart of any man 
of your tender sensibility; and how do you suppose White can 
stand that ? What about Virginia ? I am afraid of the April 
elections ; my strong impression is the State will go against us. 
There is this comfort in the matter, however : it may be the 
means of making Van Buren run the race. On this point I 
have always entertained strong fears. I can give you no town 
news. Oh, yes, I did hear that General M.QX.C2Xi pulled the nose 
of a little fellow by the name of Green last Sunday evening. 
Let him pay his fine like a gentleman. I have already notified 
him not to look for any mercy from the executive, but to pay 
up promptly. He replied " that what occurred was confidential, 
and he hoped no trial would take place." When do you ex- 
pect to be at home ? I know the idea of an adjournment is 
distressing to you ; but I want to know when you will be forced 
to come home. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Savannah, March 24, 1844. 
Dear Sir, — I arrived here on the 21st, and shall leave to- 
morrow morning. My reception everywhere, from Mobile to 
this place, has been marked by extraordinary enthusiasm. I 
have borne the fatigues of the journey better than I feared ; 
indeed, I have nothing to complain of but a hoarseness pro- 
duced by public speaking, into which I have been reluctantly 
drawn. I received at Montgomery and Columbus both of your 
letters relating to Texas, and I find that subject is producing 
great excitement at Washington. I have forborne hitherto to 
express any opinion with regard to it. I reserve for my arrival 



2i8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

at Washington the consideration of tlie question whether it is 
not necessary to announce my opinions. I think I can treat 
the question very differently from any treatment which I have 
yet seen of it, and so as to reconcile all our friends and many 
others to the views which I entertain. Of one thing you may 
be certain, that there is no such anxiety for the annexation here 
at the South as you might have imagined. I take pleasure also 
in informing you that I have not seen one Whig during my 
journey who is not satisfied with the ground on which I place 
the principle of protection in connection with a tariff for revenue; 
and you may say to the senators from the South who belong 
to our party that they may with perfect safety and confidence 
vote against the fraudulent tariff which is working up in the 
House. I adhere to my purpose of reaching Raleigh by the 
1 2th of next month, and of getting to Washington towards the 
end of April. I expect to pass by Columbia and Charleston. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden, H. Clay. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, April lo, 1S44. 
Dear Crittenden, — You are so very much elated since the 
unexpected success of the Whigs in Connecticut, that you are 
entirely above writing to your poor friends. Never mind, the 
next news you hear will make you " laugh the wrong side of 
your mouth." I'll see then whether White and yourself will 
go off and get confidoiiially tipsy. Jeptha Dudley says, I am 
told, that when the full returns come in it will be seen that the 
Democrats have carried the State by a small majority against 
the combined fraud of the abolitionists, the Tylerites, and the 
rascally coo>is. Wait awhile ; don't crow so soon ; look out for 
complete returns. The Ycoinan may possibly furnish you more 
accurate information than can be obtained from the Connecticut 
papers. However, upon a moment's reflection, I doubt whether 
the editor of that valuable journal is just now in a communi- 
cative mood. " Mr. Tanner," said a young gentleman near the 
post-office door this morning, " can you tell me hoiv the Con- 
necticut elections have gone?" ''Damn Connecticut," said he, 
" I neither knozo nor carcf I doubt from this whether the hon- 
orable gentleman will give you information on this point. What 
do you think of Virginia? I should be sorry for her to go 
with us at her spring elections, lest we should be deprived of 
the pleasure of beating that same little fcllozu. I have always 
been afraid he woukl " slope off sorter' before the day of the 
race. Don"t let him get away, — hold him to the track. Is Bu- 
chanan happy now ? What does he say ? Hozu does he look ? 



LETTERS FROM HENRY CLAY. 219 

I wouldn't have been so badly scared about Connecticut as you 
were for Hvo such States in fee simple. Now, take that. Ad- 
journ your memorable Congress as soon as possible and come 
home. If you must get tipsy and will get tipsy, and nothing 
else will do, come home and I'll take a turn with you myself 
rather than you should fall into the hands of strangers. I did 
not see Benton when he passed through here. I regret it. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Raleigh, April 17, 1844. 

My dear Sir, — I transmit herewith a letter, intended to be 
published in the Intelligencer; on the Texas question. In my 
opinion, it is my duty to present it to the public, and in that 
Badger, the governor, and Stanley concur. I wish you to con- 
fer with Mangum, Berrien, Morehead, Stephens of Georgia, and 
any other friends you please about it. I leave to you and them 
the time of the publication, whether before or after my arrival 
at Washington. To slight modifications of its phraseology I 
should have no objections. I leave here to-morrow for Peters- 
burg. I shall leave Norfolk, if I can, Wednesday. 

Your friend, 

H. Clay. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Petersburg, April 19, 1844. 

My dear Sir, — I transmitted to you from Raleigh a letter, 
on the subject of the annexation of Texas, for publication. I 
observe with the greatest attention all that is passing in regard 
to it as far as it is visible to my eye. I feel perfectly confident 
in the ground which I have taken, and feel, moreover, that it is 
proper and politic to present to the public that ground. I leave 
you and other friends merely the question of deciding when my 
exposition shall appear. I cannot consent to suppress or un- 
necessarily delay the publication of it. I think it ought to ap- 
pear not later than to-day or to-morrow week. I entertain no 
fears from the promulgation of my opinion. Public sentiment 
is ev^erywhere sounder than at Washington. I should be glad 
to receive at Norfolk, if you feel authorized to send me confi- 
dentially, a copy of the treaty. I leave here to-morrow for 
Norfolk, from which I shall take my departure Wednesday or 
Thursday next. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J, Crittenden. H. Clay. 



220 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, Monday. 

Dear Crittenden, — We have our troubles here, and they 
are not few. The Whig party is in the greatest peril and dis- 
traction, — no mistake. I am no alarmist, but a close observer 
of the times. There is a restless state of things in the Whig 

ranks which amounts almost to delirium. D has behaved 

outrageously; he has offered a resolution in the Senate nomi- 
nating General Taylor for the Presidency. He promised not 
to do so, but it is done. This increases the distraction. The 
Senate will no doubt give it the go-by. It is unfortunate and 
inexpedient in every point of view. What is greatly needed is 
information from \Vashington. One word more : Dixon came 
to my house last night and said he had no doubt about his 
nomination, but he had doubts as to his election. He then pro- 
posed that I should request jiw/ to run. I refused. He said he 
belie\'ed he would write to you to that effect; said he had pro- 
posed to Graves that they should both stand back, which Graves 
refused. My object in telling you this is to afford you a chance 
in case he does write, to reply in such a way as your better 
judgment may dictate. 

Your friend, 

Hon. John J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, May lo, 1844. 
Dear Crittenden, — I have read your letter of the 4th with 
uncommon pleasure. Yes, I think the whole affair is now pretty 
well settled. Indeed, I never had any hesitation in believing 
most confidently that the second edition of the campaign of '40 
would come out in '44 embellished and improved. You had a 
grand affair at the Convention in Baltimore, probably the most 
imposing spectacle that has ever been witnessed in America, and 
it is destined to have a great effect throughout the country. I 
am glad the old Prince is behaving handsomcl)' in his travels and 
in his general deportment. The Van Buren party are really to be 
pitied ; they change their man every day. Commodore Stewart, I 
understand, is their candidate to-day ; to-morrow they will have 
another. (Jh, how awfully they curse Benton ! " Traitor, villain, 
rascal," are words of common use in connection with his 
name. Guthrie is sitting here reading a newspaper. I am too 
much of a gentleman to introduce a disagreeable topic of conver- 
sation, but I should like to hear him say a word or two about 
Texas and Van Buren. Well, let Charley W. ivalk the plank. 
I want to see him out of office ; think he well deserves his fate 
if T)-lcr puts his foot on him. 



LETTER FROM JAMES BUCHANAN. 221 

The town is filled with lawyers, and the Whigs are the hap- 
piest rascals you ever saw. You might hear Jake Swigert 
laugh at least a half a mile. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(James Buchanan to R. P. Letcher.) 

Lancaster, July 27, 1844. 
My dear Sir, — I have received your favor of the 19th, and 
am rejoiced to learn that your distinguished friend has probably 
thought better of the publication. You have ever been a saga- 
cious man, and doubtless think that James K. Polk is not quite 
so strong an antagonist as Andrew Jackson, and therefore that 
it would not be very wise to drop the former and make up an 
issue with the latter. If this had been done, it would not be 
difficult to predict the result, at least in Pennsylvania. The 
affair has worried me much, and yet I have been as innocent as 
a sucking dove of any improper intentions. First, to have been 
called on by Jackson as his witness against Clay, and then to 
be vouched as Clay's witness against Jackson, when, before 
Heaven, I can say nothing against either, is a little too much to 
bear patiently. I have got myself into the scrape from the 
desire I often expressed and never concealed, that Jackson, first 
of all things, might be elected by the House, and next that Clay 
might be his Secretary of State. It was a most unfortunate 
day for the country, Mr. Clay, and all of us, when Mr. Clay ac- 
cepted the office of Secretary of State. To be sure, there was 
nothing criminal in it, but it was worse, as Talleyrand would 
have said, " it was a blunder." Had it not been for that, he 
would, in all probability, now have been in retirement, after 
having been President for eight years, and friends, like yo2i and 
/ (who ought to have stood together through life), would not 
have been separated; but, as the hymn says, I trust "there's a 
better time coming." You ask, Has Polk any chance to carry 
Pennsylvania ? I think he has. Pennsylvania is Democratic by 
at least 20,000, and there is no population more steady on the 
face of the earth. Under all the excitements of 1840 and Mr. 
Van Buren's want of popularity, we were beaten but 343, and 
since we have carried our State elections by large majorities. 

Muhlenburg, candidate for governor, is a fast horse, and will 
be elected ; this will exercise much influence on the presidential 
election. But your people are in high hopes, and after my 
mistake in 1840, I will not prophesy. I was ignorant of the 
fact that any portion of the Democratic party were playing the 
part of Actaeon's dogs towards me. I stood in no man's way. 
After my withdrawal, I never thought of the Presidency, and 



222 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the few scattering votes I received in Baltimore were given 
against my express instructions. The very last thing I desired 
was to be the candidate. If they wish to hunt vie down for any 
thing, it must be because I have refused to join in the Jiuc and 
cry against Benton, who has been, for many years, the szvord 
and shield of the Democracy. I differed from him on the Texas 
question, but I believe him to be a better man than most of his 
assailants, and I hope he will be elected to the Senate. I have 
delayed the publication of my Texas speech, to prevent its use 
against him in the Missouri election. It is not according to my 
taste or sense of propriety for a senator to take the stump, but I 
owe Muhlcnburg much, and, if he should request it, I could not 
li'cll refuse. I shall never say (as I never have said) anything 
which could give the most fastidious friend of Mr. Clay just 
cause of offense. As I grow older, I look back with mournful 
pleasure to the days of "Auld Lang Syne." There was far 
more //r^?;-/, and soul, ^.ndfun, in our social intercourse then than 
in these degenerate days, but perhaps to think so is an evidence 
of approaching age. Poor Governor Kent ! I was forcibly re- 
minded of him a few days ago, when, at the funeral of a friend, 
I examined his son's grave-stone. To keep it in repair has been 
for me a matter of pious duty. I loved his father to the last. 
But away with melancholy. I have better wine than any man 
between this and Frankfort, and no man would hail you with a 
heartier welcome. When shall we meet again? 

Ever your sincere friend. 
To R. P. Letcher. James Buchanan, 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Frankfort, November 13, 1844. 
My dear Sir, — The intelligence brought to us this morning 
has terminated all our hopes, our suspense, and our anxieties, 
in respect to the presidential election. We now know the worst. 
Polk is elected, and your friends have sustained the heaviest 
blow that could have befallen them. You will, I trust, feel no 
other concern about it than that which naturally arises from 
your sympathy with them. You are, perhaps, the only man in 
the nation who can lose nothing by the result. Success could 
have added nothing to your name, and nothing I believe to your 
happiness. You occupy now, but too trul)% the position de- 
scribed as presenting the noblest of human spectacles, — 

" A great man struggling with the storms of fate, 
And nol)ly falling with a falling State." 

Business in the Federal court now hastens my departure. I 
will try to carry with me a heart as light as possible, but deeply 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 



223 



impressed with the difficulties which overhang the country. It 
seems that we can only learn wisdom by suffering ruin, and I 
am tempted to leave the Polkites to dispose of the tariff among 
themselves. The people have preferred Mr. Polk, and are 
entitled to the benefit of his measures. 

Very respectfully, your friend, 
Hon. H. Clay. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, November 28, 1844. 

My dear Sir, — I received your very kind letter written just be- 
fore your departure for Washington. It is hardly necessary to say 
that I deeply sympathize with you, in consequence of the most 
unexpected and disastrous results of the presidential election. 
As to myself, it is of but little importance. But I deplore it on 
account of the country and of our friends. I had cherished the 
fond hope of being an humble instrument, in the hands of Prov- 
idence, to check the downward tendency of our government, and 
to contribute to restore it to its former purity. I had also hoped 
to be able to render some justice to our enlightened and patri- 
otic friends, who have been so long and so cruelly persecuted 
and proscribed. But these hopes have vanished, and it is 
useless and unavailing to lament the irrevocable event. 

It will be more profitable to seek to discern the means by 
which the country may be saved from the impending dangers. 
I regret that they are not visible to me; still, it is our duty to 
the last to struggle for its interest, its honor, and its glory. And 
it is in that spirit that I venture to offer a few suggestions. It 
seems to me that the Whigs, or some of them, in Congress, 
would do well to have an early consultation, and to adopt some 
system of future action. We, I think, should adhere to our 
principles ; for, believing in their wisdom and rectitude, it is 
impossible that we can abandon them. The recent election 
demonstrates that, although the Whigs are in the minority, it is 
a large minority, embracing a large portion of the virtue, 
wealth, intelligence, and patriotism of the country. That mi- 
nority constitutes a vast power which, acting in concert, and 
with prudence and wisdom, may yet save the country. Then, 
there are the errors which we confidently fear and believe 
our opponents will commit in the course of their administration, 
an exposure of which must open the eyes of the people and add 
to the Whig strength. In your letter, you intimated an inclina- 
tion to leave the dominant party free to carry out their princi- 
ples undisturbed by the Whigs. I confess I am inclined to agree 
with you in that opinion; for, unless there is a partial operation 
and experience of the opposite systems of the two parties, I do not 



224 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

see how the country will ever settle down in a stable and perma- 
nent policy. As a general rule, I think that the dominant party 
ought to be allowed to carry out their measures, without any other 
opposition than that of fully exposing their evil tendency to the 
people, if they have such a tendency. Of course, I do not mean 
that members should vote contrary to their conscientious con- 
victions, or to the will of their constituents ; but I suppose that 
there are members, in both branches of Congress, who can vote 
in conformity with the will of their constituents without vio- 
lating their own convictions, and thus leave the other party at 
liberty to establish its own policy. If that party should attempt 
to embody, in a tariff, just enough of protection on the one 
hand, and of free trade on the other, to secure its ascendency 
and farther to deceive and mislead the people, such partial legis- 
lation ought to encounter the most determined opposition. 
That is the course, I confess, which I most apprehend they will 
pursue. They will give protection where it is necessary to the 
preservation of their power, and they will deny it to States with 
whose support they can dispense. 

There is a great tendency among the Whigs to unfurl the 
banner of the Native American party. Whilst I own I have 
great sympathy with that party, I do not perceive the wisdom, 
at present, either of the Whigs absorbing it, or being absorbed 
by it. If either of those contingencies were to happen, our ad- 
versaries would charge that it was the same old party, with a 
new name, or with a new article added to its creed. In the 
mean time they would retain all the foreign vote, which they 
have consolidated ; make constant further accessions, and per- 
haps regain their members who have joined the Native Ameri- 
can party. I am disposed to think that it is best for each party, 
the \\'higs and the Natives, to retain their respective organiza- 
tions distinct from each other, and to cultivate friendly relations 
together. If petitions be presented to alter the naturalization 
laws, they ought to be received and respectfully dealt with. 
There can be no doubt of the greatness of the evil of this con- 
stant manufacture of American citizens out of foreign emigrants, 
man)- of whom are incapable of justly appreciating the duties 
incident to the new character which they assume. Some day 
or other this evil will doubtless be corrected. But is this 
country ripe for the correction? and will not a premature effort, 
instead of weakening, add strength to the evil ? 

I perceive, in several quarters, a wish expressed that I should 
return to the Senate. I desire to say to you that I have not the 
remotest thought of doing so, even if a vacancy existed. I can 
hardly conceive of a state of things in which I should be tempted 
to return to Congress. My anxious desire is to remain during 



LETTER FROM HENRY CLAY. 



225 



the remnant of my days in peace and retirement ! Do me the 
favor to present me affectionately to all our friends in the Senate, 
and particularly to Messrs. Berrien, Bayard, and Rives, from 
whom I have received very friendly letters. I may write to 
them, perhaps, on some other occasion. 

I remain faithfully your friend, and obedient servant, 

H. Clay. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Thomas Corwin to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lebanon, November 15, 1844. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have scarcely courage to address a line 
to a friend, but feel so disconsolate that I must inquire how the 
result of this election is received in Kentucky. 

Much as I have distrusted public judgment on the merits of 
great me7i, yet I could not believe this last sin against the honest 
reason of man would be actually committed. 

How does Mr. Clay bear himself under this last exhibition of 
ingratitude? Is truth, indeed, omnipotent? Is public justice 
certain ? Is it only at the grave of a truly great man that the 
world opens its eyes to his real worth ? 

What is to happen? What will the charlatans do next? Will 
they repeal the tariff, and wage war on Mexico ? or will they 
pretend to do this, — make a hypocritical effort and drop it, 
and complain that a Whig Senate or a Whig party prevented 
them ? 

Will they kick Calhoun out, and tlien in two years more make 
another bargain with him, and then deceive him forthe_/?/?// time ? 
Pray tell me what we are to look for ? I see it is said Van 
Buren is coming to the Senate. Will Mr. Clay decline all public 
concern ? 

Do let me hear about these things. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. Thos. Corwin. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, Januai7 9, 1S45. 
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 3d, and transmit 
inclosed a letter to Judge Story. I am not surprised at his dis- 
gust with his service on the bench of the Supreme Court. 
Among the causes of regret, on account of our recent defeat, 
scarcely any is greater than that which arises out of the con- 
sequence that the Whigs cannot fill the two vacancies in the 
Supreme Court. I see that they have got tip Texas in the 
House, and I anticipate that some scheme of annexation will 
VOL. I. — 15 



226 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

be cooked tip there. Whatever fate may attend it in the Senate, 
I think that the resolution of our friends in this body to leave 
it to Mr. Polk is correct. Among my fears, one is, that it will, if 
annexed, disturb the territorial balance of the Union, and lead to 
its dissolution. Letcher, of whose silence you complain, bears 
badly our recent defeat. Time, the great physician, may heal 
his wounds. I sometimes have occasion to use another's super- 
scription, and wish you would send me some half a dozen of 
franked envelopes. 

Yours faithfully, 

H. Clay. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



1845-1846. 



Admission of Texas— Oregon— Letter to his Wife— Discussion in the Senate with 

Allen— Letter of B. W. Leigh. * 

MR. CRITTENDEN said : I rise to address the Senate 
with an embarrassment which I seldom feel in address- 
ing that body. The subject under discussion is one of immense 
magnitude, not only involving the question of the extension of 
this Union but that of the preservation and duration of the great 
charter, the Constitution, upon which this confederation rests. 
I could have forborne the expression of my opinions had it not 
appeared important to other senators to make known their views. 
I am not willing to let my silence be attributed to any backward- 
ness to avow my sentiments openly. 

Mr. Crittenden then stated the principles of the joint resolu- 
tion under consideration, and instituted an inquiry into the 
grand powers of the Constitution upon which the action of Con- 
gress was now invoked. He proposed first to examine the argu- 
ments upon which it was assumed that the power granted in 
the fourth article of the Constitution extended to the admission 
of States, erected out of foreign territory or foreign States al- 
ready formed. In pursuing this examination, he should confine 
gentlemen who designated themselves par excellence strict con- 
structionists to their own doctrine. He quoted the provision of 
the fourth article that new States may be admitted by the Con- 
gress into this Union, and commented upon the construction 
which alone should be the guide of legislation, and asked hozv 
could the express grant be applied as the friends of annexation 
applied it without opening it up to such a latitudinous con- 
struction as would be wholly at war with the nature of the 
instrument in which it is found and the natural inference of 
the intention of the framers of the Constitution. Can it be im- 
agined by any candid and dispassionate mind, — a mind divested 

(227) 



228 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of predilections to arrive at a foregone conclusion, — that if it 
had been contemplated by the framers of that instrument to 
authorize the admission of foreign States or foreign territory by 
act of legislation, they would have left such a vast and impor- 
tant power indefinite and hidden in mysterious expressions, 
wholly dependent upon construction and interpolation? To 
suppose this is to suppose what is contrary to all reason. Was 
it to be believed that the wise, jealous, and cautious men who 
weighed and deliberated upon the grants of power so long and 
so carefully would, if they intended that foreign States and for- 
eign territory should be admitted by Congress at its discretion, 
have forborne the expression of their intention in clear and 
explicit terms which could not be misunderstood ? 

Mr. Crittenden reviewed at considerable length the arguments 
urged throughout this debate by the friends of annexation, com- 
menting on each and dissenting from all, and in many instances 
insisting that gentlemen had wholly misapprehended the au- 
thorities upon which they relied. He did not intend to under- 
take the task of defining the exact line of demarkation between 
the legislative and treaty-making power; he agreed with the 
senator from Alabama, Mr. Bagby, " that there is a line." It 
would be sufficient for him to show that the acquisition of ter- 
ritory was confined exclusively to the treaty-making power. 
He quoted Justice Story's definition of the power to make 
treaties. It might be that some part or portions of the subjects 
enumerated by Justice Story may be regulated by law. Justice 
Story says the treaty-making power embraces the power of 
treating for peace or war, regulations of commerce or for terri- 
tory. Did not, then, the treaty-making power embrace the 
case of acquiring territory ? Mr. C. directed much of his re- 
view to the remarks of the senator from South Carolina, Mr. 
McDuffie. He quoted largely from 'Ca^ Federalist -avl^ author- 
ities for the purpose of establishing his position that the power 
to admit new States into the Union was confined exclusively to 
the admission of States arising out of the bosom of the old 
thirteen States and territory in the neighborhood — tlic nciglibor- 
liood meaning the territory belonging to the States, but out of 
the limit of the State confines. He next touched upon the 
limits of the treaty-making power, with a view of showing that, 



ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. 229 

from their very nature and their possible effects upon our for- 
eign relations, the power was lodged where it ought to be 
lodged, in the executive and the Senate ; and he argued that 
the experience of the government before the adoption of the 
Constitution had proved the inconvenience and impropriety of 
exercising the power of Congress. He denied the position 
assumed by the senator from South Carolina that Congress has 
the power to declare war and make peace, WJiere was the 
power of making peace given to Congress by the Constitution? 
Would the senator tell him how Congress could make peace ? 

Mr. McDuffie. — Yes, sir, by disbanding the army and navy. 

Mr. Crittenden. — That would not stop the war. 

Mr. McDuffie. — He did not presume the executive and Sen- 
ate would undertake to carry on the war after Congress dis- 
banded the army and navy. 

Mr. Crittenden. — No, sir ; but that would be a very good time 
for the enemy to carry on the war. [Great laughter.] 

In the course of Mr. Crittenden's remarks, he referred to Mr. 
Jefferson's opinions concerning the power of acquiring territory. 
He maintained that if it can be acquired by this government, it 
must be exclusively through the treaty-making power. It was 
admitted by the senator from South Carolina that territory 
might be properly acquired by treaty ; but it was denied by 
him that the acquisition of it belonged exclusively to the treaty- 
making power. Now he (Mr. Crittenden) held that if foreign 
territory can be properly acquired by the treaty-making power, 
it is exclusively by that power and that alone in this govern- 
ment that it can be acquired. He admonished the Senate to 
hold fast to the Union «j" zV w, — not to attempt expanding its 
territory, — not to risk anything by hazardous experiments. He 
denounced the idea of grounding any course of policy upon 
apprehensions of the grasping power of England. He feared 
nothing from England or any other power: his fears were of 
the destruction of our own constitution and institutions by novel 
and dangerous experiments. His objections to the annexation 
of Texas were founded upon public considerations ; some of these 
were passing away, — they may yet be wholly removed. He 
feared at present this measure would disturb our foreign rela- 
tions. It seemed to him unwise to act upon it now, — the peo- 



230 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

pie have not had an opportunity of expressing their will upon 
the subject at the ballot-box. The question was started for 
purposes of the presidential election since the people last ap- 
pointed their representatives. Let the matter be postponed till 
the people can speak, — let its consummation be reserved for the 
incoming administration. To do this in an offensive way, at an 
improper time, and by unconstitutional means can excite nothing 
but hostility to the whole movement and its authors. This 
was a measure of the most vital importance to the country. Be 
patient and be just, and all may be well. The hand that grasps 
ambitiously, dishonestly, or unlawfully at the plunder of others, 
particularly when they arc in a defenseless condition, is sure to 
be festered with the leprosy of dishonor and disgrace. 

The question being taken on the motion of Mr. Berrien, Mr. 
Crittenden rose and said : 

I wish to make a few remarks, and will not detain the Senate 
five minutes. According to the arguments which gentlemen on 
the other side had urged here. Congress has the power to admit 
new States into the Union, acquiring thereby not only the peo- 
ple, but the territory which they occupy. It is said that under 
the provision to admit new States Congress can admit foreign 
States ; and if the argument of the gentleman from Mississippi 
(Mr. Henderson) is correct, this power has been exercised in 
several instances, and North Carolina and Rhode Island were 
foreign States, admitted by the same power that could admit 
Texas or Mexico. The gentlenian had traced the histor)^ of 
their admission, and the Senate had learned from him that no 
law was passed for their admission, — that they merely signified 
their approbation of our Constitution, elected senators and 
representatives, who aj)pcared in Congress and took their 
seats; and from that time these States acted as portions of our 
Union. The argument from this was, that we may do the same 
thing in regard to Texas. Now, I call upon the gentleman to 
say of what manner of use is all this legislation upon this sub- 
ject. Let Texas make a republican constitution ; let her ap- 
point senators and representatives, and she has a right to come 
into this Union and participate in our legislation and all the 
affairs of the government. This is the argument of the gentle- 
man from Mississippi : " North Carolina was a foreign State ; 
Rhode Island was a foreign State ; Texas cannot be more than 
a foreign State." This was the inference: let Texas do just 
exactly as they did, and the work is complete. The syllogism 
is perfect, according to the rules of logic. The whole fallacy 



OREGON. 231 

consists in the utter groundlessness of the fact that these two 
States, North Carolina and Rhode Island, zvcrc foreign States. Let 
Texas read our history and the history of North Carolina and 
Rhode Island, and follow in their footsteps, and their senators 
and representatives may come here and take their seats by our 
sides. There was no occasion for her to ask for any law upon 
the subject, — none at all. " North Carolina and Rhode Island 
were foreign States ; Texas is a foreign State ;" and all that is 
necessary for her to do, according to the honorable senator, is 
to appoint her senators and representatives and come at once ! 
He who could imagine that North Carolina and Rhode Island 
WQVQ fomg)i States, might easily imagine, if his imagination w&s 
true to itself, that Texas was a domestic State. To him legisla- 
tion did not appear at all necessary ; it would be derogatory to 
the rights of Texas, California, or any other State that had 
nothing to do but to send her senators and representatives here 
and become forthwith a member of the Union. 

In the Senate, on i6th of December, 1845, the subject of 
advising the President to give immediate notice to Great 
Britain of the termination of the joint occupancy of Oregon 
Territory was under discussion. Mr. Crittenden saw no objec- 
tion to the resolutions themselves, but he did not share in the 
apprehensions of the senator from Michigan, Mr. Cass, as to a 
war. The honorable senator, Mr. Cass, makes his inference as 
to war contingent upon the happening of other events, — upon 
the concurrence of other circumstances ; his conclusion to be 
complete requires other facts, such as that Great Britain will at 
the end of the year take hostile possession of the whole of 
Oregon. Mr. Crittenden thought it might be fairly inferred 
that such a course would lead to war ; and if Mr. Cass desired 
to make out a somewhat stronger case, let him suppose that 
Great Britain should land her forces and take possession of the 
city of Charleston, or Norfolk, or Baltimore. The meaning of 
the senator seemed to be that war would inevitably take place, 
provided grounds for war were hereafter supplied. Mr. Critten- 
den thought the diplomacy and wisdom of the country could 
certainly settle the boundary of a distant strip of territory with- 
out the shedding of blood ; it was no question of honor or 
national character. If we are to give the notice, let us give it 
to take effect two years hence. Let us not, like a spiteful land- 
lord, limit our tenant to the shortest possible time, but give 



232 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

opportunity for reflection and negotiation. An insult between 
two high-spirited nations is a grave matter. This is a diplo- 
matic question between the proper departments of this govern- 
ment and Great Britain. Theirs is the proper responsibility, 
and not one jot of that responsibility was he willing to abate. 
Of all the interests of the zowaXxy peace was the mightiest. No 
fanaticism in politics must be suffered to guide the councils of 
a great nation upon so solemn a question, no little pouting, 
fretting, and strutting upon the stage ; we have no necessity to 
go to war to make a character ; we have a character to which 
we have a genealogical and historical title. It is the grand 
characteristic of a great nation that it vaunts not, boasts not 
of its power. Mr. Crittenden expressed great regret at the 
rejection of the proposition for arbitration. He did not know 
upon what right we exalted ourselves above all laws heretofore 
recognized amongst nations, and say that our territorial ques- 
tions were to be placed above all arbitration. We had no ground 
upon which to base this mighty prerogative. The world has 
adopted a great code of pacification and acted upon it from the 
beginning. The choice of an arbiter is important. The adminis- 
tration may have good reason for rejecting the arbitration of 
crowned heads ; but, thank God, they are not the wisest and 
best heads. What a glorious homage would this republic 
render to its own best principles by accepting the arbitration 
of a tribunal composed of men .distinguished only for their 
talents, knowledge, and worth! This would tend to the eleva- 
tion of the age. How majestic this spectacle to proceed from 
the hands of this free government ! It would be w^orth more 
to us than all Oregon, if every inch had been awarded to us. 

Mr. Crittenden regretted that this question had not been 
allowed to slumber; it would gradually have been settled by 
emigrants from the United States. It had been made the sub- 
ject of party action and party declamation introduced in the 
Baltimore Convention by gentlemen met together for a party 
object. This is a mere question of property. Let us not be 
driven to war for a strip of territory. The child has seen the 
light who will behold one hundred millions of freemen in this 
land. That sought to be achieved to-day by arms will be ours 
to-morrow by natural inheritance. We are the great first-born 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 



233 



of the continent. I smile with contempt at all the petty schemes 
of European ambition and Mr. Guizot's balance of power in our 
land. You have all no doubt heard of a memoir prepared and 
presented to the King of Prussia in which the author described 
the country, the bays, and rivers, and mountains, and stated 
that nature had raised a barrier against the dangerous usurpa- 
tions of the American people by establishing on their borders 
the powerful tribe of Cherokee Indians, who would always 
keep them in check ; nevertheless, the author thought the 
Americans in their wild ambition might seek to cross the 
Mississippi. Mark how our progress has outstripped the com- 
prehensive views of this writer. Why show such eagerness of 
acquisition ? Why pluck green fruit which to-morrow will fall 
ripe into our hands ? Let us violate no right, and preserve our 
sacred Union, and all the rest is certain. From our lineage is 
to descend a race wielding a sceptre of imperial power such as 
the hand of emperors never grasped. I cannot doubt but 
that the President will do right. In my judgment, there is 
in the office of President a means of purification by which a 
man, whatever the medium of his elevation, becomes a new 
moral being. Providence has made him a leader in a part 
of that great march we are performing with giant steps. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria.) 

Senate, December 29, 1845. 

My dear Wife, — I have received your letter giving m.e the 
agreeable intelligence that you are well. How happy I should 
have been to have been with you at your Christmas dinner. 

My Christmas was a different one, a joyless and heartless 
one. Mrs. Webster has not been here this winter. Mr. Web- 
ster has gone for her, and we may expect her at the close of 
the holidays. I shall spend my New Year's day at Baltimore, 
being invited to attend Miss Johnson's wedding on that day. 

At the late dinner at the President's, the lady Presidentess 
was the brightest object of the party. She of course occupied 
her place at the table, and I must say performed her part well 
and gracefully. I, at least, ought not to complain, for to me 
she was most polite. 

I can't tell you how I long to see you. You are much in- 
quired for here, and many wish to see you. 

My love to all. Your husband, 

J. J. Crittenden. 



234 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(General Scott to J. J, Crittenden.) 

Office, Saturday, February 14, 1846. 

My DEAR Sir, — Holding you to be duly indented to me, — 
that is, shipped and enlisted, — I send my orderly (a regular 
sergeant) with precise directions to move you up to my garrison 
this day, bag and baggage, without let or hindcrance. Against 
him, a young veteran of three campaigns in Florida, what can 
you do, a mere civilian ? No more than Sir Henry Vane and 
his mace-bearer against old Noll and his grenadiers. It is evi- 
dent that you labor under some infirmity of purpose, some 
"zvV iueiiia,^ which must be overcome by martial law — a touch 
of the second section a la Jackson, and the tim-es stand in need 
of a wholesome example. It is for me to give it, and for you 
to submit. Therefore and wherefore, sir, I know you are to 
dine to-day with Corcoran (and so am I) ; you may as well then 
let the orderly get you a hack and store away in it trunk, books, 
and papers. He will take good care of all and deposit them in 
your new lodgings, where they will be safe, and you too. Backed 
as you are by that old veteran of the last war, it is possible that 
he may attempt a rescue. In that case I beg to admonish him 
that I will send down another detachment and move him up 
also ; but if he (Cousin Vance) behaves well, and you come 
along, as you must, why, you may see him in your prison with 
your other friends, — not, however, oftener than six days in the 
week, nor more than six hours at a time. Such are the jail 
limits. 

Yours according to behavior, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, March 9, 1846. 

De.\r Letcher, — I have received yours of the 27th of the last 
month, and upon my word I read it through and through, little as 
you seem to have expected such a grace. I am truly sorry to hear 
that Orlando's health and habits are so bad as you describe 
them ; I think it is all due to my absence and the want of my 
good example. Your house was a bad house for drinking be- 
fore I left home, and it is quite natural to infer that it has be- 
come worse since the restraints of my presence have been 
withdrawn. I will still hope I may be home in time to prevent 
fatal consequences, and before all your brandy is gone ! 

Well, well, your good luck does a little surprise me. What 
a 7i.'inNin(^ yoinic^ niau you must be to convert Messrs. M. and G. 
into warm friends ! Your solution of it is no doubt true. Har- 



LETTER TO R. P. LETCHER. 235 

din kept you, and you are indebted to him for these new friends. 
I should not wonder to hear next that Hardin and yourself are 
close confederates and friends, and that he is warmly for you in 
order to defeat the supposed hostility of M, and G. This is a 
rather prettier game than " ride and tve." Scott does seem to 
me to be happy. His prospects of the Presidency look bright 
to him ; ^hat makes him happy. Like the consumption, this 
ambition for the Presidency may be called a flattaing disease. 
I believe I told you before that all you read or heard of nomi- 
nation or recommendation of him as the Whig candidate at 
caucuses or dinner-parties was altogether unfounded, — the mere 
flummery and invention of letter-writers. But it is true that he 
rather seems to bear the palm here, and there is a more exten- 
sive looking to him than to any other. As a party, the Whigs 
stand uncommitted, and determined to avail themselves of the 
best selection that can be made when the time comes. We all 
think that if we are wise we can succeed in the next presidential 
election. Bitter dissensions are already manifested among our 
opponents ; they are about equally divided in the Senate. They 
quarrel about what the President's sentiments and purposes are 
in relation to Oregon, — each interprets the " oracle'' to suit him- 
self, and each pretends to speak for him, while all are suspicious 
and jealous of him and of each other. They know that one 
side or the other is cheated and to be cheated, but they can't 
yet exactly tell which. In the mean time they curse Polk hy- 
pothetically. If he don't settle and make peace at forty-nine 
or some other parallel of compromise, the one side curses him ; 
and if he yields an inch or stops a hair's breadth short of fifty-four 
degrees forty minutes, the other side damns him without redemp- 
tion. Was ever a gentleman in such a fix ? He might almost say 
like Satan, that "hell was around him." What a pity he hadn't 
such a friend as you to smooth down all his troubles and con- 
vert a few of these imprecators and swearers into friends ! The 
Whigs, /^(?r chastened race, are so far very quiet in the midst of 
the uproar, — they " look innocent," and say nothing. What can 
the poor creatures do but mourn over such troubles! But all 
this is not enough ; our friend Buck not only comes in for his 
share of these common troubles, but has his own particular 
grief besides. He is for all Oregon, — he would not yield an 
inch " for life or death," and he is quite careful to Iiave it told 
and known that he stands fixed on the north pole, right at the 
point of fifty-four forty. There maybe some discretion in their 
valor. The hardest swearers are for fift}'-four forty, — and he 
thinks, perhaps, by taking the same position he may escape 
more cnrses than in any other way. But what comes next ? 
Why, he is charged with wishing to have a war in order to save 



236 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the tarifTfor Pennsylvania and defeat his colleague, Mr. Walker, 
depriving him of all the glory of his free-trade bill lately sub- 
mitted to Congress. If war comes, all know we can't think of 
reducing the tariff. Thus you see this unhappy dissension has 
penetrated even into the sanctuary of the cabinet, and may 
eventually drive Buck out of that political paradise. It being 
understood and agreed here that Walker is the ruling spirit in 
that council, I expect Buck is nearly ready to exclaim, " all is 
vanity and vexation of spirit." Scott already knows of the fu- 
neral eulogy you have prepared for him in case of his death, 
and I shall also inform him of the instructions you are preparing 
in case he should live to be a candidate, so that he may feel 
easy in the assurance that whether he lives or dies you will pro- 
vide for him. 

Your friend, 
R, P. Letcher, J. J. Crittenden. 

Governor. 

(W. C. Rives to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Castle Hill, March 9, 1846. 
My dear Sir, — I have seen with the greatest pleasure the lofty 
and courageous patriotism with which, in the spirit of peace, you 
have not feared to treat the question of Oregon from the moment 
of its warlike introduction by Colonel Polk. Your last speech on 
the subject has just reached us. I should do great violence to 
my feelings if I were not to tell you with what sincere gratifica- 
tion I have read it. Your bold declaration for peace, as the 
highest interest of the nation, will find a hearty response in the 
bosoms of nineteen-twentieths of the people. I can hardly con- 
ceive of such a hallucination as seems to have come over the 
dreams of some of our "grave and reverend seigniors," who, by 
their daily harangues, are seeking to prepare the hearts of the 
people, as they tell us, for war. One would suppose that when 
things had come to such an extremity as can alone justify the 
ultima ratio, the hearts of a brave and intelligent people would 
require no preparing for war by tJie arts oi oratory. What is to 
become of all this singular and complex manoeuvring of our 
modern Machiavel at the head of the government? It seems 
to me hard to foresee. But that they have gotten themselves 
into a narrow defile, between warring sections of their own party, 
with the solid i)halanx of the public judgment arrayed against 
them, — a position from which no art can rescue them, retreat 
or advance being alike impossible or fatal, — admits, I think, of 
no question. Foreseeing that our friends in the Senate, from 
their high official i)osition, would naturally feel themselves re- 
strained in the expression of any unfavorable jiidguient on our 



DISCUSSION WITH SENATOR ALLEN. 237 

boasted title to the whole of Oregon, I thought I would venture 
to say a word or two to suggest for consideration some doubts 
respecting the infallibility of our friend Buchanan's dialectics 
upon the old Spanish title. This question of right, by-the-by, 
though a very delicate one to discuss, lies at the bottom of the 
whole subject with the people. If they can believe our right 
clear, they will maintain it all hazards. I am not surprised that 
Mr. Polk is beginning to realize, at the hands of his own party, 
some of the consequences of his folly and duplicity in attempting 
to combine the braggadocio of speculation with the intended 
surrender of national claims. I hope you will so manage the 
subject in the Senate as to leave him exposed to all the incon- 
veniences of his own position, while you do everything that is 
practicable to preserve the peace of the country. At all times, 
and very truly and faithfully 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. W. C. Rives. 

In the Senate, on the lOth of April, 1846, Senator Allen, of 
Ohio, chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations, made a 
violent speech on the "subject of an amendment he had offered 
to a resolution of Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, on "giving notice 
to Great Britain." Mr. Allen lectured the Senate for not having 
passed the House resolutions, thought they should have yielded 
to the moral influence of the almost unanimous vote of the 
House ; he charged the Senate with forgetting the interests of 
the country, and their own dignity, etc, 

Mr. Crittenden's reply was masterly. The speech will be 
published entire in another volume, but I will give some ex- 
tracts from it now, and also some letters, in relation to it, 
received at that time by him. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I cannot suffer such imputations against the 
character and action of the Senate to pass unnoticed. What is 
the honorable gentleman's commission ? Who authorizes him 
to assume here the air and tone of pre-eminence which so 
strongly marks his language when addressing the Senate? 
"Upon what meat doth this our Caesar feed, that he hath grown 
so great?" Is it this petty office of chairman of the committee 
which warrants him in putting on these airs of authority, in 
assuming this predominance, and lecturing us as to our official 
duty? The Senate has just adopted a resolution, proposed to 
it by the senator from Maryland, Mr. Johnson, and t'nc gentle- 
man from Ohio characterizes it as a miserable, feeble, [tattering, 



238 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

contracted, abject resolution. Let me tell the gentleman he 
does not know this body, or the material of which it is com- 
posed. There is another and more difficult lesson, which, I 
fear, the senator has got to learn, that is, to know himself. I 
can tell the senator that the majority of the Senate and the 
humble individual who now addresses it, are as little moved by 
the dread of any responsibility, except that of doing WTong, as 
even the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. If 
the force of the gentleman's argument was to be measured by 
the extent and vigor of his manipulations, it would indeed be 
difficult to answer him. I will not stand here to be rebuked, 
or to hear the Senate schooled or called to account by any such 
authority. The gentleman undertakes to make himself the ad- 
vocate and defender of the House of Representatives. Who or 
what is the House of Representatives of the United States, 
that it stands in need of such an advocate? 

The gentleman's advocacy of one of the Houses of Congress 
is equally an act of supererogation (shall I say of assumption?) 
with his rebuke of the other. The gentleman tells us of the 
majority by which a certain resolution has passed another body, 
and brings that as an argument to goyern and control us in 
our independent action. When before did any member of this 
body tell us we were to be controlled by such majorities? The 
gentleman informs us the " President will hide behind no bush." 
What does he mean ? Is his remark of that innocent kind of 
rhetoric which means nothing ? He calls upon us for tina- 
nimity. Was the like ever heard? A gentleman in a small 
minority calling upon us continually for unanimity! Could 
the gentleman's comprehensive ingenuity point out no other 
mode of arriving at unanimity? Suppose the gentleman should 
pack up, with all his dignities of chairman of the committee, 
and go over to the majority? That would be some approach 
to unanimity; but no, we must come to him as the great 
standard-bearer, beneath whose banner alone all national una- 
nimity is to be found. Really, sir, I had supposed it to be 
possible that a man might have as much patriotism and as 
much bravery as even the senator himself, and not rally under 
that standard. The gentleman seems to think he has an unan- 
swerable claim to invoke our unanimity because, as he tells us, 
for many long years he himself on a great public measure 
stood solitary and alone. He was then, I imagine, not quite so 
ardent in favor of unanimity. Rut mark it, sir, such was the 
effect, such the influence of that magnanimous example, that 
now the Senate and all mankind have come to rally round the 
gentleman from Ohio. True, he says it took five years to 
accomplish this. Now, sir, will not the gentleman have mag- 



LETTER FROM B. W. LEIGH. 239 

nanimity enough to allow us five years to resign our principles 
and convictions, and adopt his,— or does he demand instant 
submission, and is this his new doctrine of unanimity? The 
gentleman now tells us that he will vote against all resolutions ; 
as we have not adopted his amendment, he goes against the 
whole. Well, sir, be it so ; the gentleman's course may be a 
cause of great regret, he may consult his personal dignity by 
standing alone another five years and waiting in solitary gran- 
deur till the Senate and House shall congregate around him— 
Achilles in his tent! Yes, sir, Achilles in his tent! I recom- 
mend the lesson to which I once before referred, " Knozv thy- 
self" It is the wisest lesson any man can learn. Mr. Presi- 
dent, I have no pleasure in this sort of animadversion, but I 
cannot and will not sit here and allow such language and see 
such airs of superiority and arrogance without making a reply. 

(B. W. Leigh to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Richmond, April 13, 1846. 
My dear Sir, — I am obliged to you for your letter of the 
1 0th. I shall take care that its contents shall be made known 
to Mr. R. C. Wickham, whom I am sure they will highly 
gratify. I have seen the account in the newspapers of Mr. 
Webster's invective against Mr. Ingersoll, and of the course 
which Mr. Ingersoll has thought proper to take in consequence 
of it, or rather to revenge it, and the conduct of both has given 
me great pain, and that of the latter unspeakable surprise. I 
lament Mr. W.'s remarks, because they appear to me unsuitable 
to the dignity of Mr. W. and to that of the Senate, and alto- 
gether unnecessary to his own vindication, calculated to lower 
him and the Senate too in the opinion of the world, especially 
of the European world, where they will no doubt be reported. 
Not fit to be employed by such a man as Mr. W. against so 
weak an assault as Mr. I.'s really was. Why could not Mr. 
W., considering the charge against himself as repeated by Mr. 
Dickinson, on the authority of Mr. Ingersoll, have contented 
himself with saying, that on whose authority soever the charge 
was made, the facts on which it were grounded were a mere 
fabrication ? I do not think the coarse abuse he heaps on the 
fabrication tends in the slightest degree to strengthen his vindi- 
cation, and surely the floor of the Senate is not the proper place 
for the indulgence of such a temper as dictated Mr. W.'s 
remarks. I can only account for them upon the supposition 
that Mr. W. was informed of imputations made upon him by 
Mr. I. in conversation, similar to those he has since made in 
the House of Representatives. But what is to be thought of 
Mr. I.'s retaliation ? To gratify his revenge, he goes to the 



240 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Secretary's office, inspects the papers relative to the application 
of the secret service fund, finds, as he thinks, matter to impeach 
the integrity of a former Secretary of State, and calls for the 
exhibition of the evidence. Mr. W.'s friends could not object 
without giving color to this charge; yet I am utterly amazed 
that his enemies in the House should consent to this call, that 
they should require an account of the expenditure of money 
which they appropriated for the very purpose of being ex- 
pended without any account of the purposes to which it was 
applied. There is no longer a secret service fund ! The call 
which has been made amounts in effect to this, and nothing 
more or less. Can the House think that it has a right to object 
to an improvident or even a wasteful use of the secret service 
fund, assuming that there has been such an expenditure, and 
that the present Secretary or the President of the party in 
power may use their offices to attack a former administration, 
or that there ought to be no such thing as a secret service fund? 
I dare say I think as ill of the late President Tyler as any 
reasonable man ought to think, but I should as soon suspect 
him of robbing a church of the plate belonging to its altars, as 
of embezzling or of being party to a corrupt use of the secret 
service fund. I do not suspect that there is the least possibility 
of truth in Mr. Ingersoll's charges; and that the House should 
lend its aid to the gratification of his revenge, so far as it has 
done in making this call, seems to me to justify the apprehen- 
sion that it will go the length of giving its sanction to these 
monstrous charges. I fear Mr. W. is in great danger; he must 
depend upon the judgment of a furious and reckless party for 
acquittal from an accusation which assails his integrity and his 
honor as a man and a statesman. I infer from Mr. Ingersoll's 
speech that he has had the inspection of the papers in the 
Secretary's office relating to the expenditure of the secret 
service fund. Has Mr. Buchanan opened them to his inspec- 
tion? If he has, what is to be thought of Mr. B. ? Has he 
done so with the privity and by consent of the President? If 
so, what is to be thought of Mr. Polk ? I cannot conceive of a 
greater crime ! I wish you would tell me hozv the points are. 
I shall, for the country's sake, be rejoiced to see that he has 
got his information without the aid or connivance of the execu- 
tive officers. I am grieved to see the resolution offered by Mr. 
Ingersoll to the Senate. His object is to get the means of 
defending the innocent. The end docs not justify the means. 

Your friend, 

B. W. Leigh. 



CHAPTER XIX. 
1846. 

President's Message — Mexican War — Letters of Crittenden, Letcher, Scott, A, 
Butler — Duties on Imports — Bill for an Independent Constitutional Sub- 
treasury — Letter from General Scott to W. L. Marcy — The Secretary's Reply — 
Letter of General Taylor to Mr. Crittenden, written at Camargo, September 15, 
1846 — General Scott to Mr. Crittenden — General Scott to General Taylor. 

ON the 1 2th of May, 1 846, a message was received from the 
President on the subject of the Mexican war. Mr. Crit- 
tenden asked on what order General Taylor had acted in taking 
up his position on the left bank of the Rio Grande, and the 
clerk read an order, addressed to General Taylor, from the War 
Department, dated January 30, 1846. Mr. Crittenden said he 
was glad to see what he had before apprehended, that General 
Taylor acted under the authority of the government ; he was 
an officer of great discretion and had full authority for what he 
had done; he regretted the events communicated by the Presi- 
dent's message ; he thought it was our duty to extend sympathy, 
comfort, and friendship to South America and Mexico in their 
struggles for liberty. In place of that, we had entered into war 
with one of those republics, our nearest neighbor ; he depre- 
cated it the more as the republic was feeble and impotent, her 
strength consumed by anarchy and revolution. The war being 
entered upon, however, defense was now a duty ; that being 
done, it was our duty to find out zulio had brought about this 
most extraordinary state of things, who is responsible for the 
hostilities commenced, for the American bloodshed. The blood 
of the brave is not to be wantonly shed. Mr. Crittenden thought 
it our duty to settle our differences as soon as possible ; we were 
so much mightier than they, that our condescension would be 
noble. This subject was worthy of a special mission. It would, 
indeed, be a great embassy. Take Henry Clay, Martin Van 
VOL. I. — 16 ( 241 ) 



242 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Burcn, the senators from South Carohna and Missouri, — one, 
two, three, or all of them, — and he believed they would make a 
just and honorable peace. By taking this position on the left 
bank of the Rio Grande, we had done all that could be done to 
wound the national pride of Mexico; we should try healing 
measures to remedy this state of things. 

Mr. Crittenden did not think the emergency so great as some 
senators supposed ; he had unbounded confidence in the officer 
commanding on the Rio Grande ; believed that in forty-eight 
hours after the date of the last advices, it would be found that 
General Taylor had whipped the Mexicans, driven them across 
the river, and was in possession of the town of Matamoras. Mr. 
Crittenden said he would be glad to send a minister plenipoten- 
tiary along with the general, and hold out the offer of peace with 
every blow. On the fifth of June, it was stated that General Tay- 
lor had been enabled to meet and conquer the enemy, by being 
reinforced by troops called out by General Gaines. Mr. Critten- 
den rose, and said : 

I deny this ! Honor to whom honor is due. The brave 
little army under General Taylor deserves and shall have 
all the honor. Our glorious little army has won the glory 
and should enjoy it. It has been said that General Taylor 
was once in imminent danger of being attacked and dcstroycdhY 
those terrible enemies, the Mexicans. I never believed he was 
in the least danger ; I know the man ; I was assured that, when- 
ever General Taylor thought it necessary, he would drive the 
enemy across the Rio Grande, whip them, and take Matamoras. 
With regard to the insinuation made by Mr. Sevier, that Gen- 
eral Scott had shunned the field of danger by idling his time 
away from the post to which his country called him, Mr. Crit- 
tenden denied that there was the slightest foundation for such 
charges. No ! a braver soldier never met an enemy than Gen- 
eral Scott ; he was no idler, never shunned danger. How could 
he have reached the scene of war ? He was not ordered there ; 
he was com[)clled to wait for orders. Should he have rushed 
to the battle-field without law or orders ? No, sir ; he has given 
every evidence that he was willing to serve his country in 
any place which the government might assign him. I make 
no comparison between these brave soldiers ; they are patri- 
otic, brave, and tried. As for honors, for public thanks, what 
has not General Scott received for his long-tried services ? 
Justice and patriotism, under the laws of the country, ever char- 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 



243 



acterized his conduct. During these investigations, let us not 
forget that we live under a government of law and a Constitu- 
tion. It has been said that the laws and Constitution are some- 
times silent, or asleep. No ! no ! The Constitution never sleeps ; 
it is dead when it sleeps ; it is awake, day and night, and so may- 
it be forever. 

The following letters will explain the state of affairs at that 

time between the administration, General Scott, and General 

Taylor : 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, May 31, 1846. 
Dear Letcher, — I received to-day your letter and Combs's 
of the 26th inst. I have just written to him, and am deter- 
mined to oblige you with a very short epistle. Combs's destiny 
is evidently to be a general, though circumstances seem to strug- 
gle hard against it. His destiny must bear him through, and 
we shall yet hail him as a " military chieftain." I hope you did 
not fail to give him the "drink and the comfort "you promised. 
Indeed, it is a right hard case to exclude from this volunteer 
service all who aspire to any command above that of a regi- 
ment. Such persons are generally the most influential in rais- 
ing forces, and their exclusion must tend to diminish the activity 
and zeal of the higher grades of our militia officers. I do not 
like it. It in effect takes from the States, or renders nugatory, 
their militia powers, and it is natural enough that the instincts 
of an old Kentuckian should be roused to some indignation ; 
but still I don't approve of swearing, and especially swearing 
at Mr. Polk. I have not seen Scott since he read your letter. 
If he goes to the wars, I shall urge him to go by Frankfort ; 
but he has lately been in a " sea of troubles" here with the ad- 
ministration, and, though it has calmed down, I do not think 
the waves have altogether subsided. Scott got into some nice 
questions with them, — wrote a hot letter, and was answered in 
kind, and told he was not to go to the Rio Grande. They have 
been since mending up matters ; but I suppose he will not be 
permitted to go, though it is not yet, I understand, absolutely 
settled and certain. Singleton's will case was to have been 
tried again this spring. VVolley promised to inform me of the 
result. Can you not give me the information ? 

Yours, etc., 

J, J. Crittenden. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Thursday, June 4, 1846. 

My dear Crittenden, — When the supplemental bill to the 
volunteer act of May 13, 1846, shall be disposed of, it is prob- 



244 ^^^^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

able that Congress will take up one of the joint resolutions, 
that of the Senate, No. 26, or the one passed by the House, 
No. 34, presenting thanks to General Taylor. The second sec- 
tion of the Senate's resolution proposes a sword to be presented 
to the gallant and distinguished Taylor ; that of the House is 
silent as to this or any other similar honor. Permit me to 
suggest that in all cases of thanks heretofore a gold medal (the 
highest honor) has been given tQ the commander of the army. 
Swords of honor are usually given to inferior officers under his 
command. In respect to the glorious victories of the 8th and 
9th ultimo and the admirable defense of Fort Brown, I humbly 
suetrcst that a sword be given to the nearest male relative of 
each officer who fell on those occasions, or who may die of any 
wound there received. General Taylor has already been most 
justly rewarded, in part, with the brevet of major-general. It 
is probable that on the receipt of his detailed report of those 
victories, promised in his dispatches of May 9th, the President 
will be pleased to nominate other distinguished officers in the 
same victories for additional rank by brevet. Pardon this 
intrusion hastily made. 

With great respect and esteem, yours truly, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(General Scott to Hon. R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, June 5, 1846. 
My dear Friend, — It is always impossible to write a short 
letter to a friend, hence it has been impossible to write to you 
at all. Since about the 17th of May, including candle-light, I 
have averaged at my office table more than eleven hours a day 
amidst every sort of vexation, nay persecution, that you can 
imagine. On receiving the news of the passage of the Rio 
Grande by the Mexicans (the capture of Thornton's squadron), 
and when it was supposed Taylor's tivo positions were in great 
peril, the executive, as you may suppose, was in great alarm. 
Then it was (May the 14th) that I was told I should be sent 
with some twenty odd thousand twelve months' volunteers and 
a few additional regulars to reinforce Taylor and to conquer a 
peace in the heart of Mexico. The volunteers had just been 
authorized. I was needed here to make a thousand arrange- 
ments with the Secretary of War and the chiefs of the general 
staff, which could be made nowhere else and by nobody but the 
commander in constant contact with those persons, to distribute, 
to apportion, to settle rendezvous and routes, to regulate sup- 
plies of arms, ammunition, accoutrements, subsistence, medi- 
cines, means of transportation, camp equipage, and to raise the 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 245 

troops, have them properly organized, put in motion at the 
right time, and put upon the right points, etc. These objects 
necessarily occupied me here till about the 30th of May, 
being much of the time engaged 4n doing besides all the criti- 
cal work of the Secretary ivith my otvn pen. It was my inten- 
tion then, about the 30th of May, to have left this place, in 
order to see that all was in a train of rapid execution. I should 
have passed down the Ohio and the Mississippi, to see with my 
own eyes, or assure myself by correspondence, that all was 
going on rapidly and well, keeping a little ahead of the troops 
to change- routes, destinations, etc., and finally arriving on the 
Rio Grande with such a cloud of reinforcements as would have 
insured the conquest of peace, perhaps this side of the city of 
Mexico, and have saved the honor and pride of (as I called him, 
even before his victories) the gallant and judicious Taylor. 
Tills, as I told all here (officially) from the first, could only be 
done by a cloud of reinforcements ; I added, three days before I 
heard of any success, nay, when all nearly but myself believed 
his army in the utmost peril, that I should esteem myself the 
unhappy instrument of wounding the just pride of the gallant 
Taylor, who had done luell ^^nd was understood to be doing zvell, 
if ordered to supersede him, except as above. In the mean 
time whilst so employed,- day and night, about the i6th of May, 
as soon as it was known that I was to be sent to Mexico, 
Democratic members of Congress began to wait upon the 
President to remonstrate against me, on the ground — as is well 
known — that if I were sent I would certainly succeed, and 
that with success I would as certainly prostrate the Democratic 
party in 1848, and perhaps forever! The President is also 
known to Jiave been embarrassed by these remonstrances, and 
to have faltered and apologized for having thought of me in 
the moments of alarm. -It became necessary to devise means to 
supersede me. Tzuo were resorted to about the same time, say 
May iQtli and 20th. First, the Secretary of War, without con- 
sulting me, stole into the Senate's Military Committee (the 19th), 
in the absence o{ CnXXQndQn, the only Whig of tlie five. He took 
with him a popular bill I had drawn for the better organization 
of the twelve months' volunteers. With the four Democrats of 
that committee he prefixed the first section, authorizing the 
President to add tivo major-generals and four brigadier-gen- 
erals to the regular military establishment. One of each grade 
was designed to supersede me and Wool (who was here) in the 
command of troops against Mexico. It was avowed that all 
of these generals were to be Democrats. Seeing the bill in 
print the morning of the 20th, and knowing already of the 
Democratic clamors against me, " I smelt the rat,'' and immedi- 



246 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

atcly told the Secretary that I saw the double trick ; first, to 
supersede me, and at the end of the war, say in six or eight or 
twelve months, disband every general who would not place 
Democracy above God's country. The same evening, having 
constant work, as above, and with the Secretary, I was lectured 
b)- him, or rather he coviuioiccd a lecture (no created man shall 
lecture me with impunity, except as a friend) about my em- 
ployments here (one-third on his own peculiar work), instead 
of being off, "without waiting for reinforcements, to the Rio 
Grande and to supersede Taylor." He muttered something 
about impatience in the public mind (Democratic leaders were 
his public). His objects were evident, — the objects of those 
whom he diffidently attempted to represent in the lecture. To 
damn me with the army, and the just men out of it, for super- 
seding Taylor z^'ithont irinfcnrcnients. To damn me, when, on 
the Rio Grande, for inactivity, while waiting for two-thirds of 
the new army, probably eight hundred miles in my rear. To 
damn me, more certainly even with twenty odd thousand nezu 
troops, on account of unavoidable inactivity during the rainy 
season, beginning in June and terminating in September, months 
in which we all then believed, and still believe, it is impossible 
to carry on military operations to any advantage much beyond 
the Rio Grande; and, failing to drive me upon utter ruin, as 
above, he hoped to establish a quarrel with me, and to damn 
me for not going against the clamors of Democrats. Governor 
Marcy had not the spirit (he is not a bad man, but is deficient 
in candor and nen-e) to say, General Scott is here executing in- 
dispensable preliminary arrangements, including much of my 
own peculiar work, which I could not do without his help ; he 
as yet, though designated for Mexico, has received no orders 
to go. At the proper time I shall give him orders in the name 
of the President, when he will be oK fast enougJi. Remember 
this was the state of things on the evening of the 20th of May, 
and that we did not hear of any success of Taylor till the even- 
ing of the 23d. His dispatches were received forty-eight 
hours later. Feeling that I was in the toils, and if not a 5c?;;/- 
son, that I was a man, and a stronger man than any of my en- 
trappers, I fiung, the next day, the 21st, a letter into the teeth 
of the poor Secretary (the mere tool in the hands of party), 
my employments and what had been my purposes, but in com- 
miseration I suppressed the work I had done and had yet to do 
for him. I took care, however, that he should see and feel that 
I knew all their machinations. Suffice it to say, whilst I have 
conlinued to avow my reatliness to go with the reinforcements 
necessary for the work to be done and to save the honor and 
pride of Taylor, I was told, May 25th, that I would not be sent 



LETTER FROM A. BUTLER. 247 

to Mexico, but would remain in my office here. The glorious 
victories of Taylor, his brevet, his assignment to the com- 
mand as major-general according to that brevet (which / 
contrived to effect), make it noiu impossible for any new 
major-general to command him. Such has been the glorious 
development of public feeling in his behalf that he may proba- 
bly be the one new major-general to be added to the establish- 
ment. Even if not so, that enthusiasm will secure him in the 
continued chief command of the army against Mexico. The 
correspondence has been, and continues to be, grossly misre- 
presented by the Democrats here, and their newspapers else- 
where. Two members of the House have threatened to call 
for it ; one of them was in the War Department a few days 
since, no doubt to consult with the Secretary on the subject. 
He was probably told that he would catch a Tartar. I have 
begged that no friend of mine would originate a call, but that 
all might join if the move came from the other side. The 
Democrats dare not call. Please keep me out of the newspa- 
pers. I write in great haste. You will see that I cannot take 
the friend of our friend Crittenden to Mexico. I have no 
power to help anybody in any manner here. 

Always yours, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 
Hon. R. P. Letcher. 

(A. Butler to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Baltimore, June 15, 1846. 
My dear Sir, — I am apprehensive that General Scott has 
committed political suicide. The correspondence recently pub- 
lished was read to me during the day I spent with him. It was 
too late to arrest the mischief, the letters having already passed, 
or I would have advised striking out certain passages in his let- 
ters to the Secretary of War. His views as a military man are 
correct in relation to the period of commencing the campaign 
as well as his objections to taking the command out of the 
hands of General Taylor until the force on the frontier was 
augmented; and if this alone had been done, omitting the soup 
portion of the letter and the simultaneous fire against his front 
and rear, and the use of the phrase ''persons in high places," his 
letter would have been iinobjectionable. As it is, public opinion 
sets against him very strong, and, worse than all, he is unmer- 
cifully ridiculed. I think it is Lord Chesterfield who cautions 
his son against a " nickname!' And now to the principal object 
of my present communication. On the subject of the next 
presidential election, the opinion uniformly expressed to me at 
Washington has been that you, John J. Crittenden, stand fairer 



24S LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

as a candidate, with better prospects of success, than any other 
man of the Whi<^ party. I quote to you the remark of the late 
Mr. Lowndes. In reply to an application to know whether he 
would be a candidate for President, he replied " that the Presi- 
dency of the United States was an office that should be neither 
sought nor declined," and I commend the sentiment to your 
consideration. Be silent, and leave your friends to pursue their 
course; that is, in no wise indicate a reluctance to being nomi- 
nated. Your merits, talents, and services commend you strongly, 
and, in addition, your uniform amenity of character and gen- 
eral courtesy has earned you friends and secured you a support 
among members of the other party which I will undertake to 
say no other Whig possesses. 

Your friend, 

Anthony Butler. 

On the loth of July, 1846, a bill to reduce the duties on im- 
ports was under discussion. Mr. Crittenden opposed the whole 
measure and every part of it ; was opposed to any decrease of 
the revenue when the utmost amount that could be obtained 
was required by the government. If the gentlemen on the 
other side were determined to pull down this great fabric by 
which American industry was fostered, they had no doubt the 
strength to do so. Samson pulled down the temple of the 
Philistines, and the result would be the same to them as it had 
been to Samson. He was opposed to all amendments ; did 
not want to befriend the bill by making it a little better; was 
for bringing it at once to judgment with all its sins upon its 
head ; wished it to receive that condign doom which it so richly 
merited. Mr. Crittenden thought such a state as the country 
now exhibited was never seen before. The administration had 
made a war that they might get back a peace after getting 
the country into a war which required all its resources ; they 
reduce the duties to increase the revenue ; they had been dig- 
ging vaults and cellars and putting on locks and bars to keep 
the hard cash of the country, and now they were passing a bill 
to issue floods of paper money. Gentlemen were working dili- 
gently to fulfill the decrees of the Baltimore Convention. All 
these questions about free trade and sub-treasury and Oregon, 
etc., were but so many cmpt\- barrels set afloat on th'e stream 
of the late presidential election ; they had answered their pur- 
pose, and ought now to be overboard. 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 249 

As for the sub-treasury, he thought thatwzs, overboard. On 
the 1st of August, a bill for an "independent constitutional 
sub-treasury" was before the Senate. Mr. Crittenden declared 
it was an old acquaintance in the Senate. He thought if any 
measure had been ever rejected by the American people, it was 
this sub-treasury scheme. He wanted the old name retained, 
that the people might know it was the same thing forced upon 
them once before, which they quickly broke to fragments. The 
object of the bill in ''cabalistic phraseology'' was to divorce the 
government from the banks ; its true object was to divorce the' 
people from their government. This was tried once, and the 
people did not bear it well. If the gentlemen choose to dare 
their fate a second time,— well, be it so ; let them take the con- 
sequences. Political life was not apt to make saints, but it has 
made many prophets, and the consequences of this measure 
might be safely predicted. We have authorized the govern- 
ment to issue twelve millions in treasury notes. 77/^7 will help 
to augment the deposits in the treasury. There will probably 
be ten or twelve millions locked up in the sub-treasury. There 
may be more ; but this is an old subject, — the bill must pass. 
There must be an ripper as well as a nether millstone, or there 
will be no grinding. We have the tariff— we must have the 
sub-treasury. All we can do is to give the people warning. 
The people must decide whether the divorce of the people from 
the government shall or shall not be answered by a divorce of 
the government from the people. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

West Point, September 17, 1846. 
My dear Sir, — I send, to be read by you or any other dis- 
creet friend, copies of two notes. The Secretary's reply is 
vulgar and cold-blooded. Although I have not had a line from 
General Taylor himself, I have learned within a few days, 
through many channels, that he has all along expected and 
desired my presence ; hence my renewed application. Being 
able to state his wishes, I scarcely doubted but that I would 
receive a favorable reply. But there is a project on foot, I 
suspect, at Washington, to withdraw Taylor and leave Butler 
in command. (See the ^;//^;/ of the 14th.) Of course General 
Butler is incapable of any machinations of that sort. The object 
of the party is to build him up to run for the Presidency, or 



250 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

second to Silas Wright. I came here with chills and fevers, 
but am nearly well again. Shall be absent from Washington, 
ill all, nearly twelve days. We shall have you back again. 

I am yours faithfully, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

(General Winfield Scott to Secretary W. L. Marcy.) 

Headquarters of the Army, West Point, 
September 12, 1846. 

Sir, — In the letter I had the honor to address to you the 
27th of May last, I requested that I might be sent to take the 
immediate command of the principal army against Mexico, 
either to-day or at any better time the President may be pleased 
to designate. The horse regiments (twelve months' volunteers, 
destined for that army, being, I suppose, now within fifteen or 
twent)' marches of the Rio Grande, and the season for consecu- 
tive operations at hand, I respectfully ask to remind the Presi- 
dent of that standing request. I do this without any hesitation 
in respect to Major-General Taylor, having reason to believe 
that my presence at the head of the principal army in the field 
(in accordance with my rank), is neither unexpected nor unde- 
sired by that gallant and distinguished commander. A slight 
return of chills and fevers may detain me here with my family 
long enough to receive your reply. Should the President yield 
to my wishes, a few hours in New York and Philadelphia would 
enable me to make certain arrangements, and save the necessity 
of a return to those cities from Washington. I suppose it would 
be easy for me to reach the Rio Grande by the end of this 
month. 

With high respect, I have the honor to be, 

your obedient servant, 

Hon. Wm. L. Marcy, Winfield Scott. 

Secretary of War. 

(Secretary Marcy to General Winfield Scott.) 

War Department, Washington, 
September 14, 1846. 

Sir, — I have received your letter of the 12th instant, and 
submitted it to the President. He requests me to inform you 
that it is not within the arrangements for conducting the cam- 
paign in Mexico to supersede General Taylor in his present 
command by assigning you to it. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

W. L. Marcy, Secretary of War. 
Major-General Winfield Scott. 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 25 1 

(General Taylor to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Headquarters of Army of Occupation or Invasion, Camargo, 

September 15, 1846. 

My dear Sir, — Your very kind and interesting letter of the 
5th of June was duly received. The complimentary, and, I 
fear, too flattering manner in which you have been pleased to 
notice my services in this quarter has created feelings of no 
ordinary character, which are heartily appreciated but are diffi- 
cult to describe, but for all of which I can truly say I am not 
ungrateful, and which are doubly gratifying to me coming as 
they do from one who holds, and has done so for such a length 
of time, so large a space in my friendship and esteem as your- 
self From certain editorial remarks in the Union, as well as 
extracts of speeches made in the Houses of Congress, I must 
say I was not a little surprised at the course matters and things 
were assuming at Washington by those in power towards me, 
when it was supposed I was in great peril, from which, had I 
not succeeded in extricating myself, the administration and its 
friends were prepared to throw the whole responsibility on me. 
Mr. Sevier and the editors of the government paper, judging 
from what they stated (the first in the Senate, the latter in their 
paper), stood ready not only to deny, but had made up their 
minds to have sworn on the Holy Bible, had the executive re- 
quired it, that I had received no order to take a position on the 
Rio Grande, before any court, civil or military, had I been ar- 
raigned before either to answer for doing so. 

The capture of Thornton and his command was owing to his 
too great contempt of the enemy, in addition to his neglecting 
to obey my orders, both verbal and written, for which I deemed 
it my duty to bring him before a general court-martial, the 
result of which is not yet known. The affair in question, I 
observed from the papers, caused the greatest apprehension and 
most disastrous forebodings throughout the country, as well as 
no little dismay among the officers of the command ; but I had 
no apprehension as to the final result, and continued, in a quiet 
way, to complete my arrangements, and with the blessing of 
Divine Providence and the discipline and courage of my com- 
mand, more than succeeded in all my plans and designs. 

The additional rank cpnferred on me by the President, in 
conjunction with the flattering and highly complimentary notices 
which have been taken, as well as communicated by several of 
the State legislatures, as well as by Congress, as regards my 
recent conduct and that of the army under my command, has 
been very far beyond what I expected or deserved, and however 
gratifying, I will not say it was less so in my case than it would 
have been in others under like circumstances; yet it was trifling 



252 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to what I felt when I saw and read the bold, fearless, and confi- 
dent statements (made by you in the Senate during the most 
gloomy period, as regarded my situation) expressing, in strong 
terms your confidence in my sustaining myself and the honor 
of the countr)-, adding obligations which I can ne\'er repay, but 
which cannot be obliterated or forgotten. The promotion con- 
ferred on me, both brevet and general, was unexpected and 
unsolicited, connected as they were with the management of 
this war. I would have declined could I have done so with 
propriety. But under the circumstances in which I was placed 
in being assigned to so honorable, at the same time responsible, 
a position, I did not feel at liberty to decline it; and although 
prospects of success were, and are still, gloomy, yet I deter- 
mined to go through one campaign, and to leave nothing in my 
power undone, which can be accomplished, to carry out the 
views and wishes of the executive in bringing about a speedy 
and honorable peace, at the same time with less prospect of 
advantage to the country, all things considered, as well as 
reputation to myself, than I could have w^ished. 

The last order of importance I had then received from Wash- 
ington was in February, while at Corpus Christi, dated in Jan- 
uary', which was to move forward to take and maintain a position 
on the left bank of the Rio Grande, but not to cross it unless 
Mexico made war on us. I was, therefore, not a little surprised 
when about the 25th of July I was informed I had been selected 
by the President to conduct the war against Mexico with the 
brevet rank of major-general, which had been conferred on me, 
accompanied by a plan of campaign, the number and description 
of the troops to be employed, as well as many other details; 
and although differing in many respects in regard to it, particu- 
larly as to the number of volunteers, as being greatly too large 
for the means of transportation which is and can be procured 
in the country to make them available, or can be brought to it 
in any reasonable time. The first wagon or wheel-carriage, in 
addition to the limited means previously here for the use of the 
troops who accompanied me from Corpus Christi, has not reached 
my headquarters up to the present moment. Notwithstanding I 
anticipated many serious difficulties, yet I did not feel at liberty 
to decline the trust in question; and although I may not equal 
the expectations of the country as regards my successful opera- 
tions against the enemy, I trust, however, my friends, at least, 
will give me credit for my zeal and exertions, which will be 
untiring, to put an end to the war. As soon as I found war was 
inevitable with Mexico, I made a requisition on the governors 
of Louisiana and Texas for a little upwards of five thousand men, 
to be brought into service for the longest time known to the laws 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 



253 



in like cases; of equal numbers from each of the States, — not, as 
I informed the War Department and Major-General Gaines, to 
aid me in defending our soil, but to enable me to cany the war 
into the enemy's country. Instead of the two thousand seven 
hundred asked from Louisiana, double that number was sent 
me, besides a regiment of near one thousand strong from St. 
Louis and about the same number from Alabama, half of which 
was authorized by General Gaines. This force, in addition to 
the Texas quota, was more than could be used to advantage in 
this quarter. They were called out for six months. Before 
these or a part of them could be removed from near the mouth 
of the Rio Grande, the twelve months' volunteers commenced 
arriving at Brazos Island, and have continued doing so from 
time to time, until, a few weeks since, they amounted to sixteen 
regiments and one battalion, averaging seven hundred men 
each, the landing of which and their baggage, and removing 
it and their supplies, some fifteen or twenty miles, to the 
banks of the Rio Grande, the first or nearest place where 
wood and water fit for use could be had, has occupied much 
the largest portion of transportation to remove them from 
their place of landing to their place of encampment. While 
this was doing, Mier, Rionosco, and this place were occupied 
by small commands of regular troops as fast as I had or could 
get the means of doing so. While this was going on, it was 
determined at Washington that the troops from Louisiana 
brought into service under my call could not be legally held 
to serve beyond three months, and those from that State, 
Missouri, and Alabama, mustered in by authority of General 
Gaines, were illegally in service, and that they should be all 
discharged, — the first at the end of three months, the latter 
immediately, unless they would agree to serve for twelve 
months or during the war. This they declined doing, and, of 
course, they were sent to New Orleans and discharged. The 
whole had been removed from Brazos Island to the Rio Grande, 
and four regiments above Matamoras, expecting to concentrate 
them here preparatory to amove into the interior of the enemy's' 
country. In this I was disappointed. The whole of the volun- 
teers were brought out and landed near three hundred miles 
from where there was a probability of finding an enemy at 
the foot, or perhaps the table-lands, of the Sierra Madre, with a 
wilderness intervening of near half the distance, without bring- 
ing with them the means of removing, by land or water, a barrel 
of pork or flour, as well as being deficient in many other arti- 
cles to render them comfortable and efficient. For want of the 
proper means to remove the men, a large portion of them are 
still occupying the first position taken on the Rio Grande, and 



254 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will continue to do so for some time to come. I do not men- 
tion those things either by way of complaining or despairing. 
Be the obstacles what they may, I expect to overcome them 
and march into the heart of the enemy's country in the way 
you recommend, and will not only take but will occupy some 
of their principal towns and provinces until a peace is concluded 
between the two countries, if we can get supplies, or we will 
find honorable graves. I have with great difficulty and labor 
succeeded in getting here, near four hundred miles by water, 
from its entrance into the Gulf, up one of the most difficult 
rivers to navigate by steam known to our people, a large supply 
of ordnance, ammunition, forage, etc., besides between three 
and four hundred thousand rations, with the proper arrange- 
ments for keeping up the necessary supplies of every kind. One 
hundred thousand rations have been thrown forward to Lesalto, 
about half way between this and Monterey, where I am locating 
another small depot, and expect to leave here in six days for 
Saltillo, two hundred and fifty miles distant, by the way of 
Monterey, with six thousand men, two thousand five hundred 
regulars, the balance volunteers, which is the largest number 
we can get transportation for, and that for the most part pack- 
mules hired from the people of the country, where, if I succeed 
in reaching it, I contemplate, if there are supplies to be had in 
the country (even corn and beef), to throw up a strong fortified 
work, which can be defended by a small force, to bring fonvard 
to that point the largest force which can be fed there ; after 
which I purpose to act as circumstances may seem to justify 
and warrant. On the contrary, if no adequate supplies are to 
be had at or near Saltillo, we must, as a matter of course, fall 
back within reach of our depot on the Rio Grande, concentrate 
at Brazos Island, and take Vera Cruz as soon as the season will 
permit, and march on the city of Mexico from that place. By 
referring to a map of Mexico, you will perceive Saltillo is a 
highly important position for concentrating a large force, which 
can be employed in cutting off all communication between sev- 
eral of the northern states and the capital, and where the ne- 
cessary arrangements can be made for marching on San Luis 
Potosi and other important cities. 

A revolution has recently taken place in Mexico. The prin- 
ciples on which it is based, or is to be carried out, are not fully 
known here. Some say the Federal party has come into power; 
others, that the people have put down the military ; but I presume 
the principal actors hardly know or have any fixed object in 
view other than that of getting into power. 

Certain it is, however, that Paredes has been put down, and 
is now, if he has not been murdered, in the hands of his oppo- 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 255 

nents, and that Santa Anna has been recalled. How all this 
is to affect our present relations with that country, time must 
determine ; but I trust the result will be favorable. 

No one respects General Scott more than myself, and it would 
have been gratifying to me had he been assigned to duty in this 
quarter, which I had not only wished but expected would have 
been the case, in which event I would have taken his orders 
with much pleasure and given him every support in my power. 

You must not, my dear sir, expect too much from me. You 
have but little idea of the difficulties I have had to contend 
with in consequence of so large a volunteer force having been 
thrown on my hands. The bad arrangements at Washington 
in addition to, if not a feeble quartermaster's department, an 
inexperienced one, and, instead of marching on Monterey, 
which I ought to have done more than two months since, I 
have been occupied, among other matters, in getting the volun- 
teers removed to and encamped at the most eligible positions 
in regard to health, which I considered to be my first duty, as 
many of them, poor fellows, will fall victims, do what I can to 
prevent it in this latitude. 

Let me assure you I have no political aspirations ; my whole 
thoughts and wishes are now occupied in bringing this war to 
a speedy and honorable close. Let this be accomplished, and 
I will be perfectly satisfied, whether in a cottage or parlor. No 
one can appreciate your views and opinions as regards military 
matters more than myself, or the course I ought to pursue, which 
coincides fully with my own. But circumstances, over which I 
had no control, have prevented me from attempting what I 
wished and would have done under a different state of things. 
I have given you, in my crude way, the situation of affairs 
past and present in this quarter, which I hope you will be able 
to understand. The future must speak for itself, and I hope it 
will not be without interest. I hope to be in possession of 
Monterey and Saltillo as soon as our legs can carry us there. 
The troops have commenced marching for those places, and 
will not, I hope, be halted for any length of time on the way 
by the enemy. Should we reach those places, I will write you 
from the latter, if my life is spared and I am able to do so. 

I have looked up the Hon. Mr. Pendleton's acquaintance, 
and find the ist Regiment U. S. Infantry in good health and 
spirits ; will see his company commander and know what can 
be done for him as soon as I have time to attend to such mat- 
ters. I am interrupted every five minutes while writing, so 
you must make great allowances for blunders and blotting, etc., 
and take the will for the deed, as it is all most kindly intended. 

Be pleased to remember me most kindly to your excellent 



256 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRFFTENDEN. 

lady and every member of your family with and near you, as 
well as wishing you and them continued health and prosperity. 
I remain your friend truly and sincerely, 

Z. Taylor. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, September 30, 1846. 
Dear Crittenden, — I send herewith a copy of my letter to 
General Taylor, written four days ago. I wish I could send 
copies to Corwin, Morehead, Archer, and Berrow. Perhaps you 
may take the trouble to send the paper to them, beginning with 
Morehead. Probably you may soon hear that Jessup is on 
his way to New Orleans ; he goes, not to take command, 
but to give a general superintendence to the business of the 
Quartermaster's Department at that city and on the frontier. 
The desire to supersede General Taylor with Patterson (which 
can only be done by recalling the seniors, Taylor and Butler), 
or with Butler, I know, through confidential private sources, 
still prevails. Taylor wishes very much to visit his family 
and property about the first of November. This fact I care- 
fully withhold, and beg you to do the like, as, if known, 
the wish of the executive and the party would be instantly 
carried out. I should not know that you had reached home 
alive but for a short account I have seen of the grand barbecue 
near Frankfort. I am too proud to complain of neglect. Archer 
repassed this way improved in health. I think I am pretty 
clear of Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart, — the little dogs and all, 
— who, since May, have been so eager to fly at my throat. And 
perhaps you might do well to imitate the example of that 
heathen who touched his Jiat to the fallen statue of Jupiter, 
saying, "Who knows but he may be replaced upon his pedestal." 
There's a taunt of vanity for you, and I add another, — 

" True as the dial to the sun. 
Although it he not shone upon." 

I remain ever yours truly, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

(General Scott to General Z. Taylor.) 

Washington, September 26, 1846. 
Mv DEAR General, — Having had within a month several 
returns of chills and fevers, I went North, the loth instant, to 
visit my family, and have returned nearly well. I find here 
your friendly letter of the 29th. Mine to you, of May i8th, 
required no anszver; but, under the persecutions I had to sustain, 
— in part the result of my confidence in, and respect for, you, — I 
certainly felt a little hurt that }'0u did not acknowledge, cr cause 
to be acknowledged, that communication. The fact that, with 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 257 

the knowledge and approbation of the Secretary of War, I had 
written and dispatched that letter, became, in the controversy 
with the department, of great importance to me ; hence my 
anxiety to have your acknowledgment, and hence the feeling 
that I had been neglected. Perhaps, under the persecutions 
alluded to, official and otherwise, I may have been too sensitive 
on the subject. Be this as it may, I never for a moment ceased to 
watch over your fame and interests with the liv^eliest solicitude, 
and I can assure you that even after hearing (May 23d) of your 
brilliant victories, that ivatcJifidiiess was not unnecessary. By 
the 1 2th, public opinion in your favor had become powerfully 
developed in all quarters of the Union, and hence the instructions 
you received of that date, which I was desired to draw up ; three or 
four days before it was still intended to supersede you and other 
old generals \\\^\ a batch o^ s\yi Democratic generals (see Colonel 
Benton's declaration in the Senate), which Mr. Marcy had asked 
for, May 19th. My first thought was to defeat the whole batch, 
if I could, leaving you iu command by means of your new brevet, 
and get you assigned to duty accordingly ; but, relying on the 
strength of public opinion, I was subsequently well pleased that 
the batch was reduced to one major-general and tzvo brigadiers. 
The first place could not then be withheld from you, and the 
second and tJurd, I hoped, from Worth and Harney. You have, 
however, since been in danger of being superseded, or recalled, 
in favor of Butler or Patterson. About the 7th, several leading 
Democrats waited upon the President, complained of your 
'" dilatoi'iness," of your intention to throw the regulars forward, 
and to keep the volunteers (the better troops) in the background, 
that Jones and myself were sending to you more troops than 
you needed (except to aid you in that policy), that it was neces- 
sary to build-up a reputation for Butler, in order to run him for the 
Presidency or the Vice-Presidency, etc. What reply the Presi- 
dent made to this I did not learn ; but that he himself, about 
the same time, had a wish to charge Patterson with the chief 
direction of the war in the field. I think I know with certainty, 
as well as the name of the individual (a Democrat) who defeated 
that wish for the time, on the ground that Patterson is a for- 
eigner by birth, and the necessity of withdrawing the tzi'o senior 
major-generals. Having some knowledge of these machina- 
tions, and hearing of your liberal sentiments towards me through 
private letters from Colonel Taylor, Majors Thomas and Bliss 
to their friends, I addressed a letter to the Secretary of War, 
a copy of which I herewith inclose, together with his reply. 
You will perceive that there is nothing in the reply that pre- 
cludes superseding you by placing Butler or Patterson in com- 
mand. It is due to these generals that I should add, as far as 

VOL. I. — 17 



258 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

I know or believe, both are entirely innocent of any participa- 
tion in tlicse machinations. My hope and confidence remain 
firm that you will (as heretofore) defeat your enemies, both in 
front and in rear. All that I can do to give you that double 
victory you may rely upon. Candor requires that I should say 
while laboring under a sense of neglect on your part, I men- 
tioned your silence, in a tone of complaint, to several common 
friends — all your admirers, — Crittenden, Morehead, Archer, and 
Corwin. Since I heard of your liberality towards me, about 
the 7th instant, I have written to these distinguished senators 
to do you justice. 

In haste, very truly your friend, 

To General Z. Taylor. Winfield Scott. 



CHAPTER XX. 
1846-1847. 

Letters of Baillie Peyton and General Scott — Bill in Senate for increased Pay of 
Soldiers and Volunteers — Letter of General Worth from Saltillo — Letter of G, 
B, Kinkead, and Crittenden's Reply. 

(Hon. Baillie Peyton to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Monterey, October 2, 1846. 

DEAR SIR, — This city capitulated on the 24th, after several 
days' hard fighting, and with the loss in killed and wounded 
on our side of five hundred men, among whom are some valu- 
able officers, both regulars and volunteers. General Worth has 
immortalized himself in storming this city. He was detached 
with the second division of the regular army and Col. Hays's 
regiment of riflemen for the purpose of taking the cit}-, occupy- 
ing the Saltillo road and operating against the outworks and 
town from the west side. His success was complete ; he per- 
formed a series of the most brilliant feats which will be classed 
with the brightest in our annals. Seven or eight battles won in 
the most splendid style, scaling heights, storming batteries, and 
forcing his way into the city, driving the enemy and his batteries 
before him in the streets. Worth's judicious conduct and noble 
and gallant bearing are the theme of universal applause. I 
had the honor of acting as one of his aids on the occasion, and 
no man could be near his person without becoming acquainted 
with the music of balls, with cannon, including grape, canister, 
and a whole orchestra of martial music. Now at some of the 
most emphatic of these notes viy horse was a " leetlc skittish;" 
but understand distinctly that I speak o^ viy horse, and no other 
member of the family. General Worth has been so kind as to 
notice me in the handsomest manner. To this distinction I 
assure you I have very little claim. He requests me to tender 
to you his warmest regards, and to say that you must and shall 
be the President of the United States ; that he has not fully 
made up his mind as to whether he will accept the office of 
Secretary of War, which he considers as tendered to him in ad- 
vance. This depends much on your improvement in one 
particular — that is, in dignity diwd distance ; he means to sustain 
all the pomp and circumstance of office himself, and cannot 
think of serving under a chief who is not up to the mark. 

(259) 



26o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

"Take him all in all," he is the high-combed cock of the army, 
head and shoulders above the crowd. 

I have written out, at some length, my views of the opera- 
tions under General Worth and sent them to New Orleans for 
publication. I was not altogether in favor of letting the Mexi- 
cans off so lightly; but when the thing was done by such men 
as Generals Taylor and Worth, I felt bound to sustain it. 

Very truly your friend, 

Baillie Peyton. 

Hon, J. J. Crittenden. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, October 19, 1846. 
De.-vr Crittenden, — I am afraid you will exclaim. What, 
is a recess to be no holiday to me ? for this is my third or fourth 
letter. Notwithstanding the three glorious days at Monterey, 
the terms of the capitulation came very near causing Taylor to 
be recalled ; his standing with the people alone saved him. 
Mr. Polk, Mr. Buchanan, and some others of influence out of 
the cabinet argued that Ampudia and his army were bagged; that 
they could not have held out a day, if three hours longer; that 
a surrender i\'i prisoners of war would have led to an early peace; 
that we have now to beat the same enemy again at the mount- 
ain pass (very difficult) between Rinconada and Los Muertos, 
thirty miles beyond Monterey, with such reinforcements as may 
arrive in the meantime from the interior; that Taylor (ignorant 
of our new proposition to treat having been rejected by the 
new Mexican government) was cheated into the abandonment 
of his first terms by the adroitness of Ampudia (and contrary 
to the instructions) to grant the armistice, etc. But, as I have 
said, notwithstanding the ardent desire to put Butler or Patter- 
son in command, \\\c fear oi Taylor's popularity prevailed, and 
the Union WAS instructed to praise him. Perhaps Butler's wound 
may have aided this result. I know that minute inquiries about 
that ivonnd were made of the bearer of dispatches, by two of 
the cabinet and Ritchie, who replied that Butler might not be 
able to resume the saddle in many weeks. Taylor's detailed 
report has not been received, and, indeed, nothing from him 
since 25th September; he makes \VortJi\\\c principal /icv-^; of the 
occasion, which gives a lively joy to everybod)-, }'et I fear he 
will not be breveted. I shall renew the application to that 
effect on the receipt of the detailed report. The armistice will 
be terminated by notice about the end of this month. No time 
will have been lost; for, under the impatience of the executive, 
the movement from the Rio Grande was premature. From the 
want of maturity in the arrangements, Taylor was forced to 



FAV TO SOLDIERS AND VOLUNTEERS. 26 1 

leave the great body of volunteers behind, and a respectable 
portion of the regulars. The Kentucky and Tennessee mounted 
resfiments could not have reached the Rio Grande before the 
lOth, perhaps the 15th. For the want of this important force, 
Taylor and Henderson had to prevail on the Texan horse to 
engage for a second term, notwithstanding the Secretary's orders 
to discharge all volunteers for a term less than a year. They 
thus obtained a mounted force of some fourteen hundred men, 
including three hundred and fifty regular cavalry. But the 
Texan horse had already, on the 25th, become impatient to re- 
turn home. The two regiments from Kentucky and Tennessee 
will be in time to replace them before the recommencement of 
hostilities. The cavalry will be of but little use in storming the 
difficult pass just beyond Monterey; but, in the plains beyond, 
they will be indispensable to protect our volunteer foot against 
the clouds of Mexican horse. Notwithstanding Santa Anna's 
fierce and unexpected letter, declining the dictatorship, I think 
we shall have peace before next summer. Two more victories 
at the pass of Rinconada and at Saltillo, with an evident capacity 
to continue the triumphant advance, will make him s:!c for 
peace, and sufficiently impress the nation to enable him to dare 
to accede to our terms, — the left bank of the Rio Grande and 
along the parallel of 2)^ from that river to the Pacific. / should 
be unwilling to claim an inch beyond these boundaries, but sup- 
pose the administration will be more extortionate in the case of 
continued successes. Friend Archer has written me two most 
abusive letters. He is angry with me (on old grounds) because 
I do not professedly and in fact think, speak, and act precisely 
as he directs. He crossed a / or dotted an / in your beautiful 
letter about the dissolution of the cabinet in 1841, and hence he 
always holds you up as a model oi successful docility. If I would 
only put myself exclusively under his government, he would be 
the best friend in the world. As it is, he is a valuable one, 
for whom I have a very sincere affection. I inclose you a copy 
of my reply to his two letters, half ]ocosq and half retaliatory. 
I deprecate his wrath, but I have also taken care to show him 
that he is not invulnerable. Show the copy to our friend 
Letcher, and please return it to me. 

Yours sincerely, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

In October a resolution was offered in the Senate to increase 
the pay of the soldiers, especially the volunteers, engaged in 
the Mexican war, and also to grant a certificate of merit to 
every private soldier who distinguished himself On this sub- 
ject Mr. Crittenden made the following remarks: 



263 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. President, I am not tenacious about the form of the reso- 
lution, but the substance is important. There were peculiar 
circumstances attending the .service of our troops in Mexico, 
which, in my judgment, in the judgment of the people gen- 
erally, render it proper that those troops should receive in- 
creased pay, especially the volunteers, who left their homes 
for the service with less experience of camp life and less ability 
to take care of themselves than the regular soldiers; they were 
entitled to receive an increased compensation. This resolu- 
tion, however, was made to embrace the regular soldiers of 
the army as well as the volunteers. It is well understood that, 
owing to the character of the service, their expenses have been 
greatly increased. The resolution does not specify the amount 
by which it is proposed to increase their pay, and I think it just 
that this point .should be left open to the judgment of the com- 
mittee. I insist, however, on the propriety of some amount of 
increase. 

The second branch of the resolution contains a provision 
which I am satisfied will meet with the cordial approbation of 
every one. Our officers who distinguish themselves receive an 
honorable reward for their services by brevet promotion ; but 
the soldier may toil and dig and fight valiantly and perform the 
most heroic deeds without the possibility of signalizing his 
humble name. The resolution proposes that the committee 
shall provide a means by which this defect shall be remedied, 
by granting a certificate of merit to each private soldier who 
has distinguished himself, and that such certificate should not 
be a mere empty honor, but the holder should, in consequence 
of it, be entitled to some additional pay, — something to remind 
his companions that his country had taken notice of his ser- 
vices, humble as they were. I confess, however, that I have a 
decided preference for the form of the resolution. This is not 
a new subject to me. I think the prompt and unhesitating 
adoption of the resolution in its present form would be the most 
complimentary and honorable testimony which the .Senate could 
bear to the army. I do not believe there is a nation in Europe 
which would not have honored with increased pay any army 
which had performed the same service. The British army in 
India had been very liberally rewarded for the services they 
rendered in achieving their recent victories over the Sikhs, and 
I believe a reward is usual in every victory won by the armies 
of the nations of Europe. Not only the privations to which 
the troops are exposed, not only the increased expenditure at- 
tending the soldier's life, but the meritorious and great services 
rendered justly claim an increase of compensation at the hands 
of the country. The resolution did not propose a permanent 



LETTER FROM GENERAL WORTH. 263 

increase, but an increase only during the continuance of the 
war. I hope there is no diversity of opinion. I am unwilling 
to make it a subject of inquiry. Inquiry implies hesitation — 
doubt. I think the troops have a right to expect decision. 
Their conduct has been decided ; so ought our sense of it to 
be. We should provide some consideration of honor as well 
as of emolument for the brave soldier who has hazarded his 
life equally with the officers for his country, though the eyes of 
the world rest upon the officers only. There is not an army in the 
world where a private soldier has not some hope of attaining a 
higher honor than in ours. That great soldier Napoleon made 
the star of the Legion of Honor to glitter on the breast of the 
humblest soldier as well as on that of the proudest marshal. 
This government can confer no such honor ; it is not consistent 
with the institutions of our country. All that we can give is a 
mere certificate of honorable merit, which the brave soldier can 
hand down to his children with pleasing and grateful recollec- 
tions. I am sorry that my friend from Florida takes such a 
view of the question ; I had hoped a ready support for this 
resolution from him. I am sorry that his sterling democracy 
is alarmed by the creation of what he supposes to be distinc- 
tions in this country contrary to its laws. I think if the gentle- 
man will reconsider the question, he will find no cause to fear 
lest this lead to a state of military despotism. The gentleman 
is willing to grant land to the soldiers or pay them out of the 
treasury, but not willing to give them any other kind or de- 
scription of reward — no such token of approbation as grateful 
countries usually bestow upon meritorious services. How much 
more acceptable to the heart of a soldier is some lively token of 
the appreciation of his country than the mere mercenary recom- 
pense ! I can find nothing in this proposition to justify the ter- 
rible apprehension of the gentleman. I regret that it is pro- 
posed to convert the question into a resolution of inquiry. No 
one has stopped to inquire whether our soldiers have taken 
Monterey or fought at Palo Alto or Resaca de la Palma. I 
hope the resolution will pass in its original form ; this will give 
it more weight and bring it home more pleasantly to those who 
are interested in it. 

(GeneralW. J. Worth to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Saltillo, Mexico, December 28, 1846. 

My dear Sir, — General Scott has written to me respecting 
your son. The young gentleman has not yet come within my 
reach. When he does, be assured I shall lay my hands upon 
him and look well to his interest. From present appearances, 
he may soon have chances to flesh his sword ; then I have no 



264 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

doubt his blood will show itself. The enemy is very strong, 
numerically, in our front and within a few marches; whether to 
come here or observe Taylor, who is moving upon Victoria on 
the left, and perhaps strike his flank, "cannot yet be divined." 
During his absence I am under command of Major-General But- 
ler. We have about five thousand men at and in supporting 
distance of this point, and quite indifferent what numbers they 
bring. The desert in front, ivitliont zuaicr, absolutely forbids a for- 
ward movement until the rainy season, which they say is not till 
June. They are operating on the WTong line, and from a base too 
remote. The inauguration of the President {ad interim) is highly 
belligerent, and his Minister of War smells of sulplutr ; but he 
of the finance says lie has not a dollar. After a display of he- 
roics, the President leaves it all to Congress — fifty- four forty or 
very like it. Shall we have peace? 

Faithfully yours, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. W, J. Worth. 

In the latter part of December, 1846, Colonel Alexander Bar- 
row, senator from Louisiana, died very suddenly in Baltimore. 
Several of his intimate friends in the Senate were summoned to 
his death-bed, Mr. Crittenden among the rest. Colonel Barrow 
and himself had been warm personal friends for many years. 

Both the colonel and his brother senators were aware of the 
immediate approach of death, and the final grasp of the hand 
and the sad words of farewell were very touching. With his last 
breath Colonel Barrow commended his two sons to his friends. 

The funeral services took place in Washington ; several ad- 
dresses were made and warm eulogies pronounced. Mr. Crit- 
tenden had been requested to speak, and intended doing so. 
He rose and made several ineffectual attempts to control his 
voice. After uttering three or four almost inarticulate words, 
with his speaking countenance convulsed with grief and both 
eyes and voice filled with tears, he bowed low and took his seat. 
That this was more eloquent than any spoken words was mani- 
fested by its effect upon the brilliant audience. Such a scene 
was never witnessed in the senate-chamber; every eye was filled 
with tears, and low sobs were heard from every part of the 
room. The following letter from Senator W. P. Mangum is 
interesting as relating to this subject : 



LETTER FROM G. B. KINKEAD. 265 

(Willie P. Mangum to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, December 31, 1846. 

My dear Crittenden, — The scene of yesterday in the Senate, 
and the part you bore in it, have dwelt upon my mind, niy 
heart, and my memory, the whole time, as it were, burned in 
all with a brand at white heat. You know me well enough to 
know that I never flatter my friends, — I have not flattered you. 
I will therefore say that the more I know of you, the more I 
respect and love you. 

I would not exchange such a heart as yours, were it mine or 
my friend's, for one that the world would ordinarily call good, 
and for all your high and brilliant eloquence and undoubted 
abilities. 

Could our excellent and lamented friend Barrow have wit- 
nessed the scene, his high and noble soul would for such a 
tribute have been almost willing to meet his fate, premature, as 
we short-sighted mortals regard it, for himself, for his family, 

and for his country. 

Your friend, 
To the Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Willie P. Mangum. 

(G. B. Kinkead to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, Ky., January 2, 1847. 
Hon. John J. Crittenden. 

Sir, — I regret that I was disappointed in conversing with you 
on the subject of this letter before you left Kentucky, for it has 
been one of reflection with me and conversations with prudent 
friends for some weeks. I am, therefore, not acting rashly or 
without consultation with common friends ; and from the nature 
of the subject, the motives which influence me, and the length 
of time since I first fell under your kindly notice, I trust and 
believe you will not consider me guilty of unauthorized free- 
dom in addressing you. 

I think it manifest that the present administration, from a va- 
riety of causes useless to enumerate to you, has made itself so 
unpopular as to break down all reasonable expectations that 
the party that placed it in power can elect its successor or pre- 
vent the candidate of the Whig party, whoever he may be, — 
with one exception, — from an easy triumph. That exception, 
in my opinion, and in the opinion of others of the Wliig party 
worthy of much consideration, is no other person than Mr. 
Clay. And in thus frankly speaking I need hardly stop to vin- 
dicate to you, who have so long known me, from any suspicion 
of being discontented, with the Whig party, its leading measures 
or men (a charge too often brought to terrify those who expresss 
themselves with freedom about that distinguished gentleman), or 



266 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

from having a disposition to erect my judgment and that of a few 
friends against the will of that party whenever it is uttered; nor 
will you suspect me of any improper feeling against Mr. Clay 
himself, from whom I never sought or was denied, or what in 
some natures is more offensive still, received a favor of any sort 
in my life, — whom from my earliest youth up I have supported 
and admired as becomes one man to admire another, — in whose 
hopes of success I have exulted, and in whose defeats I have 
felt deep and almost personal mortification ; nor, to close my 
negations, do I look for or desire office from any President 
which I would not receive from Mr. Clay, — that is, I do not 
expect it of any. 

I have thus been particular in denying all improper motives 
or feelings in connection with this subject because I know the 
habit has been in Kentucky to suspect the fidelity of any man 
to his party, or the singleness and sincerity of his motives, who 
believed and expressed the belief that that part>^ could exist, or 
have any hopes of success, without Mr. Clay as its head. I con- 
fess for myself that for some time past, since his last defeat, the 
converse of this proposition has seemed to me to be true ; and 
that the Whig party cannot exist, or with any hopes of success, 
so long as Mr, Clay continues his political aspirations. And 
instead of this opinion being an evidence of want of patriotism 
and sincere devotion to that party to which I have always be- 
longed, I claim it as the highest I can present. I love that 
party too well willingly to see it dwindle into a faction, as it 
must become from a great party, by again supporting a man 
whom the people have so often rejected. I love the principles 
of that party better than I do any man; and I am sure I speak 
the sentiments of a large majority of the Whigs of the State 
when I say, I would rather take a certain triumph with another 
than to risk being, or rather to be certain of being, defeated 
with Mr. Clay. 

And am I not right ? Is the Whig party reduced so low, 
and its present leaders so unskilled, or its measures so compli- 
cated, that without Mr. Clay we can do nothing, and if he were 
dead we would be hopeless ? Surely not so think the people, 
who, in the last few years, whenever Mr. Clay's name has been 
withdrawn, have manifested ev^ery disposition to sustain the 
Whig policy, but, with his name before them, have shown a 
willingness to forget their interest in his defeat. You should 
know better than I do, or any other in Kentucky ; but, rest as- 
sured, should Mr. Clay again run for the Presidency he will be 
defeated, and the Whig party routed worse than ever, and scat- 
tered to the winds. 

The facts and reason leading to this conclusion must strike 



LETTER FROM G. B. KINKEAD. 267 

you and every other unbiased mind ; and so strong is this con- 
viction with many of the best men of the party, that they doubt 
even whether he will carry Kentucky. You know Kentucky, 
however, better than they or I do, I am satisfied she does not 
want him nominated again. 

Under the circumstances, your friends in Kentucky are 
anxious, with your permission, to place your name before the 
people of the United States, and they grow a little impatient 
sometimes, when they think they see the road clear before you 
of all other obstructions but Mr. Clay, and your generous nature 
preventing you shoving him aside. Under your name they 
have confidence of success, because they feel that they can throw 
their souls into the conflict. I am no flatterer to you, but believe 
me, there is scarcely a precinct, in Kentucky at least, where 
men would not feel their bosoms beat for you as for a brother. 
And your very political enemies would feel themselves disarmed 
of their accustomed rage, because they would know you had no 
hoarded revenge to pour out against them, no vindictive and 
proscriptive feelings to gratify. 

It is possible the body of the people, fascinated with the bril- 
liant victories of General Taylor, would, at present, seize with 
more avidity on his name for the Presidency. But that is not 
a thing to change the action of Kentucky, or, at any rate, of your 
friends in it. A thousand casualties may befall General Taylor, 
and they desire to place you in a position which may be advan- 
tageous for all contingencies. They desire, unless you forbid 
it, to let the members of the legislature nominate you for the 
Presidency, and they know the people of Kentucky will stand 
by the nomination. They are unwilling to see you yield claims 
for the high place, which they acknowledge, to what they con- 
sider the selfish and vain ambition of another. 

I have thus far expressed myself frankly to you, and I will do 
so once more. In searching for the motives which are stimu- 
lating your friends in Kentucky, I find them with others as with 
myself, not springing from expectations of office, or from any 
other unworthy source, but I feel great pleasure in giving my 
feeble approbation to the generous sentiments which, from your 
lips, impressed themselves on my boyhood's memory, to the 
enlarged and liberal views and magnanimous sense of justice 
which have compelled the admiration of my manhood, to the 
strong social nature, and warm and earnest eloquence which 
won alike boy and man. These I find the motives, and the 
expression of them the reward we seek in your elevation. 
With sentiments of respect, 

I am your obedient servant, 

G. B, KiNKEAD. 



268 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to G. B. Kinkead.) 

Washington, January lo, 1847. 

De.\r Sir, — I have received your letter of the 2d instant, and 
thank you for it. I may well feel some pride in the partiality 
and commendation of one known to me from his boyhood, 
and who is himself (I can say it in language of the simplest 
truth) esteemed and commended by all who know him. 

I concur cordially with you in the patriotic sentiment, that 
principles are to be preferred to men, and that the triumph of a 
good cause ought not to be sacrificed or hazarded by the in- 
dulgence of any personal favoritism in the selection of a candi- 
date. The selection of a candidate is a secondary consideration, 
and should be made with a due regard to all the circumstances 
that might render him more or less efficient in advancing the 
great cause that he represents. 

And it is therefore that I think the nomination of a candidate 
for the Presidency ought to be forborne by the Whigs as long 
as possible, so that they may have the benefit of all intermedi- 
ate occurrences, and all indications of the popular feeling and 
opinion to guide them in their choice, and may have the ad- 
vantage of the last lesson that time can give them on the sub- 
ject. 

This is the general sentiment of the Whigs here. They 
think that it would be premature and impolitic for their party 
to bring forward, in any prominent or conspicuous manner, 
candidates for the Presidency at this time, or for some time to 
come; that those candidates would immediately become objects 
of attack by their political opponents, and enable the latter to 
divert the public mind from that attention to, and scrutiny of, 
the conduct and measures of the present administration, which 
is now bringing down daily condemnation upon it and the 
party that sustains it. 

P^rom all this you may readily infer my answer to your ques- 
tion, whether I am willing to consent that my Kentucky friends 
should place my name before the people of the United States 
as a candidate for the Presidency. I should very much regret 
it, and I do believe that such a nomination would be more 
prejudicial than favorable to the pretensions which you and 
other too partial friends are disposed to set up for me. My 
name, without tlic least agency on m\' part, has somehow or 
other gone abroad to the public in connection with the Presi- 
dency, and to an extent that has surprised me, and I find my- 
self most unexpectedly set down in the grave list of personages 
out of whom it is supposed a President may possibly be made. 

If there is any "conjuration" in my name, it will be found 
out as well without any formal nomination as with it. My 



LETTER TO G. B. KINKEAD. 269 

opinion is, however, that no such discovery will be made. 
There will then be an easy end of the matter, so far as I am 
concerned, and my friends and I will be saved from any im- 
putation of intrusiveness on the subject. In any event, it will 
be time enough to act next winter. By that time things will 
be developed, and we shall be able to see and act more clearly 
and understandingly. My opinion, my advice, my wish is that 
all action be postponed till then. I wish you to believe that I 
speak in all sincerity when I say that I not only feel no longing, 
no impatience, on the subject, but that I feel something more 
like alarm than gratification at being spoken of as a candidate 
for the Presidency. I do not know whether this indifference 
or shrinking results from my natural disposition or from the 
circumstances and relations towards others in which I have 
grown up. But if I was ever so anxious on the subject, if my 
feelings were ever so different from what they are, I should 
think it very bad policy, considered in that point of view only, 
that I or my friends should appear even to push Mr. Clay aside. 
I grieve to be obliged to concur with you that his present pros- 
pects seem to me to be discouraging and gloomy. But a change 
may take place. If not, he will not desire to become a candi- 
date, and his mighty aid will be then freely and nobly given to 
any other that may be selected as the standard-bearer of his 
principles and his party. I think that such a deference and 
such a delay are no less due to him than required by sound 
policy. 

In my anxiety to secure your hearty concurrence in these 
views, and to satisfy you that it is best to postpone any move- 
ment on the subject of the Presidency, I find that I have been 
very tedious, and this acknowledgment, I fear, will be con- 
sidered as but a poor recompense to you. 

Believe me to be very sincerely, your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

G. B. KiNKEAD, Esq. 



CHAPTER XXI. 
1846-1847. 

Letter of General Taylor to Mr. Crittenden from Monterey, Mexico — Reply of Mr. 
Crittenden — Letter of James E. Edwards to Crittenden — Webster to Critten- 
den — Letter of Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, inclosing J. L. White's Letter to 
Mr. Clay. 

(General Taylor to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Monterey, Mexico, January 26, 1847. 

MY DEAR SIR, — Your highly esteemed and very wel- 
come and interesting letter from Frankfort of the 6th of 
November, favored by your son, Mr. Thos. L. Crittenden, was 
handed me on the night of the 25th ult. while on the march 
from this place to Victoria, the capital of the department of 
Tamaulipas, for which you have my sincere thanks, more par- 
ticularly so for intrusting to my care my young relative, who I 
much fear, from the awkward and unpleasant position I have 
been placed in by those in high places, will be greatly disap- 
pointed in not having an opportunity to accomplish what he 
has made such great sacrifices to do, which was to have an op- 
portunity to come in collision with the enemies of his country, 
as I have in a great measure been stripped of my command — 
laid on the shelf; or, in other words, I am ordered to act strictly 
on the defensive, or it is expected that I will do so ; so that I 
need not expect again to see the enemy in force or in battle 
during the continuance of the present administration. But let 
matters and things fall out as they may, I shall take the best 
possible care of him as long as he is disposed to continue in 
the country, and hope to restore him, if not covered with scars 
and laurels, to his family and friends in at least excellent health, 
as well as being gratified at many of the scenes he will have 
passed through while in this country. 

On the loth of October I received, by Lieutenant Armstead, 
dispatches from the War Department informing me that copies 
of the same had been sent to Major-General Patterson, author- 
izing him to organize a force to move on Tampico, if I approved 
it, giving as a reason for commencing a correspondence with 
my subordinates on such subjects was to prevent delays, which 
might occur in consequence of the 'distance between General 
( 270 ) 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 27 1 

Patterson and myself, which reason was futile and without foun- 
dation, as, in the first place, General Patterson could not move 
without I approved the measure ; and secondly, the distance 
between us could be readily overcome by express in twenty-four 
hours. As soon as the secretary commenced tinkering with my 
subordinates in my rear I was satisfied I was not to be fairly 
dealt by by that high functionary, and my suspicions have been 
fully verified. Again, on the 2d of November, I received by the 
hands of Major Graham, of the Topographical Corps, sent as 
an express, dispatches in answer to mine announcing the fall 
of Monterey, directing me to put an end to the armistice en- 
tered into with the Mexican commander, and to recommence 
hostilities with renewed vigor, when the same would have ex- 
pired in five days by limitation after due notice was given to 
the enemy. This dispatch was followed by another brought 
by Mr. McLane, son of our late minister to England, directing 
me not to advance on San Luis Potosi, but to remain where I 
was and to fortify Monterey ; at the same time suggesting a 
descent on Vera Cruz, which they thought might be taken with 
four thousand men, presuming I could spare that number from 
the lower Rio Grande ; and, if I thought well of the measure, I 
could detach Major-General Patterson with the force in question 
on said duty. In reply, I informed the secretary that I thought 
not less than ten thousand should be employed on such an 
enterprise ; that but little should be left to hazard so far from rein- 
forcements, supplies, etc.; but that if he would organize an effi- 
cient force in the States of six thousand men and send them to 
Vera Cruz, with the necessary means to carry on the most 
active operations against the city and castle, which ought to be 
done by the loth of the present month, I would hold at or in 
the vicinity of Tampico four thousand men to join the six thou- 
sand, the whole to be under the command of General Patterson, 
or any other officer the department might designate. This com- 
munication was written about the 14th of November, to which I 
have, up to the present moment, received no answer, as well as 
to several other important ones. 

Soon after sending the communication referred to, I received 
a private or unofficial letter from General Scott, stating he had 
addressed a memoir to the War Department on the subject of 
an attack on Vera Cruz, stating that it ought not to be made 
with a less force than ten thousand men, six thousand regulars, 
claiming the command of the expedition, which he did not expect 
would be given him, and objecting to its being given to Patter- 
son on account of his being a foreigner. It appears, however, 
that he, General Scott, wormed himself into the same, which he 
effected, and which was determined on, on the i8th of Novem- 



272 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

ber, when he proceeded to New York, from where he wrote me 
another private letter full of professions, in which he states he 
was on his way to this country, charged with important duties, 
which he did not feel authorized to disclose or communicate by 
mail, for fear his dispatches might fall into the hands of the 
enemy ; that he had no officer at hand to send with them, etc., 
in which I have no doubt he was entirely mistaken ; that he 
would leave New York for New Orleans on the 30th of No- 
vember, expected to reach the latter place by the 12th of De- 
cember, Brazos by the i/th, and Camargo on the 23d, when he 
would communicate with me fully by letter, as he did not ex- 
pect to see me, and he might have very properly said he did 
not wish to do so ; that he was not coming to supersede me, 
but would take from me the greater portion of my command, 
both regulars and volunteers, leaving me to act purely on the 
defensive until Congress could raise an army for me to com- 
mand, which he hoped they would do by adding to the estab- 
lishment some eight new regiments, and by large bounties would 
fill the ranks, so as to enable me to move into the enemy's 
country by May or June, and meet him somewhere in Mexico; 
all of which he knew was out of the question. 

From the middle of November to the middle of December 
I was busily engaged in occupying Saltillo and Parras, when I 
left here for Victoria, for the objects I stated to you in my last 
communication, with about four thousand men, directing General 
Patterson to move from Matamoras with two regiments of foot 
and one of mounted volunteers, to unite with me at Victoria, 
leaving Major-General Butler with a respectable force in com- 
mand here. General Wool at Parras, and General Worth at Sal- 
tillo; all to be under the command of the former when united, 
which was to be the case in the event of Santa Anna's moving 
on the latter place. On the night of the third day's march 
from here, when forty-five miles distant, I received by express 
from General Butler information that a dispatch from General 
Worth had reached him stating that Santa Anna was march- 
ing on Saltillo with a large force, asking reinforcements, in 
consequence of which I returned here by forced marches, pass- 
ing Monterey the second day a short distance with most of the 
regulars with me, directing General Quitman to continue on to 
Victoria with upwards of two thousand volunteers and one bat- 
tery of regular artillery, to form a junction with General Patter- 
son, with orders to drive a body of the enemy's cavalry at and 
near Victoria, about fifteen hundred strong, across the mount- 
ains, which was done. The third day, and the next after pass- 
ing this place, I received a letter from General Butler, who had 
proceeded to Saltillo, that the report of Santa Anna's move- 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 273 

ment was entirely without foundation, when I at once returned, 
and, after resting the command here one day, proceeded on 
again to Victoria, which we reached on the 4th inst. On the 
24th, the second day after leaving here the last time, I received 
General Scott's private letter from New York, which I have al- 
ready referred to, which was the only intimation I had received 
of said arrangement up to that time, when I did not consider it 
advisable to change any of my arrangements, but informed him 
by an officer sent to Camargo that I would await his orders at 
Victoria, which communication he received in due season. He 
reached Camargo on the 3d of December, and, as I was at Vic- 
toria, ordered General Butler to send down to Brazos, or the 
mouth of the Rio Grande, all the regular infantry and artillery 
serving as such, with two batteries of artillery, five hundred regu- 
lar cavaliy, and five hundred mounted volunteers, — the best to 
be selected by General Cox, premising that I had under my com- 
mand seven thousand five hundred regular troops, a larger force 
of that description than has ever been under my orders at any one 
time, which fact he. General Scott knew, or ought to have known, 
as the prescribed monthly returns have been constantly fur- 
nished the department through the adjutant-general's office, to 
which he had constant access. The largest number of troops 
of that kind we have ever had here was about six thousand, 
and nothing like that number fit for duty ; and at Victoria I 
received orders, after taking a sufficient escort to accompany 
me to this place, to send the balance of the command to join 
him at Tampico. 

I must say that a more outrageous course was never pursued 
towards any one than has been in the present instance so far as 
I was concerned. I can but look on General Scott's course as 
marked by the greatest duplicity that he could have practiced. 
Mr. McLane, when here, stated to me that Mr. Polk informed 
him that great efforts had been made to have me relieved by 
General Scott, and stating among other reasons that I was anx- 
ious for General Scott to be sent here, and that I was deter- 
mined or was very desirous to leave ; that Mr. Polk stated in 
reply that I had never intimated a wish to be relieved by Gen- 
eral Scott or to leave the country, and that he (General Scott) 
would not be placed in command. The same persons then pro- 
posed that Worth should be breveted and placed in command, 
which the President also refused to do, stating that I had fully 
carried out all the views and expectations of the department, 
and that if I wished and asked to be relieved, that General But- 
ler would succeed me ; authorizing Mr. McLane to say to me 
that I should not be interfered with. But it appears that Gen- 
eral Scott not only knew the effect of a well-directed fire in the 
VOL. I. — 18 



274 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

rear, but understands the proper mode of directing it with efifect 
on others, particularly when aided by the Secretary of War 
and another individual in my front or neighborhood. But let 
it all pass; for, had General Scott claimed the command of the 
army as his right by seniority, and it had been granted him, and 
he had come out in an open and manly way and entered on the 
duties appertaining to the same, I certainly would have made 
no objection to the arrangement, but would have taken his orders, 
had I been placed in my proper position, and given him every 
aid in my power in carrying out his plans in accordance with 
the views and wishes of the department, or would have retired 
without a murmur if my services were considered of no impor- 
tance ; as some little relaxation would not have been unaccept- 
able after having had my faculties, bofh mental and physical, 
completely on the stretch for more than a year and a half, — a 
large portion of which time has been passed in the saddle, witl - 
out having passed one night in a house, or any other covei 
than a tent. What I complain of is in not being advised 
of the change which was to take place as soon as it was deter- 
mined on at Washington, which would have been the case had 
the slightest regard to courtesy or decency been observed to- 
wards me; for in that case the murder of a young officer sent 
to me with important dispatches which fell into the hands of 
General Santa Anna, making him fully acquainted with the 
contemplated attack on Vera Cruz, as well as the limited force 
left for the defense of the conquered country, would have been 
prevented, and would have saved a portion of the troops here 
and myself a long and tedious march of more than four hun- 
dred miles, besides the expenditure of several thousand dollars; 
for had Mr. Marcy and General Scott come to the conclusion 
that their plans were not safe in my keeping, instructions might 
have been given to me to have suspended all movements of 
troops until the arrival of the latter ; but it may be they thought 
the risk of their plans falling into the hands of the enemy, even 
if it turned out to be so, was less objectionable than it would 
be to have intrusted them to me. Their course would warrant 
such a conclusion. 

As the department has withdrawn its confidence from me, 
whether with or without cause, the interest of the service, it ap- 
pears to me, required I should at once have been superseded 
altogether or have been at once withdrawn from the country. 
Had I been disposed to be ill contrived, or even punctilious, I 
would not have turned over the troops or any portion of them 
to General Scott or any one else without an order from the Sec- 
retary of War, which order General Scott did not produce ; in 
which course I would have been fully sustained by the regula- 



LETTER FROM GEXERAL TAYLOR. 275 

tions made for the government of the army. (See Article III. 
paragraph 15.) But it Avas sufficient for me to know the wishes 
of the President on the subject in question to do all in my power 
to carry them into effect ; and have, therefore, withheld no one 
or thrown any obstacles in the way to prevent General Scott's 
complete success, even if compelled to fall back to the Rio 
Grande, preferring to be sacrificed rather than the expedition 
to or against Vera Cruz should fail, or even than it should be 
thought by the most censorious I had thrown any obstacles in 
the way of its complete success from any cause whatever. 

Had General Scott, as I conceive he ought to have done, 
mounted his horse or got into a carriage and visited me at Vic- 
toria, or if he was not physically able to have done so, ordered 
or requested me to have met him at any point on the Rio 
Grande, where he could have at once ascertained the precise 
regular force under my orders, if he had neglected to inform 
himself on that point before leaving Washington, as well as to 
have discussed other matters connected with the further prose- 
cution of this war face to face, it might, and in all probability 
would, have prevented some heart-burnings, as well as might 
have resulted beneficially, as far as some portion of the public 
service was concerned. But such a straightforward course did 
not suit, as he would necessarily have acted under great re- 
straint, as he must have been constantly reminded of the in- 
trigue concocted by him and Marcy, aided by the misrepresent- 
ations of a certain individual here, who has been promised a 
brevet of major-general, and to be specially assigned to duty with 
the same, for the performing his portion of the dirty work, in 
taking from me every battalion of infantry and every company 
of regulars or volunteers. But this will not prevent me, I trust, 
from doing my duty here and everywhere else as long as I con- 
tinue in the public service. I have never asked for a command, 
and did not come here to serve myself, but the country ; and when 
promoted to the high rank of major-general, which I neither 
asked nor expected, and charged with the management of this 
war, I informed the chief magistrate of the country, through the 
proper department, that I had great fears of not being able to 
meet his expectation, but would do all in my power to bring 
the war to a speedy and honorable termination, and would, at 
any time, turn over to another or lay down the command with 
more pleasure than I assumed it. No matter as to the course 
of General Scott, I truly and sincerely wish him success, 
notwithstanding one of the principal objects in getting up 
the expedition in question was to break me down, which I 
have been looking for ever since the surrender of the city of 
Monterey, particularly as so many persons had, contrary to my 



276 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

wishes, connected my name witli the Presidency at the next 
election, which disconcerted and annoyed General Scott and 
other aspirants, who deemed it no doubt necessary to have me 
at once killed off I regret to think of General Scott, and to 
express myself towards him to you as I have done, knowing, as 
I do, you are friendly to him, nor do I wish to destroy or even 
to shake the same; but I must think and speak of him, when- 
ever I deem it necessary to do so, in the way I consider his 
conduct towards me warrants, judging from acts alone, not from 
words or professions. 

It seems to me the expedition against Vera Cruz is a false 
move at this late season ; nor will Santa Anna, if anything of a 
general, attempt the defense of the castle of San Juan ; if the 
Mexican Congress determine not to negotiate, which I truly 
hope they will not do, but determine to carry on the war, Santa 
Anna will at once abandon the battle as soon as he is aware of 
the preparations made by us to take it ; oppose the landing of 
our troops as long as practicable, falling back to the mountains, 
defending all the difficult passes through the same, and destroy- 
ing the road, will so retard the progress of our troops that the 
vomito or yellow fever must drive us from the country, as it is 
more to be dreaded than one hundred thousand Mexican bayo- 
nets. I believe much the safest course would have been to 
have concentrated the whole force at Saltillo, which could have 
been made up to near twcnt}- thousand effectives, and at once 
marched into the heart of the country and taken possession of 
the rich mining departments, where we would have found sup- 
plies of provisions and forage, and which must have compelled 
Santa Anna to have fought us on equal terms or to have thrown 
himself between us and the capital, if we had beat him, which 
we must have done, or if he had retired before us his army 
would have disbanded; in either case peace must have resulted, 
had there been a government to treat with. I should have 
suggested this course to General Scott had we met, if he had 
been invested with full powers, which should have been the 
case; for, although there might have been some^ or indeed 
many, disadvantages in regard to the same, yet they would have 
been greatly overbalanced by health., etc., which would have 
enabled the command to act throughout the entire year. 

Thomas wished to have gone on with that portion of the 
army to Tampico from Victoria, bound from thence to Vera 
Cruz; but I was not willing he should do so, as in that case he 
would have been running too great a risk among strangers as 
an amateur, particularly from the northers, and yellow and other 
fevers common to that part of the countiy. I considered him 
placed under my charge, and therefore have insisted on his re- 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 277 

maining and living with me until he leaves the country ; and 
should any chance for distinction offer he shall have the oppor- 
tunity to embrace it. 

The Kentucky volunteers were, by accident, or rather the 
Louisville Legion were, prevented from taking a more conspic- 
uous part than they otherwise would have done in the battle of 
Monterey, particularly on the 21st, on account of their having 
been drawn up on the right of General Butler's division, near 
our battery of artillery ; and when the general was ordered to 
advance and sustain the regulars then engaged in the town, I 
ordered one regiment to remain stationary and protect the 
artillery and for other purposes; the Kentucky troops were 
selected for that object purely on account of their position. 
Unless Santa Anna attempts to drive me from my present posi- 
tion, in which case I shall resist to the last, no matter as to the 
description or amount of my force, which I hardly expect he will 
do, the Kentucky troops shall have a full share of the work. 
McKee and his regiment I have the greatest confidence in ; 
they are now in advance, which position they shall continue to 
occupy as long as they and myself continue to remain in the 
country. 

On receiving the order at Victoria, which I considered a most 
outrageous one, I determined on the moment at once to leave the 
country, or rather to apply to do so; but on more mature reflec- 
tion I have concluded to remain for the present, or until the 
department thought proper to relieve or supersede me in reality 
as well as in effect. In the mean time, if I can aid in bringing the 
war to a close I will take pleasure in doing so, with a perfect 
indifference as to who may get the credit of the same. On the 
subject of the Presidency, I am free to say, under no circum- 
stances have I any aspirations for the office, nor have I the 
vanity to consider myself qualified for the station ; and while I 
can say to you that while I would not refuse, perhaps, to serve 
and do the JDCst I could, if the good people of the country should 
be so indiscreet as to confer that high station on me, at the 
same time could I reach the same by expressing even a wish to 
do so, I would never arrive at it. I had hoped, from the recent 
elections in several of the States, that some distinguished politi- 
cal Whig, yourself for instance, would be selected, and would 
be elevated to the office in question, and I consider the great 
cause in failing in bringing about so desirable an event will be, 
that there may, and will be, too many aspirants for the place 
among those calling themselves Whigs. Butler's division, with 
less than one thousand regulars, will compose my principal 
force ; and I cannot precisely say what the first, or, indeed, what 
the latter, will number until General Scott leaves for Tampico 



278 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

or Vera Cruz. One of my greatest apprehensions is, that many 
of tlie volunteer officers and privates came here with the hope 
and expectation of gaining personal distinction by coming in 
contact with the enemy, and as soon as they understand they 
are barely to act on the defensive, with no hopes of a fight, they 
w'ill disregard everything" like instruction and orders, become 
dissatisfied, and will insist on being discharged to return to 
their homes ; this state of things the officers of rank say they 
very much fear. I would much rather force extensive lines of 
an enemy, such as I have to look after with volunteers, than 
defend them with the same description of force. They must, 
the volunteers, have something constantly in prospect to excite 
them, keep them contented and efficient. 

I much fear your patience will be exhausted before you get 
through this long and, I greatly fear, uninteresting epistle ; if 
so, I must say to you, as I have on a former occasion, throw it 
aside, or in the fire, as you may think best, taking the will for 
the deed, as I can truly say it is kindly intended, admitting, at 
the same time, that I write under some excitement and con- 
stant interruption. Wishing you and yours uninterrupted health 
and prosperity, I remain truly and sincerely, 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittexdex, Z. Taylor. 

United States Senator, Washington City. 

P.S. — Just as I finished this, a report has reached here froi^ 
Saltillo, sixty or seventy miles in front of this, where there is a 
considerable force stationed, that one or two companies of the 
Arkansas mounted men, under Major Borland, of that State, sent 
in advance, some fifty or sixty miles, to gain intelligence and 
watch the movements of the enemy, had been surprised and the 
whole captured; although it comes from an officer of high rank, 
yet I flatter myself it will prove erroneous. 

Z. T. 

(J. J. Crittenden to General Taylor.) 

My dear Gexeral, — A few days before I left Washington, 
on my return home at the close of the session of Congress, I 
had the pleasure to receive your very welcome and interesting 
letter of the 26th of last month from IVIontere}'. 

The treatment you have received was certainly calculated to 
excite your discontent and resentment, and your friends, I may 
say. The whole country sympathize in your feelings. 

The public seem very much disposed to put the harshest 
construction — the most sinister construction — on the conduct 
of the administration towards you, and of all concerned in it. 
I am not surprised that }'ou ha\'e been discontented and excited 
on the occasion, but I am gratified to find that, notwithstanding 



LETTER TO GENERAL TAYLOR. 



279 



your deep sense of personal wrong, you determined to remain 
in the service and to stand by your country until actually super- 
seded, so that it may appear to all the world that your retire- 
ment was the act of the government and not your own voluntary 
choice. The country will appreciate your conduct and your 
services, and will reward them, whatever individuals may say 
or do. You and your reputation are under the best protection 
in the world — the protection of the people. You have deserved 
and acquired it by your services and your victories, and still 
further services and victories will strengthen and animate it. 
The public is not inattentive to your situation, and to the im- 
potent condition in which you have been left. The perilous 
situation in which you are supposed to be placed with Santa 
Anna and an overwhelming force in your front, excites here 
the keenest apprehension and sensibility. Any disaster that 
should befall you will be visited with universal execration on 
the heads of those who have exposed you to the peril. 

This place and the whole vicinity were thrown into the 
greatest excitement and agitation a few days ago by the fearful 
rumors that reached us that Santa Anna had marched upon 
you with overwhelming numbers, that your communications 
were cut off, and that you were engaged in doubtful and bloody 
battles. I send you with this a slip from the Coiiinwriivcalth, 
a newspaper published here, announcing this intelligence. I 
have seldom seen such a burst of public feeling as it produced. 
You seemed to be the object of universal sympathy and con- 
cern. And every voice seemed to be raised against those by 
whom you had been left exposed to such inevitable dangers. 
They were ready to believe that it was impossible for you to 
defend yourself against such odds, and that you had been 
blindly, if not willfully, sacrificed. 

The greatest anxiety still prevails, and will continue until 
further intelligence is received to clear away our fearful doubts 
and apprehensions. We wait for further intelligence with the 
utmost impatience. 

I must confess that I feel the greatest uneasiness when I 
consider your situation and the great numerical superiority of 
your enemy, and the desperation that compels and forces that 
enemy to the conflict. But still my confidence, perhaps unrea- 
sonable, prevails over my fears, and makes me say that you 
will defend yourself and be again victorious. God grant that 
it may be so, and that our next intelligence from you may con- 
vert all our fears into rejoicings and triumphs. I must tell 
you, however, that the public mind is full of the forebodings 
of evil. If these should prove true, the blame will not be laid 
on you. You will be considered as a victim, and others will 



28o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

be held responsible. But if out of all these difficulties and 
perils you shall be able to come victorious, what a victory it 
will be, and how it will fill the heart of the nation with exulta- 
tion ! I will indulge that anticipation to the last. 

I think, general, as you do, that the administration is very 
blamable in its conduct towards you. It has been wanting, 
as it seems to me, in that courtesy, respect, and confidential 
communication and consultation with you that were due to 
you and to the public service. But perhaps this may have 
been the result of inadvertence only, — a blamable omission 
merely, — without any intention of disrespect or offense. I hope 
that it may be so, and that you may be willing at least to 
admit that construction to prevail, unless something shall occur 
to render a different course necessary to your own vindication. 

I should exceedingly regret any controversy between you 
and General Scott, and hope that it may be avoided, unless it 
becomes necessar)^ for your defense and your honor. I hardly 
think it can become necessary for any such purpose. You need 
no defense, and your reputation having become part of the 
country s fame, the country will take care of it. My views in 
all this, I must confess, are not limited only to your military 
position. 

Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(James G. Edwards to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Burlington, Iowa, March 4, 1847. 

Dear Sir, — In accordance with instructions, I take great 
pleasure in forwarding to you a resolution, which was unani- 
mously adopted by a large Whig meeting, held at the capital 
of Iowa, on the 22d ult. I have delayed forwarding the reso- 
lution until I could furnish you the proceedings in detail, which 
you will find in my paper, the Haivk Eye, of this date. 

Resolved, That inasmuch as we have been deprived of our 
representation in the Senate of the United States by the uncon- 
stitutional refusal of the Locofoco party of Iowa to consent to 
an election, we therefore commit the interests of the people of 
Iowa, in the United States Senate, to the kind care and keeping 
of the Hon. John J. Crittenden, of Kentuck)-, and Hon. Thomas 
Corwin, of Ohio. 

With heartfelt feelings of admiration for your undeviating at- 
tachment to the Whig cause, as well as for your virtue and 
patriotism, 

I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 

Ja.mes G. Edwards, Ed. Haiuk Eye. 



LETTER FROM DANIEL WEBSTER. 28 1 

(Daniel Webster to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, April 6, 1847. 
Dear Crittenden, — My son Edward is a captain in a regi- 
ment of Massachusetts volunteers, and has arrived at Rio 
Grande with two or three companies under his command. In 
the course of events, I hope he may arrive at General Taylor's 
headquarters. My own acquaintance with General Taylor is 
slight, and I have thought that you might be willing to inclose 
Edward a note of introduction, to be presented to General Taylor 
when he shall meet him, or to be forwarded, in case he should 
find it convenient. Edward's first desire will be, of course, to go 
on that he may see active service, and not remain passive. His 
command consists of fine fellows, quite well drilled and disci- 
plined for the time. I believe they are as well inclined to follow 
as to lead, where something is to be done. General Taylor is 
certainly a most remarkable person. He has shown himself 
not only superior to his enemies, but far abler and wiser than 
his superiors at home, I admire his prudence, judgment, and 
modesty as much as his coolness and bravery. In my opinion 
we have had no such military man since Revolutionary times. 
Your son gave us an hour while here, for which we were greatly 
obliged to him. There were about as many of us putting ques- 
tions to him all at once as there were men in buckram upon 
Sir John Falstaff. 

Truly and cordially yours, 

Daniel Webster. 

The following letters from Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, and 
the letter from J. L. White, which Mr. Clay inclosed to Mr. 
Crittenden, explain themselves. 

These letters show the commencement of that coolness be- 
tween Mr. Clay and Mr. Crittenden, and the causes that led to 
it, which arose about the time of the nomination of General 
Taylor for the Presidency, and continued until a short time 
before Mr. Clay's death. I regret that I could not obtain Mr. 
Crittenden's reply to Mr. Clay's letter of the 21st of September, 
1847. I found, by a letter from Mr. White to Mr. Crittenden, 
that Mr. Clay had forwarded Mr. Crittenden's reply to him. 
I made an application to Mr. White's executors for the letter, 
but did not succeed in obtaining it. 

No event of Mr. Crittenden's public life, relating to him per- 
sonally, distressed him so much as his alienation from Mr. Clay. 



282 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, September 21, 1847. 
Mv DEAR Sir, — I think it due to our mutual friendship, and 
the candor and confidence which have ever existed between us, 
that I should afford you an opportunity of perusing the inclosed 
letter. I need not say that I do not indorse any of the conjec- 
tures and reflections affecting you which it contains. You will 
give to it such consideration as )'ou may think it merits, after 
which, be pleased to return it to me. 

Your faithful friend, 

H. Clay. 

(Letter of J. L. White sent by Mr. Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

My dear Sir, — I should have made one of the New York 
party who visited you at Cape iMay had I been in the city when 
it left, but at that time I was absent in Indiana and Kentucky, 
My desire to see you was stronger than ever, because I hoped 
to learn something of the cause of the movement in your State 
by leading Whigs in behalf of General Taylor. That Mr. Crit- 
tenden should lend himself to it was, to all your friends here, a 
subject of regret and disappointment; yet I had a lingering hope 
that his object was not to go ultimately for General Taylor, but 
temporarily to divert public attention from yourself to him, and 
thus create an opinion among our opponents that you would in 
no event be a candidate. Such a hope was natural, knowing, 
as I did, Mr. Crittenden's former devotion to your interests. 
My recent visit to the West has destroyed it, and unless he has 
acted in the matter with your knowledge and approbation, he 
has separated himself from his friends, in this region, without 
warning and, I fear, without just excuse. Is it possible that he 
had such approbation? and has the recent movement in Kentucky 
been made after consultation with you, and approved by you ? 
I do hope you will inform me on these points, if it is not askirig 
too much of a not very old but as an undeviating and unchange- 
able a friend as you ever had or now have. 

My visit to Kentucky convinced me that there was, among 
the controlling spirits of the Whig party, little or no" interest 
felt for General Taylor out of Kentucky. If our friends in it 
would remain quiet, the flame kindled for him, with the aid of 
his incessant correspondence, would soon be extinguished, and 
the entire mass of the Whig party, excepting only Webster, 
Seward, W^eed, Greeley & Co., with whom we can dispense, 
would again rally for their first love. Will not the W^iigs of 
your State preserve a neutrality at present, or are they de- 
mented ? My desire is simply to ascertain if the Whigs of 
your State are acting with your concurrence. 

I remain, as ever, your sincere friend, 

J. L. White. 



LETTER FROM MR. CLAY. 283 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

September 26, 1847. 

My dear Sir, — I hasten to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter, and to relieve your mind from any impression that I 
shared in the views taken, in regard to the next presidential 
election, by Mr. White. Repeatedly, whilst I was recently 
abroad and since I have returned home, such statements in 
respect to your course have been made to me. I thought I 
understood you, I find I did, and to all such inquiries I make 
representations of your conduct substantially corresponding with 

your own account of it. 

Your friend, 

H. Clay. 



CHAPTER XXII. 
1847-1848. 

In Senate, February 3, 1S47 — Thanks to General Taylor — Relief for the Suffer- 
ing of Ireland — Letter from Crittenden to Burnley — Defense of Mr. Clay — 
Letter from J. S. Pendleton — The Allison Letter — Letter from A. H. Stevens to 
Mrs. Coleman on the Subject of the Allison Letter — Crittenden to O. Brown. 

THE three following speeches I have thought proper to 
introduce here rather than in the volume of collected 
speeches. They do not so much indicate Mr. Crittenden's 
patriotism or political views as his humanity and large-hearted 
charity for the suffering poor, his love for and confidence in his 
friends, and his prompt courage in defending them and bat- 
tling for a just recognition of their rights. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, it appears to me, from the 
character of this resolution of thanks to General Taylor, that 
there is a feeling existing against the general, arising, no doubt, 
from that sort of party spirit which has interfused itself through 
everything and with which all persons are more or less imbued. 
I think a subject of this nature should be treated irrespective 
of party. As the leader of the forces of the country, General 
Taylor had nothing to do with party; he was above all party; 
he sought for no party approbation — desired only the ap- 
proval of his country. I believe, if it were known how little 
Gc-neral Taylor busies himself about politics, parties, or po- 
litical operations, how exclusively devoted he is to the service 
of his country, the knowledge of the fact would shield him 
from every unkind suspicion. 

General Taylor is not a political partisan, much less is he 
actuated by that sort of spirit which seemed to have given 
complexion to this resolution. The whole country has re- 
ceived the intelligence of the gallant achievements of our little 
army, under the leading of General Taylor, with proud satis- 
faction, mingled with surprise at the singular success which 
has attended these operations. Conducted under circumstances 
of extreme difficulty and embarrassment, I believe the\- are not 
suri)assed by anything which has ever occurred in the history 
of the world. Now, when the councils of the country are 
called upon to express the public gratitude inspired by these 
(284) 



SPEECHES IN THE SENATE. 285 

great achievements, why should they give room to that sort of 
spirit which prompts them to look for some circumstance to 
dim the lustre of these great achievements? Why qualify 
the expression of their approval in such a manner as to make 
it doubtful in the opinion of the world whether it was not the 
intention to cloud the glory of his renown and drug the very 
cup of thanks they are holding to his lips? It is not usual to 
inquire, after a great victory has been won, whether, if man- 
aged in some other way, the battle could not have been better 
fought. It is surely enough that victory has been gained, 
without regard to the order of battle, whether gained by the 
superior exertions of the centre, or of the left wing, or of the 
right. General Taylor has done a/l that was expected, has 
evinced the skill of an accomplished general, and the courage 
and valor of a perfect soldier. Why, then, strive, with a critical 
eye, to grasp at some little circumstance in order to convey 
a sentiment of disapproval? I do not impugn motives. I 
speak of the interpretation which will be put upon the reso- 
lution by the world. It bears evidence upon its face that 
they do not approve the armistice. What can they know 
about the armistice which would enable them justly to deter- 
mine whether it is a subject of approval or otherwise? Some 
gentlemen whom I have heard converse upon this subject 
seemed to entertain the expectation that General Taylor, with 
his slender forces, exhausted by a three days' battle, should 
have rushed upon thousands of their intrenched adversaries 
and forced them to an unconditional surrender. Would any 
of those cavilers have so acted ? 

At the close of the battle, General Taylor had about five 
thousand available troops. Was it to be expected that those 
brave fellows, after three days' fighting, should rush, bayonet 
in hand, upon the enemy, nine thousand in number, strongly 
fortified, and make them prisoners ? It is an easy matter to 
talk of such deeds by our firesides ; but I venture to say that 
the opinions of Worth, Davis, Henderson, and General Taylor 
are of more value than the judgment of any man, or men, 
who did not participate in the battle. In regard to the 
armistice, what could have been done more than had been 
done if the armistice had not been agreed upon ? For two 
months, at least, after such a battle and victory the army 
could have done nothing, whilst the armistice would have 
the effect of paralyzing the enemy during the time of its con- 
tinuance. The fact of assenting to an armistice proves Gen- 
eral Taylor to be a man of sound judgment as well as humane 
feeling; it gave him time to obtain supplies and restore the 
vigor of his own little army, and afforded to the women and 



286 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

children of the beleaguered city time to escape the horrors 
which would attend the sacking of a town by a triumphant 
soldiery. 

Military' men are the best judges of these matters ; they stand 
upon the point of honor; they are trained to that sentiment; 
they //tr and die for honor, and appreciate, above all other things, 
the honors conferred upon them by their country. What, then, 
would they think of this obliterated compliment, — this uncer- 
tain mark of approbation ? How would such a compliment be 
received by an army after winning such a battle ? What will 
the people think when it is perceived that senators are endeav- 
oring to qualify the matter so as to go against or for General 
Taylor according as the tide of war or politics might turn ; 
ready to take a sort of neutral position ; to take shelter under 
the armistice, and to vote approval and disapproval at the same 
time? Such resolutions should be not only a reward for past 
good service, but an incentive for further achievements and fur- 
ther victories. Will this be so ? The next time they fight, the 
next time they accomplish a brilliant victory, what thanks will 
they expect ? If an expression of approbation is of any value 
it must be free and unrestrained, — free as the rain from heaven. 
The compliment, if qualified, is turned to dust and ashes. The 
senator from Alabama seems to entertain an impression that 
striking out this proviso would imply some censure or disap- 
probation of the President of the United States, who disapproved 
the armistice. Now, I think the gentleman unduly sensitive on 
that point. I do not see how such a construction can be given it. 
General Taylor might have had reasons unknown to us which 
induced him to make that capitulation ; while, on the other hand, 
the President may have had purposes which were unknown to 
General Taylor and which justify him in disapproving it. The 
conduct of both may be reconcilable, and both may be right. 

No one can undertake to say that that battle was managed 
with the skill of a Washington or a Napoleon ; but it was con- 
ducted with skill enough to accomplish a great purpose and 
achieve a great victory. For this the country rejoices, and we 
return thanks. I am not thoroughly acquainted with military 
history, and have listened with respectful attention to the sen- 
ator from Alabama, who says there has never been an instance 
of a conquered army leaving a conquered city as the Mexican 
army left the city of Monterey — with arms in their hands — after 
dictating the terms of their capitulation. I agree with the gen- 
tleman in this; my slight reading does not furnish a similar 
case. Nor do I know of any case where seven thousand, eight 
thousand, or nine thousand troops, in good training, in the 
heart of a city, with cannon, and equipped and provided with 



SPEECH ON THE POOR OF IRELAND. 287 

all the destructive means of warfare, — a city in which every 
house is a fortress, — had surrendered to five thousand and 
agreed to march out between the files of the enemy,— taking 
with them nothing but their clothes and side-arms, — leaving 
their ammunition and all public property behind. Now, how 
did Santa Anna regard this ? As a triumph ? If all that we hear 
can be relied upon, Santa Anna has those officers in custody, 
from Ampudia down, and they are to be tried for cowardice. It 
would, indeed, be a singular state of things for us to be disap- 
proving the conduct of our general in permitting the officers to 
go out, and Santa Anna should be trying them for cowardice for 
eroinGf out ! Enough has been done to entitle our soldiers to 
our unqualified thanks; they hive shown themselves to be 
brave and patriotic. General Taylor had no purpose but to 
serve his country to the best of his power ; he and his little 
army had done great things ; their exploits are to form part of 
the history of this country, and the Senate is forming material 
to enable others to detract from the value of those services, — 
authenticating records by which the historian may blemish our 
military glory. I hope this will not be done ! This victory is 
more dear to the American heart because it is crowned with the 
wreath of humanity. General Taylor has shown not only 
courage and skill, but also humanity, — humanity to women 
and children. This armistice is sanctioned not only by the laws 
of nature, but by the laws of God. To have acted otherwise 
would have been to commit most sacrilegious murder, for which 
there would have been no defense. Thank God, this capitula- 
tion had been distinguished not more by courage than by hu- 
manity. 

(In Senate, F"ebruary 26th, 1847. Relief for the suffering poor of Ireland.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I rise in accordance with 
a notice given on a former day to introduce this bill for the 
suffering poor in Ireland and Scotland, but before making this 
motion I beg leave to make a few remarks. The whole world 
has heard of the calamity which has fallen on these countries, 
of the scarcity and famine which prevail there. I do not rise 
with an empty parade of words to impress the picture of a 
famishing people upon the minds of this honorable body 
I wish only to discharge what I consider a solemn duty. As 
representatives of the people it is our duty to carry out their 
views, as they have been presented to this body. The calamity 
is no ordinary one. It is not the result of idleness or folly on 
the part of the people. It is one of those inscrutable dispensa- 
tions of Providence to which we are as nations one and all 
liable, and in which we should be one and all interested. The 



288 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

dcptli and extent of the calamity is known to the whole world, 
and the whole world must feel for the sufferers. It may be 
asked, is it any duty of ours to attempt to relieve their suffer- 
ings, to interpose our charity? I think it is. Our liberality as 
a nation has been exhibited in cases by no means as appalling. 
The bill which I have drawn up is in the language of the bill 
passed in 1812 for the relief of the people of Venezuela suffer- 
ing from the effects of an earthquake. That bill was approved 
May 8th, 181 2. It was introduced by a committee, of which 
Mr. Macon was chairman. The character of Mr. Macon is 
well known. From his 'ceaseless vigilance he was called the 
watchman of the committee. The bill passed by the unanimous 
vote of the House of Representatives, and I notice among 
those voting for it the names of Randolph, Richard M. John- 
son, and Mr. Calhoun. It does not appear that there was any 
opposition to it in the Senate, and the bill appropriated fifty 
thousand dollars. In that case it was but a partial calamity, 
arising from an earthquake. No great national famine seemed 
to sweep the people from the face of the earth, and yet the case 
presented a sufficient motive for the exercise of our national 
sympathy. How much more appalling and widespread is the 
evil now appealing to our charity! The people of Venezuela 
were of a different race, yet they were men, and the appeal 
came to us, and though connected only by the tie of a common 
humanity, we interfered for their relief But who are the suf- 
ferers at this time ? They are our kindred, bound to us not only 
by a common humanity, but by a more intimate bond of brother- 
hood. We are, to a great extent, the descendants of the people 
of Ireland, the kindred, the offspring, of Irishmen, and every 
day the tie is strengthened and endeared by emigrants coming 
to our shores to become one with us. This famine fills the 
world with the voice of lamentation. Are we not bound as 
men and Christians to listen and respond ? I think we are. 
So far as the constitutional argument is concerned, with the 
voice of suffering ringing in my ears, and this precedent before 
me, I lay down all objections at the feet of charity. But we 
are under other obligations to incite us to this deed of mercy. 
Our happy land is crowned with plenty, surpassing in fertility 
and abundance anything known in the history of nations. Do 
not these rich blessings lay an obligation on us? " From him 
to whom much is given, much will be required." We must 
render obedience to the great law of humanity. It would be 
strange, indeed, if our Constitution was so fashioned as to 
interdict the exercise of Christian charity, when the hearts of 
the people prompt them to offer such assistance as is now pro- 
posed. It would look as if the Constitution was set up in 



SPEECH ON THE POOR OF IRELAND. 289 

opposition to the commandments of our religion, and laying 
down rules for the government which repealed the laws of 
heaven — the law of the King of kings. No sir, no ! 

Every consideration of high, moral, and political character 
calls upon us to meet this question in a liberal spirit. There 
are other incentives almost as strong and as high as those to 
which I have referred. What will be the influence of such an 
example ? What a spectacle will it be for the people of the 
world to see one nation holding out her hands full of plenty and 
pouring joy and consolation into hearts now sick with sorrow 
and into desolate and famine-stricken homes ! Can you im- 
agine any moral spectacle more sublime than this ? Hitherto 
the hands of the nations have been red with each other's blood ; 
national hearts have been without sympathy and without char- 
ity. Thank God, it is not so now. Governments have been 
converted to Christianity and have learned that the great source 
of human happiness consists in peace and amity among nations. 
The day is coming when nations will be bound together in a 
common brotherhood, and war, if not extinguished and forgot- 
ten, will be less frequent, and will only arise from overwhelming 
necessity. There is nothing more noble than to give, to the 
extent of our ability, both food and raiment to the naked and 
the hungry. We should be proud of the opportunity. The 
people everywhere are moved to act generously. From Boston 
to New Orleans, the heart of the nation is alive and panting 
with the spirit of charity. The villages emulate the cities in 
the exhibition of the noblest sympathy with the sufferers. In 
giving this national bounty, we but follow the impulses of the 
national heart ; we act within the pale of our duty when we 
undertake this great work ; we can do what individual charity 
cannot do. I would not give the national reputation of such 
an act for ten times the appropriation proposed. I would not 
do this with ostentation, but unobtrusively ; I would not herald 
it with the sound of trumpet and call the attention of the world 
to our charities, but I would have it done effectively. I have 
introduced a clause to authorize the President to send out a 
national vessel under a national flag to the British government, 
carrying the national contribution, a present from the govern- 
ment of a people rejoicing in plenty to another government, 
whose people are suffering from a national calamity. What a 
glorious spectacle to see these floating instruments of death, — 
their decks no longer frowning with implements of destruc- 
tion, but wafting substantial evidences of a nation's good will 
to the afflicted ! Such exhibitions would mark the onward 
march of benevolent civilization, brighten the intercourse be- 
tween nations, and speak the longing aspirations of the people 
VOL. I. — 19 



290 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

of all climes for the advent of a holier and happier day. Yes, 
sir, I would have this offering of our sympathy and fraternal 
feelings for the generous sons of Erin and Scotia borne to them 
under our national flag ; I would have all the world honor and 
love and welcome that flag, not only as it is now known, as the 
flag of valor, but I would broaden its stripes and brighten its 
stars by making it the welcome messenger of generosity and 
humanity. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

Washington, January 8, 1848. 

Dear Burnley, — I received your letter of the 12th of last 
month with the pleasure it always gives me to hear from you. 
Our friend Duke has been somewhat mistaken in respect to oc- 
currences at Lexington. I have no recollection of saying to 
Mr. Clay what he supposes me to have said, and what I think I 
did not say. My sentiments in relation to Mr. Clay, General 
Taylor, and the Presidency have not been concealed. / prefer 
Mr. Clay to all men for tJic Presidency ; but my conviction, my 
involuntary conviction, is, that he cannot be elected. That 
being my belief, I thank God that He has given us, in the per- 
son of our noble old friend General Taylor, a man who can be 
elected, if Mr. Clay cannot. In these few words you may read 
all my opinions and feelings, — you may read me and the whole 
subject. I am apprised that the mere fact of my belief that Mr. 
Clay could not be elected (though expressed only to his friends) 
has drawn upon me the suspicion and jealousy of some of them. 
Mr. Clay, I trust, is of too noble a nature to admit of any such 
feeling, or to doubt the sincerity of my friendship because of 
my regard for truth and candor. I should consider myself as 
dishonored — I should consider myself a false and treacherous 
friend — if I should advise or say that Mr. Clay could be elected 
when I believe the contrary. Such a course might suit th flat- 
terer — not a friend. My relations with Mr. Clay have been per- 
sonal and peculiar. I feel myself honored by them, and they 
are precious to me. I hardly know what sacrifice, consistent 
with honor, I could refuse to make to them. You may well 
imagine how much, under all these circumstances, I am con- 
strained and embarrassed. I endeavor to be as prudent and 
quiet as I can until the present difficulty shall have passed by, 
as soon it must. I did not till lately believe that Mr. Clay 
desired to be regarded as a candidate. I knew that he was not 
oven willing to be a candidate except under circumstances which 
showed clearly that it was the general wish of the people, and 
that his election was certain. It was manifest to me that thi.= 
state of things had not occurred, and hence I concluded he 



LETTER TO A. T. BURNLEY. 29 1 

would not wish or even consent to be brought forward; but his 
information and his view of the state of pubHc opinion are dif- 
ferent from mine. I have every confidence in him that he will 
do right when he is rightly informed. He is now at Baltimore, 
on his way to Washington, and he will have full opportu- 
nity here of seeing, hearing, and deciding for himself Since 
my arrival in Washington I have not sought, indeed I have 
rather avoided, inquiry and conversation with members and 
others on this subject ; but I have heard members say, that 
though Mr. Clay had many warm friends among them, they did 
not believe there was a single one would desire and advise him 
to become a candidate under present circumstances. General 
Taylor has some very active, zealous friends among the mem- 
bers, and the almost universal tendency is plainly and strongly 
towards him. There is evidently a general impression that he 
is to be the President, and that itself becomes a powerful cause 
of success. Mr. Clay's oldest and most eminent friends in 
Congress and out of it, in this part of the country, believe that 
he cannot be elected, and are, therefore, adverse to his being a 
candidate. But, for the present, his position in respect to it 
keeps them in suspense. As soon as they are relieved from that 
they will be prepared to take an active and energetic part for 
General Taylor. In the mean time they are all anxious that all 
excitement and collision between friends of Clay and Taylor 
should be carefully avoided ; that they regard as a primary 
policy. This is as good a view as I can give you in the limit 
of a letter (already too long) of the state of things here. Some 
might suppose that I am inclined to make out a case against 
Mr. Clay, when I am only endeavoring, at your request, to give 
you a true and candid statement. 

For this and other reasons I desire you to consider this letter 
confidential, and its contents not to be spoken of in connection 
with my name. I inclose you a letter for my son in Mexico. 
It may be a great relief to my brave boy George to know that 
the President has declined to accept his resignation. He is in- 
debted for this to his gallant conduct displayed in the battles 
near the city of Mexico. The interest that has been felt and 
expressed for him by the most eminent men here may well ex- 
cite his pride and furnish new motives for action. My friend 
Conrad, formerly one of your Louisiana senators, left here a 
few days since for New Orleans. He is a good Whig, and a 
gentleman. I expressed to him the wish that he would become 
well acquainted and place himself on terms of friendship with 
Baillie Peyton and yourself Receive him kindly and with con- 
fidence, — he is to be relied on. He has intelligence, honor, and 
spirit. When you meet him receive him with open hand and 



292 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

heart, and, if necessary, you may say at my request. There is 
coming rapidly a time of great scarcity of money and great em- 
barrassments in the currency and business of the country. All 
prominent men here most skilled in finance are of that opinion. 
Indications and symptoms of its approach are already operating 
and visible. I pray you to be uarned in season. Collect your 
debts ; avoid liabilities. Your friend, 

A. T. Burnley. J. J. Crittenden. 

Some time in January, Hon. Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, during 
a debate in the Senate on the Mexican war, charged Mr. Clay 
with using political arts for the purpose of promoting his pre- 
tensions to the Presidency. Mr. Crittenden interrupted him 
with the following remarks : 

Give me one moment, sir. I have had the honor of know- 
ing Mr. Clay, of calling him friend, and being called friend 
by him for the last twenty-five years. I think I know him, and 
I can venture to assure my honorable friend from Mississippi 
that there is no man in this country more incapable of the 
practice of any ignoble act than he is, — that he would not accept 
the Presidency at the price of any arts practiced by him. 

To his renown the Presidency could add but little ; he will 
adorn a bright page in the history of this country. Then, sir, 
when the passions and prejudices of party shall be hushed, his 
will, indeed, be held by all Americans the '^ claruni et vcncrabile 
nonieti,'' a name honorable and illustrious, which, combined with 
the names of his great and distinguished opponents, will, with 
their blended light, illuminate and illustrate the annals of our 
country through all time. I regret, then, sir, that, in the course 
of these animated remarks (and much, I know, escapes us in the 
heat of debate which we would willingly retract), a passage 
should have occurred which may, perhaps, be construed more 
seriously than was intended. I can assure the gentleman that 
whatever information he may have received to the contrary, Mr. 
Clay has practiced no art, — neither the art of the mesmerizer, the 
magnetizer, nor the politician to promote his pretensions to the 
Presidency. The highest official honors could add but little to 
his name. Office, in itself, is but an ignoble object of ambition. 
Mr. Clay has ever had the higher object of serving his country; 
he is incapable of any art to circumvent, to obtain, any object; 
he has used no means which the honorable senator from Mis- 
sissippi, Mr. Foote, would, in the exercise of his nicest judg- 
ment, condemn. I make this appeal kindly and respectfully in 
vindication of a private citizen and my friend now absent, and 
represented here, however unworthily, by myself. 



THE ALLISON LETTER. 293 

(Wm. Ballard Preston and others to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, February 28, 1848. 

Honorable John J, Crittenden, 
Senator from Kentucky. 
We have heard this day with regret that you have accepted 
a nomination from your State as the Whig candidate selected 
by them for the office of governor of Kentucky. We, the 
Whig members from Virginia, are deeply distressed that such 
acceptance will deprive the Senate of the United States of the 
services of one who has rendered his country such signal and 
distinguished services in that exalted station. The present is a 
crisis which demands the experience, wisdom, moderation, and 
courage which has so long rendered you conspicuous, and now, 
in your person, commands the confidence and judgment of an 
immense portion of your countrymen. We therefore request 
that should it not be wholly incompatible with your own views 
of public duty, that you would not resign your present station 
as senator until the great and impending issues which are be- 
fore the Senate for decision are disposed of We say to you 
in sincerity, and in view of the true glory of our common coun- 
try, that we regard your presence in the Senate of the United 
States as of the very highest importance. 

With sentiments of profound respect and regard, we are your 
most obedient, humble servants, 

Wm. Ballard Preston, of Va., 

w. l. goggin, 

Jno. S. Pendleton, 

And. S. Fulton. 

It will, perhaps, be remembered that there were two Allison 
letters ; they were signed by General Taylor, addressed to his 
brother-in-law, Captain Allison, and published throughout the 
country. In September, 1848, Mr. Crittenden received a letter 
from General Taylor, written at Baton Rouge, in which he says: 
*' In consequence of the intentional misrepresenting of the 
meaning of several of my letters, or parts of my letters, which 
have been given to the public by my enemies to prove a want 
of consistency in my course in regard to the Presidency, par- 
ticularly one I wrote to Mr. Pringle, of Carolina, accepting 
the nomination tendered by the Democrats of that city, I 
deem it necessary, in order to place such matters right before 
the public, to address a letter to Captain Allison, which you must 
have seen, and which, I hope, will meet your approbation." This 



294 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

letter was soon followed by another letter to Captain Allison 
The first was greatly discussed, and the last produced a great 
sensation. It was, in fact, the political platform upon which 
General Taylor was supported throughout the country, and it 
was written by Mr. Crittenden. I had heard from several sources 
that it was written by Mr. Crittenden in the Hon. Alex. H. 
Stephens's room at Washington. I wrote to him on the subject, 
and he has given me permission to use his reply as I may think 
best. I have concluded to publish it, as it contains a history of 
the affair. 

(Hon. Alexander H. Stephens to Mrs. Coleman.) 

LiKERTY Hall, Cr.\\vfordsville, Ga., October 13, 1S70. 
Dear Mrs. Coleman, — Your letter was received this morn- 
in<T. I am glad to hear that )'our work is so nearly finished. 
General Taylor's second Allison letter, I am quite sure, was 
written, in substance at least, by your father. He, Mr. Toombs, 
and myself were then living together, occupying one house 
in Washington. Major Bliss visited us from General Taylor, 
We were all earnest advocates of General Taylor's nomination 
for, and election to, the Presidency. It was, upon consultation, 
thought best, as General Taylor had had but little to do with 
politics, and was not very conversant with the public measures 
likely to enter the canvass, that an outline of such issues as 
should be presented, both for nomination and election, should 
be prepared and sent to him by Major Bliss for his considera- 
tion and announcement, if it met with his approbation. After 
a thorough understanding and agreement between your father, 
Mr. Toombs, and myself about all the points proper to be pre- 
sented in such a paper, he, your father, undertook the drafting 
of it. He did not read it to us when it was finished, but told 
us the substance of it. Major Bliss set out that night, with the 
paper, to General Taylor. In a few days this second letter to 
Major Allison made its appearance in the newspapers. It em- 
bodied in substance what had been agreed upon as proper to be 
said by General Taylor, and what your father told us he had 
written. This general statement of facts connected with it you 
may make any use of you may think proper. 

Yours most respectfully, 
Mrs. Ann Mary Coleman, Alexander H. Stephens. 

Baltimore, Mar}dand. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Senate-chamber, March 25, 1848. 
Dear Orlando, — I was shown, this morning, a letter from a 
confidential friend of General Taylor, from which I infer that he 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 295 

was about to write to you a letter intended for publication, ex 
pressing, probably, some political opinions, and especially in 
respect to the policy which we ought to observe towards 
Mexico, and the indemnity we ought to insist upon. That 
letter states that he would have indemnity, and territory for 
indemnity. Though this is the manner in which the letter- 
writer expressed himself, I am persuaded that General Taylor 
zoould not so express himself This is a point in our present 
politics of exceeding delicacy, and in regard to which there is 
a great deal of sensitiveness, particularly in the New England 
States. You will see Mr. Webster's speech published in the 
Intelligencer of this morning, in which he takes such very de- 
cided ground against the acquisition oi territory , or against such 
acquisition as might form nezv States. I may say that I almost 
knozu he would not be opposed to the establishment of the Rio 
Grande, up to New Mexico, as the boundary of Texas, and thence 
'(excluding New Mexico) to such a parallel of latitude as would, 
when pursued to the Pacific, include the harbor of San Fran- 
cisco. But if General Taylor was to say in general terms that 
•' he ivould have indemnity and territory for indemnity," it might 
fairly be construed that he meant to include in that indemnity 
all the expenses of the war, and to coerce that indemnity in 
territory, regardless of its extent. Such a declaration, on his part, 
would put him, as you will perceive, into direct conflict with the 
opinions of Mr. Webster and the feelings and prejudices of the 
New England States, — a position much to be avoided at this 
crisis. I know that such is not General Taylor's true meaning, 
and I am persuaded that he has not and will not so express 
himself in his contemplated letter to you. If, however, he has 
done so, it was probably the effect of carelessness and inadvert- 
ence, and I would advise, by all means, that you write to him 
on the subject, and return his letter for revision before publica- 
tion. Another reason for this course may be, that when it was 
written he did not know of our treaty with Mexico. Whatever 
General Taylor may say in reference to public questions, ought 
to be, in general terms, relating to principles rather than to 
measures and avoiding details. His opinions (as I believe them 
to exist) in regard to a peace with Mexico, might be sufficiently 
expressed in some such manner as this : That peace between 
the two republics was greatly to be desired, that the honor of 
our country had been fully vindicated by our victories, that the 
fallen condition of Mexico ought to prompt us to magnanimous 
moderation and forbearance towards her, and make us careful 
to exact nothing beyond the just measure of her rightful claims, 
and a satisfactory establishment of a boundary for Texas ; that 
for the satisfaction of those claims we ought to accept, ?/more 



296 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

convenient and suitable to Mexico, such limited cessions of 
territory as viight give 11s a boundar>^ including the harbor of 
San Francisco, without incumbering us with a useless extent of 
territory, that might embroil us with disturbing questions at 
home. This would cover the whole case without entering into 
detail. Out of it, with your good pen, you could frame some- 
thing that would do, and for that contmgait purpose have I 
made these suggestions. It is important to General Taylor that 
all should go smoothly on this subject, so that we may avoid 
all disadv^antage, if it should so turn out that he, and not Mr. 
Clay, should be finally selected as our candidate. Things have 
been so badly managed among us that, with all 02ir prudence, 
we may find it no easy matter to elect either of them. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 
1848. 

In Senate — Resolutions tendering Congratulations to the People of France by the 
United States upon the adoption of a Repubhc — Supreme Court Bill — Letter 
of Mr. Clay to Mr. Crittenden, loth of April, 1848, announcing his Intention 
of being a Candidate for the Pi-esidency — Crittenden's Reply to Clay — Critten- 
den to his Son George — Dinner to Mr. Crittenden, given in Washington, at the 
time he left the Senate and became Governor of Kentucky. 

In Senate, April 6, 1848. 

MR. CRITTENDEN.— Mr. President, I wish to occupy the 
attention of the Senate a few moments, rather because 
I differ from some of my friends than with the expectation of 
enlightening the Senate. Some gentlemen have supposed that 
the Senate of the United States have no power to express, and 
ought not to express, the congratulations of the American 
people to the French government in the form of this resolution. 
I do not consider that there is any question of power involvedj 
We express an opinion, a sentiment, that is all. Surely this is 
a right belonging to every individual. Is the Senate of the 
United States the only body in Christendom which is to be 
paralyzed on the occurrence of such scenes, — to stand as a sort 
o{ caput inortuum in the midst of the civilized world ? No, sir; 
we have a right to do this. It is said that we ought to delay our 
congratulations, that enough has not yet been accomplished to 
enable us to pronounce judgment. I concur in that we are 
not in a condition to pronounce a final judgment; but the ques- 
tion now is. Has not enough occurred to make us rejoice, and 
offer congratulations to France and to the world ? If we are 
to wait until all the consequences of the revolution are known 
to congratulate them, when will that time come? The youngest 
man here will not live to see that day. The conseqences for 
good or ill will extend beyond our time. This is one of the 
great events of the world, full of mighty consequences to man- 
kind. There is no exaggeration in this thought. It is the 
greatest movement in civilized and social life which has occurred 
within our knowledge, one of the signs, and marks, and wonders 
of the times. It excites the hopes, and fears, and tremulous 
anxiety of mankind. I have my fears, but my hopes prepon- 
derate. This is a mighty work to be accomplished, requiring a 
degree of virtue, intelligence, and experience which is rare, in 

(297) 



298 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the midst of alarmed Europe. The French have made this great 
experiment in the midst of hostile crowns and principalities. I 
hope that the God of truth and liberty will be with them in this 
mighty trial, and that they arc destined to be successful. 
Whether this revolution is to form the basis, to be the proxi- 
mate cause, of a great amelioration in the condition of mankind, 
I know not; I cannot anticipate. 

But however that may be, of one thing I am satisfied : its 
ultimate consequences cannot but be for the good of humanity. 
Who can say of the French Revolution of 1792, with all its 
carnage, and tumult, and the terror which it spread throughout 
the world, that from all that horror and blood good has not 
accrued to mankind ? 

The earth and the sea have covered up the victims of that 
revolution. They are no more ; but the great principles of 
liberty involved in that contest have lived to expand and spread 
abroad among mankind. A new world of intellect has been 
opened ; a new sense of freedom has been spread throughout 
the civilized universe. The ideas and principles to which it 
gave size, though for a time seemingly trampled on by the iron 
heel of tyranny, yet live. So will it be with this revolution. 
Gentlemen imagine this to be nothing more than a temporary 
ebullition of popular feeling, and prophesy that it will go down 
in crime and disaster. This may be ; but it has already shown 
to the world the power of public opinion. There is an estab- 
lished government, with its army of a hundred thousand men 
at the command of the reigning sovereign, — a sovereign who 
has been firmly seated on the throne of his ancestors for seven- 
teen years, who traces back his royal descent for centuries, — 
suddenly finding its ramparts broken down, and by what? 
Not the power of a mob under temporary excitement. No, sir, 
but by a great and majestic feeling pervading the whole mass of 
the people. That feeling took from the sword of his army its 
edge. The ultima ratio of kings was here at an end. A moral 
change was proclaimed by a power which is above all thrones, 
greater, more exalted, more irresistible, than all their impreg- 
nable ramparts and fortifications. The change is strange and 
grand ! The mighty movement of the people, produced by a 
deep sense of what was due to themselves, is to be a[)plauded. 
Sir, I congratulate them ! France may have to go through 
many disastrous convulsions before she attains her great aim — 
the establishment of a system of free government. I wish I 
could believe that this revolution is to be the proximate cause. 
I am not confident that it is so ; but I have hope. It cannot be 
otherwise than productive of good. For this we congratulate 
France, and bid her God speed ! 



SUPREME COURT BILL. 



299 



About this time a bill was introduced in the Senate proposing 
to authorize the judges of the Supreme Court to hold a second 
term in the course of the year. Mr. Crittenden thought the 
accumulation of business in the Supreme Court rendered this 
necessary, and made the following remarks in favor of it : 

Mr. Speaker, I shall only occupy the Senate a few moments. 
I regret that gentlemen have chosen this occasion, so impor- 
tant in itself, for the purpose of debating questions and prin- 
ciples which, according to my judgment, are not included 
in the subject under consideration. To what purpose is it 
to debate the question as to the political character of the 
Supreme Court of the United States — to debate the question 
whether it was best to appoint the judges in the manner pre- 
scribed in our Constitution, or to change that Constitution and 
make them elective ? Where is the necessity of inquiring into 
the nature and extent of the jurisdiction of the court on this 
occasion ? Where the propriety of inquiring into the indi- 
vidual or collective competency of the judges ? This bill does 
not touch the subject in regard to any principle or question in- 
volved in it as a system. It takes the court as it stands, as it is 
legally and constitutionally established, without change or alter- 
ation of its jurisdiction, and simply proposes — what? That 
because of an inconvenient accumulation of business in the 
Supreme Court of the United States, rendering it impossible 
for that court to dispose of the business in less than two or 
three years, a remedy should be applied to obviate the evil. 
And what is the remedy ? The bill simply proposes to author- 
ize the judges of the Supreme Court to hold a second term 
in the course of the year besides that to which they are now 
limited. Now, what principle is involved in this ? If I under- 
stand the arguments which have any application to this sub- 
ject, gentlemen would have no objection to this measure if 
they did not apprehend that it was intended as a wedge — 
the commencement, as they express it — of another system, 
having for its object the suspension of the judges of the Su- 
preme Court from all duty in the Circuit Courts, confining them 
solely to their duties in the Supreme Court. They imagine 
this, and refuse to apply the proposed remedy for an acknowl- 
edged ill. 

They speak of the danger of the remedy ! Let us examine 
it. The bill provides for a single year. According to existing 
laws the next term of the Supreme Court will commence on the 
first Monday in December next. We are now in the first week 
of April; four months of the year have expired. The three 
corresponding months of the next year will be occupied by the 



300 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

court in the transactions of its business, so that the whole peril 
of the proposed measure lies in the compass of eight months. 
But, forsooth, if we indulge the Supreme Court (for gentlemen 
seem to regard it as an indulgence) by granting them permis- 
sion to come here and dispatch the business of the court in that 
period, great danger is to arise, a new system is to grow up, a 
new principle is to be evolved, which is to relieve the judges of 
the Supreme Court from all other duties except those belong- 
ing to the Supreme Court, and other serious political conse- 
quences will result. I apprehend no such evil. There is not a 
senator here, so far as I can judge from the opinions that I have 
heard expressed, who is willing to change the present system 
so far as to separate the judges from the Circuit Court and 
limit them to the Supreme Court. The Senate, then, has 
the issue and consequences in its hands, and, I ask, what solid 
ground is there for apprehension ? Is there any danger that 
the senator from Arkansas will be, even in these revolution- 
ary times, so perfectly revolutionized in his opinions as to 
come back prepared to reverse all his opinions which he has 
expressed to-day. Why, sir, are we afraid of ourselves ? It 
is supposed that this is a bill for the relief of the Supreme 
Court. Relieve them from what ? It relieves them by requiring 
them to hold a term of the Supreme Court and discharge all 
the arduous duties of their office. Are these labors less ex- 
pensive to them than traveling on their circuits would be ? I 
apprehend not. But relief, it is obvious, is not the purpose of 
this bill. The honorable senator is apprehensive that some 
cases may not be tried according to law ; that some admiralty 
cases may be delayed to the tremendous and incalculable detri- 
ment of all parties; and we hear also of appeals to the Circuit 
Courts. Now, litigation may be infinitely more active in the 
part of the country where the honorable senator practices his 
profession so much more profitably than I do ; but in my sec- 
tion of the country there has not been in twent}- years twenty 
cases of appeal from the District to the Circuit Courts. 

As to the Spanish pirates, the gentleman will agree with me 
that our entire coast is free from such pestilence. The keeping 
a felon out of the penitentiary for a few months is the only pos- 
sible contingency that may occur. Such a case may occur. 
Some petty robber of your mails, or something of that sort. It 
seems to me that the honorable senator's mind is a little fevered 
on this subject; that he does not view it with calmness and dis- 
cretion, which usually characterize his labors as chairman of 
the Committee on the Judiciary. I apprehend that he has al- 
lowed his mind to run off from the consideration of the particular 
subject before it to other questions not at all involved in it. His 



LETTER TO HENRY CLAY. 30 1 

mind is evidently prejudiced. He apprehends that the judges, 
consulting their own experience, had suggested this bill as a 
proper remedy for the existing evil, and that that is a sort of 
Nazareth from zvhich no good can come. But, as my friend from 
New Jersey has said, who so well qualified to suggest a remedy 
as the judges of the courts ? I do not know that they have sug- 
gested this plan ; but admitting it, I desire no prejudice against 
the measure on that account. The judges are competent. I 
desire the decision of the Senate, — to their judgment I shall bow 
with all the deference to which it is entitled. 

(Henry Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ashland, April 10, 1848. 
My dear Sir, — I transmit you inclosed a copy of a note, the 
publication of which I have authorized. 

I can add nothing to the reasons which it assigns for the course 
which I have finally felt it my duty to adopt, but I shall be most 
happy if they meet with concurrence of your judgment. 

I am faithfully your friend, 
The Hon. J. J. Crittenden. H. Clay. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Henry Clay.) 

Washington, May 4, 1848. 
My dear Sir, — I had the pleasure to receive your letter, 
inclosing to me a printed copy of your published note of the 
loth of the last month, announcing your course and determina- 
tion in respect to the ensuing presidential election. I hope it 
may turn out for the best ; but you are apprised of my opinions 
and apprehensions on the subject, and though so much less 
competent than yourself to judge, I must confess that I still 
retain the same impressions. It has all along seemed to me 
that there was not that certainty of success which alone could 
warrant your friends in again presenting your name as a candi- 
date. The whole subject of the presidential election is becom- 
ing more and more perplexed. General Taylor's two letters of 
the 20th and 22d of the last month, which you will have seen, 
have reached here. No certain judgment, I suppose, can yet 
be formed of their elTect. The public press has not been heard 
on the subject. I have conversed with but few about it. I un- 
derstand that these letters have produced considerable sensa- 
tion here, that of the 22d being entirely satisfactory and miti- 
gating, to a great extent, the discontent produced by that of the 
20th. The declaration contained in the latter, " that he would 
not withdraw from the canvass even if yourself or any other 
was nominated by the national convention," was received here 
with great surprise, and though not inconsistent with the 
grounds taken in his previously published letters, it seemed to 



302 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

give quite a shock to the Whigs. It was regretted by us all. 
What will be the result of the position thus taken by General 
Taylor I am at a loss to conjecture. It makes the future still 
more impenetrable and dark, and I cannot contemplate it with- 
out despondency. General Scott, as I learn, begins to be much 
spoken of as a candidate, and his friends are said to be making 
preparations to press and sustain him strongly in the national 
convention. I know nothing of the extent of these prepara- 
tions or of the grounds on which his friends rest their confi- 
dence. So far as I can see or judge, it appears to me that the 
general can have no great strength of his own in the conven- 
tion, and that his nomination can only take place (if at all) in 
consequence of the conflict of other interests. 

Upon the whole, it seems to me that the political prospects 
before us present only a troubled scene, from the contemplation 
of which we can derive no pleasure. 

That you may be saved from, or pass through, that scene in 
safety and honor is the sincere wish of your friend, 

J, J. Crittenden.* 

Hon. Henry Clay. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his son George B. Crittenden.) 

Senate-chamber, April 14, 1S48. 
My dear George, — Before this reaches you, I hope you will 
have received your commission as major of your regiment, 
which I sent you through the State Department, addressed to 
General Butler. I have also the great satisfaction to inform 
you that in a long list of brevet nominations for distinguished 
services lately made by the President, you have the honor of 
being breveted as major. These nominations have not yet been 
acted on by the Senate, but will doubtless be confirmed. I 
can hardly express, my dear son, the gratification I feel at these 
honors won and obtained by you. You have won them fairly; 
take care and luear them worthily. I am honored in viy sons. 
Their honors are mine, and as dear to me as life. To enjoy them 
fully I must feel secure in them. I have not yet received a line 
from you, I have looked long and anxiously for a letter. We 
are looking anxiously for news from Mexico, — for intelligence 
from our commissioners, Sevier and Clifford. May it be news 
of peace, and may that peace soon restore you to us. You 

* T/iis is supposed to be the last letter ever addressed by Mr. Crittenden to Mr. 
Clay. Circumstances growing out of General Taylor's nomination and election 
produced an alienation between them. During Mr. Clay's last illness there was a 
cordial reconciliation, and Mr. Clay expressed to his son Thomas, on his death- 
bed, the warmest affection for Mr. C, and his approbation of his course throughout. 
I an. ind<.lited to the kindness of Mrs. James Clay for this and other letters of Mr. 
Crittenden to Mr. Clay. 



PUBLIC DINNER. 303 

may not have heard that I was lately nominated as candidate 
for governor of Kentucky. I was constrained to accept it, and 
shall return to Kentucky in the early part of June, 
Farewell, my dear son. 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Major G. B. Crittenden. 

A public dinner was tendered to Mr. Crittenden on the occa- 
sion of his retirement from the Senate, by a large number of 
his friends in Congress and a number of the citizens of the Dis- 
trict. This compliment may be said to have been impromptu. 
Almost every member of the Senate in the city, and a large 
number of the members of the House of Representatives, with- 
out distinction of party, united in the invitation. 

No similar mark of respect was, perhaps, ever offered to any 
public man with more readiness and sincerity. The dinner 
was given at the National Hotel, Mr. Senator Mangum pre- 
siding, assisted by the Hon. J. S. Pendleton and the Hon. Robert 
Toombs, of the House of Representatives. The toast to Mr. 
Crittenden, expressive of affectionate respect and warm admira- 
tion, was responded to by him in eloquent and affecting terms. 
The following is the correspondence which preceded the ban- 
quet : 

Washington, June 12, 1848. 
To THE Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

The undersigned, a few of the many friends whom you have 
made in the course of your distinguished career as a public 
man, having heard that you were about to leave Washington 
immediately, in obedience to the call of the great State which 
has honored you so long, and in honoring you has so much 
honored herself, beg that you will remain long enough to 
receive at their hands a slight testimony of their confidence, 
respect, and esteem, and they will also add, of their sincere 
regret that any circumstances should at this time make it 
necessary that you retire from a "theatre" on which you have 
enacted, and by all the qualifications of a statesman and a 
patriot are able to enact, so useful and so eminent a part. They 
purpose that you will remain long enough to dine with them 
on such a day and at such an hour as may suit your conven- 
ience. 

D. Webster, A. P. Bagby, A. C. Greene, 

W. P. Mangum, Sydney Breese, John Bell, 

W. L. Dayton, A. Felch, Wm. Upham, 

J. M. Mason, D. S. Yulee, J. C. Calhoun, 



304 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



S. M. Downs, 
D. W. Lewis, 
H. Johnson, 
J. A. Pearce, 
J. R. Underwood, 
Solon Borland, 



C. G. Atherton, 
J. McP. Berrien, 
Thos. Corwin, 
Reverdy Johnson, 
Thomas J. Rush, 
A. P. Butler, 
R. M. T. Hunter, 



J. M. NiLES, 

On the part of the Senate. 



Jefferson Davis, 
Simon Cameron, 
John A. Dix, 
D. S. Dickinson, 
J. D. Westcott, 
W. K. Sebastian, 
D. R. Atkinson, 



J. S. Pendleton, 
R. Toombs, 
W. B. Preston, 
R. W. Thompson, 
George G. Dunn, 
T. S. Flournoy, 
P. T. Sylvester, 
J. W. Houston, 
E. C. Cabell, 
Green Adams, 
James Pollock, 
T. A. Talmadge, 
Th. p. Campbell, 
George Ashmun, 
R. C. Winthrop, 
J. B. Thompson, 

W. DUER, 

A. S. Fulton, 
R. C. Schenck, 
J. C. Roman, 
W. T. Lawrence, 
John Blanch ard. 



M. P. Gentry, 
John Freedly, 
J. E. Holmes, 
John Strohm, 
G. N. Eckert, 
E. Therrill, 
J. Collamer, 
John Dickey, 
John Crozier, 
J. G. Hampton, 
L. C. Sevier, 
A. Stewart, 

A. H. Stephens, 
J. R. Ingersoll, 
Aylett Buckner, 

D. RUMSEY, 

p. W, Thompkins, 
w. l. goggin, 
Garnett Duncan, 
J. W. Crisfield, 

B. G. Thibodeaux, 
William Cocke, 



E. B. Holmes, 
W. Hunt, 
T. Butler King, 
E. Embree, 
D. M. Barringer, 
Daniel Duncan, 
R. C. Canby, 
M. Hampton, 
O. Kellogg, 
T. L. Clingman, 
John W. Jones, 
Caleb B, Smith, 
Samuel F. Vinton, 
J. W. Farrelly, 
W. Nelson, 
D. B. St. John, 
Joseph Grinnell, 
John Gayle, 
A. Lincoln, 
C. S. Morehead, 
John L. Taylor, 



On the part of the House of Representatives. 



W. W. Seaton, 
John Carter, 
Henry Chauncy, 
Dan. F. Delaney, 



W. H. Aspinwall, G. C. Washington, 
W. A. Parker, John E. Shell, 

R. C. Weightman, D. F. Slaughter, 
M. St. Clair Clarke, T. L. Smith, 
Charles Morgan, 

Citizens of Washington. 



(Mr. Crittenden's Keply.) 

Senate, June I2, 1848. 

Gentlemen, — I have received your most kind letter and in- 
vitation of this day's date, in which you are pleased to express 
your regret at my intended resignation of my scat in the Senate 
of the United States, and request that I would postpone my 
departure from Washington " long enough to dine with you on 
such a day and at such an hour as will suit my convenience." 



PUBLIC DINNER. 305 

This most unexpected mark of your kindness and regard does me 
too much honor. Your commendation, gentlemen, is praise 
indeed ; it is far, I know, beyond any merit of mine. But yet 
I take it to my heart as a testimony of your personal regard ; 
I will treasure it as a most precious treasure, and it will grow 
in my memory as long as memory shall last. 

I have no language in which to make you suitable acknowl- 
edgments. I will only ask you to believe that I receive this 
testimony of your "confidence, respect, and esteem" with a 
heart full of feeling, which I know not how to express. 

I have only to add that I accept with pleasure the invitation 
to dine with you. The necessity of my speedy departure from 
the city obliges me to name to-morrow. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient 

servant, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

To Dan. Webster and others of the Senate; Hon. J. S. 
Pendleton and others of the House of Representatives ; W. 
W. Seaton and others of the citizens of Washington. 



VOL. I. — 20 



CHAPTER XXIV. 
1848. 

Great "Whig Meeting at Pittsburg— Crittenden's Speech— Letter of Tom Clay- 
Letter of General Taylor to Crittenden from New Orleans — Crittenden's 
canvassing for Office of Governor— Debate with Powell — Letter to Orlando 
Brown, 

(From the Weekly Commercial Journal of Pittsburg, June 24, 184S.) 

IT having been announced that Mr. Crittenden would address 
our citizens last night, a large yard in the rear of the hotel 
was crowded at an early hour to its utmost capacity. 

Mr. Crittenden appeared upon the platform and was greeted 
with loud applause. Mr. Forward rose and said he had great 
pleasure in introducing to the meeting the Hon. J. J. Crittenden, 
of Kentucky. (Loud and continuous applause.) From the 
prominent part which this eloquent and able gentleman had 
taken in the advocacy of interests especially near to us, his name 
has become as familiar to us as household words. 

After Mr. Forward sat down, the cries for Crittenden ! Critten- 
den ! were absolutely deafening, and when he rose the welkin 
rang with shouts and cheers. 

Mr. Crittenden said he wished he could address the meeting 
in a style to justify the highly complimentary introduction he 
had received from Mr. Forward, or that he was as well able to 
instruct and entertain his fellow-citizens as that distinguished 
gentleman. " Could I address you with his ability, the utmost 
measure of my ability would be filled. Fellow-citizens, I hope 
no one will believe me guilty of the presumption of desiring 
the people of this great city to be called together for the pur- 
pose of hearing an address from mc. I received an invitation 
by telegraph, and promised Hampton I would be here. 

" The great topic now agitating the public mind is that relative 
to the presidential question. The chief executive magistrate of 
this Union occupies a position which extends over the whole 
country and into all the departments of government. The two 
great parties have met in convention and selected their candi- 
dates and made their nominations. The Whig Convention has 
nominated General Zachary Taylor. Preceding this nomina- 
tion there existed, as there always will upon such occasions, 
great difference of opinion among the Whigs as to who should 
(306) 



GREAT WHIG MEETING AT PITTSBURG. 307 

be their candidate. It was not possible that the wishes of all 
could be gratified ; but the convention was composed of dele- 
gates from all sections of the Union ; they compared their 
opinions, and General Taylor's nomination was the result of the 
free and full interchange of their views. The only virtue these 
conventions can have is to unite us. The National Whig Con- 
vention of Philadelphia has nominated General Zachary Taylor 
for President of the United States, and he is presented to us as 
our candidate by all the forms known to us in such cases. I 
now propose to examine somewhat into the qualifications of 
General Taylor for this high office, and the traits which recom- 
mend him for it. In the first place, I know General Taylor per- 
sonally. What objection can be made to him ? What objec- 
tion is made to him by his opponents ? I have heard no 
impeachment of his character as a soldier or a man ; but his 
qualifications for the office of President have been called in 
question. I do not myself think that mere military talents and 
renown qualify a man for exalted civil stations any more than I 
think that great civil talents qualify a man to command an army. 
It is sometimes the case, however, that those who wield the 
sword bravely in the defense of their country are also endowed 
with the qualifications of statesmen, learned in civil duties, and 
submissive to the Constitution and laws of their country. What 
is the foundation of the belief that the possession of high in- 
tellectual powers is the great qualification necessary for an aspi- 
rant to the presidential office ? After all, the heart of a man is 
the best qualification, — a heart that is honest and faithful. Grati - 
tude will keep such a heart in the right path, and under the rule 
of such a man we could not be in danger. None of our Presi- 
dents have ever failed through want of intellect. The failure of ou r 
administrations (where they have failed) have been through want 
of heart, and not of head. A man with a sound American 
heart and a good common understanding is what is wanted, and 
with such we are secure against treachery and danger. An 
honest man is needed, and honest men are not so scarce as is 
sometimes supposed. We have an anecdote of an old philoso- 
pher who, when asked why he walked in daylight with a torch, 
replied, that he was searching for an honest man. Well, gen- 
tlemen, I think the people of the United States have found what 
the old philosopher searched for, — they have found an honest 
man in Zachaiy Taylor. They have not needed to carr}' a torch 
to find him, — his character is a torch, lighting up and show- 
ing an honest man. That torch flames so high that all the world 
can see it, and the earth and the heavens are filled with its light. 
A word as to General Taylor's political principles, and to the 
attempts of politicians to investigate his character. No man 



3o8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

was more universally recognized as a Whig among his personal 
acquaintances than General Taylor. I know him to be a Whig. 
He has said (and if there is a man living who would not tell a 
falsehood that man is General Taylor), ' I am a Whig, but not 
an ultra Whig!' If he had been near a place of election in 
1844 he would have voted for Mr. Clay. This brave man has 
spent his life in camp, — in distant places, — where the service of 
his country called him. He has kept his mind free from the 
bitter animosities of a party politician. While actuated by all 
the leading Whig principles, he has no unkind feelings towards 
those who differ with him. WJiigs and Democrats have fought 
under his orders side by side, — equally fighting, shedding their 
blood, and conquering under him. How could it be possible 
for him to regard the one with less favor than the other ? How 
can General Taylor give place to any of those little animosities 
of the petty politician ? How could the old hero be bound by 
paltry party ligaments, inducing him to favor one more than 
another of those who fought under him, bled under him, and 
to whom their old general is alike the object of obedience and 
affection ? This, my fellow-citizens, is the school of General 
Taylor's politics. ' I have seen Whig and Democrat bleed to- 
gether in the cause of their country,' said General Taylor; 
'and if I am President I will proscribe no man. I would as 
soon turn my back upon a friend or run from a Mexican as pro- 
scribe any man for an honest difference of opinion.' General 
Taylor, though he took no degree in college, is a reading man ; 
he is familiar with history, ancient and modern ; he is a student 
of Plutarch, — he is one of Plutarch's men ! In worth, in mod- 
esty, he is equal to any of Plutarch's heroes, and as an Ameri- 
can I am proud to proclaim it, and to claim him as my coun- 
tryman ! 

" When General Taylor commanded the army in Texas, he 
was ordered to advance to the western boundary of Texas. 
The honest old soldier had sense enough to perceive that it 
was not his business to decide as to where this line lay, and he 
made the cabinet tell him that which they had not distinctly 
decided among themselves. When asked by the cabinet to 
take a position on the Rio Grande, he did so, and commenced 
the campaign. Let any one who doubts General Taylor's ca- 
pacity examine the history of this campaign, and let him say 
if he can discover one solitary fault, one thing which was 
omitted, but which ought to have been done, or one thing done 
which ought to have been omitted. 

"The government — never friendly to him — had found fault 
with him for the capitulation of Monterey; but the officer who 
carried him the reproof of the War Department has said that, 



GREAT WHIG MEETING AT PITTSBURG. 309 

as a military man, he would have preferred the honor of that 
capitulation to the glory of General Taylor's previous victories. 
This officer was Major Graham, one of the most accomplished 
men in the American army. Major Graham carried the rebuke 
of the War Department, composed in the midst of peace, safety, 
and luxury in the White House, to the brave old soldier who 
was fighting in the mountains of Mexico. Graham says he 
watched the old man's countenance as he read the letter : no 
sign of anger or emotion was visible. After reading it calmly, 
he said, ' I am sorry my conduct has not met the approbation 
of the President, and that the government condemns my course.' 
' General,' said Graham, ' the people do not condemn you.' 
' I would have taken Monterey,' said General Taylor, ' with a 
high and bloody hand, but it would have cost me the lives of 
five hundred more of my men. I did not care about the Mexi- 
cans ; I could whip them at any time ; what I wanted was the 
town. The President does not understand the matter, or the 
reasons for my conduct. I had my cannon and my supplies 
to bring up, and my lines of communication to establish and 
secure. While I affected to grant the enemy time, I was really 
securing it for myself This is the only objection I have heard 
against General Taylor; and public opinion and military critics 
have long since decided that in his favor. (A voice from the 
crowd, " I know another objection: he never knows when he is 
whipped.") I think you are mistaken there, too, my friend. Gen- 
eral Taylor has never been whipped, and I don't think he will 
live long enough ever to be whipped. 

" To command an army of ten thousand men in a foreign 
country, scattered over a large space, requires talents and 
genius. General Taylor has done this successfully, and I think 
we may fairly conclude he has the ability necessary to be our 
President. General Gibson, of Washington, told me a circum- 
stance relating to General Taylor which is well worth repeating. 
You all know General Gibson ; at least you all ought to know 
him. A Pennsylvanian, he is not only an honor to his State 
but to the Union. I have passed through times in Washington 
when almost everybody's integrity was questioned, but in all 
times General Gibson's name stood crowned for truth and hon- 
esty. Well, speaking of General Taylor, he said to me, ' I 
know him well; we were in the same regiment; I was one 
grade above him, and so we kept on in the service together, 
the promotions of one keeping pace with the promotions of 
the other. We have served together on nineteen courts-martial, 
and we always selected Taylor to draw up the opinion of the 
court and the report of the proceedings ; he was the best writer 
among us !' By a rare combination General Taylor is not only 



3IO i-IFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

a conqueror in war, but he is eminently a friend of peace. Said 
he, ' If I could restore peace to my country, and put an end to 
this bloody war, I would go with pride and pleasure to my 
farm and spend the balance of my life in retirement.' A war- 
rior, a hero in the hour of battle, when the battle is over this 
lion becomes a lamb. Not only in America, but in Europe, 
has he established our fame as a warlike and martial people, 
and yet he is always the advocate of peace. His soldiers love 
him — all love him ; and the military critic, when in looking 
over all his campaigns, cannot point to a single error of com- 
mission or omission. 

" In all his career, so far as I am informed, General Taylor 
never put his hand to a death-warrant of a soldier for execution 
under military law ; he rules his army by affection, and not 
through fear. How great must be the satisfaction of the brave 
old man, when he reflects, The enemies of my country fall be- 
fore me, but my hand is free from the blood of any of my fellow- 
citizens ! 

" A remarkable instance of his reluctance to sentence men to 
death is related of him as occurring after the battle of Buena 
Vista. When the battle was over, two deserters were brought 
to him who had been taken fighting among the Mexicans. One 
might suppose that in such a case he might be expected to give 
way to feelings of vengeance. Between five and six hundred of 
his soldiers lay bleeding on the earth ; but the battle was over ; 
he thought there had been enough blood shed. The thirst 
of conflict was over, and the feelings of humanity prevailed. 
If acknowledged as deserters, these men must be put to death ; 
but Taylor could not do this. ' No, no,' said he, ' these men 
were never my soldiers ; they never belonged to my army ; 
drive them back again to the Mexicans, to the tune of the 
Rogue's March !' (Loud laughter and great applause.) 

"No man ever questioned Taylor's honesty. A short time 
since General Twiggs said to me, ' There is not a man in the 
world who can look five minutes in Taylor's face and make a 
dishonest proposition to him.' A private soldier in the army 
would refer a difficulty with a major-general to General Taylor 
with the certainty that he would receive from old Zack the 
most absolute justice." 

After a few words descriptive of the battle of Buena Vista, 
Mr. Crittenden proceeded to say : " I mean no disparagement to 
any other general in the army, — many of them are great men; 
but I do not believe there is another officer in the army who 
could have fought that battle ; or, if so, who could have won it. 
(Loud and continued applause.) 

*' And now, since he has returned home, I hear nothing of him 



GREAT WHIG MEETING AT PITTSBURG. 311 

except his going up and down the river visiting his friends. 
Why, there can't be a wedding in the neighborhood without his 
being present. (Loud laughter and applause.) They follow him 
about like chickens. He moves about talking to the farmers, 
for he is as good a farmer as any of them ; and if he should visit 
Pennsylvania, although he could no doubt learn something from 
you, he would not fail to give you also some instruction. 

" General Taylor's habits are of the simplest kind. His fare 
was only that of the common soldier ; so that no man could 
say he endured more than his general. No general in the 
American army was ever so loved, so obeyed, so fought for ; no 
sentry, no guard, was around his tent ; any private soldier might 
enter it, and if the general was not occupied he would sit down 
and talk kindly with him about his family and home. During 
all the months of his service in Mexico he never slept in a 
house, — the tent was his home, in the midst of his men. There 
is a soldier for you ; there is a citizen for you. 

"And this man, — so pure, so plain, so upright, — as ready with 
a tear for the sorrows of a friend as with a blow for an enemy, 
would he not make a real, genuine, old-fashioned Democratic 
President ? (" Yes, yes ;" and loud applause.) Not a spurious, 
partisan Democrat, but a real Democrat? Would not his 
election be a new light over our fading Democracy ? Do you 
not think, my friends, that our Democracy has been falling to 
the rear a little in the sere and yellow leaf? Have not abuses 
crept in, from the long continuance of power in the same hands ? 
I make no allusion to any individual. Are we not gradually 
getting into our government too many little aristocratic notions ? 
(A voice, " It all comes of the loaves and fishes.") Yes, my 
friends, there is a good deal in that, too. One set of Presidents 
have held power a long time, — I mean a set of Presidents pro- 
fessing the same political principles, — and in this long contin- 
uance of power in the same hands abuses must have crept in. 
But, my fellow-citizens, I have already detained you too long, 
and I must now conclude." 

Mr. Crittenden was about taking his seat when he was pre- 
vented by a perfect tempest of shouts, " Go on — go on — go 
on ! give us a little more grape," etc. 

" Well, my countrymen, I will make a few more remarks, but 
they must be brief I wish to say a word on one subject in 
regard to which there is a good deal of feeling in this section 
of the country. It is objected to General Taylor that he is a 
Southern man and a slaveholder. Why are these local dis- 
tinctions made ? I am a Kentuckian, but I thank God I can 
take you Pennsylvanians by the hand and call you brother. 
Separated by State boundaries, under different State govern- 



312 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

mcnts, there is still a bond of union, — the Constitution of the 
United States, which binds us all into one great country. I am 
proud and thankful to call you all my countrymen. Providence 
never allotted to any other people such a country as ours. 
Rome, when she had desolated half the world, and tinged 
every streamlet and river with blood in her career of conquest, 
never possessed half the power that you possess or will possess. 
That power is for extending liberty to millions yet unborn, and 
your influence to every portion of the inhabited world. If we 
but hold together — this and greater will be our lot — we will 
go on increasing to incomprehensible, indescribable greatness. 
Over all this wide domain, stretching from the Pacific, four 
thousand miles distant from us, to the shores of the Atlantic, 
we are, and can be, one great people, speaking the same lan- 
guage, and governed by the same laws. I know not for what 
purpose we may be reserved, but so far our progress has been 
unexampled in the history of the world. Let us not, then, 
speak of a Northern man, a man from the Middle States, or a 
Southern man, — what matter where he is from so he is the man 
to serve our purposes and work out our destiny? We are none 
of us Kentuckians, none of us Pennsylvanians, we are all 
Americans ! (Loud cheers.) 

" General Taylor is called a Southern man. Well, in Ken- 
tucky, we call ourselves Western men. Let us inquire where 
General Taylor has passed his life, — in the South, in the North, 
in the West. For forty years he has lived in his tent, for forty 
years he has oeen covered by the glorious stars and stripes. Is 
not this answer sufficient to silence all those objections ? He has 
lived where his country's interests called him, and is he now to 
be questioned as to where he comes from? (Applause, "Hurrah 
for old Zack !") General Taylor has said, I will proscribe no 
man for difference of opinion: which of you, who now hear me, 
will proscribe him? 

"Will you proscribe him, — the gallant, warm-hearted, kind, 
truthful old soldier, the great warrior, the kind neighbor, 
the skillful general, the good husband, the good father, and 
good citizen? Will you proscribe him, the indulgent master 
whose slaves are always most happy when his duties allow 
him to return among them? ("No — no — no!") I have always 
supposed you Pennsylvanians to be particularly susceptible to 
the claims of high military qualities. I saw it in the days of 
Jackson. I have remarked it on many other occasions. I have 
a sort of superstitious belief about me, a certainty, I may say, 
that when General Taylor's character and achievements shall be 
known among you, a generous enthusiasm in his favor will 
sweep your State from the Delaware to your utmost mount- 
ains. (Continued applause.) 



GREAT WHIG MEETING AT PITTSBURG. 



313 



A voice, " What about Fillmore ?" 

" I know him well. He is an excellent man, and man of great 
ability, honesty, and sound principles ; he aided materially in 
the construction of that bill of which you Pennsylvanians think 
so much, — the tariff of 1842. 

" I have dwelt but little on the politics of General Taylor, but 
there is one subject of which I will speak, as it touches closely 
your interests here. You, my friends, may be called the Spar- 
tans of America. The old Lycurgus, in order to prevent luxury 
and avarice among his Spartans, made iron money their circu- 
lating medium. You in Pittsburg, by your enterprise and 
industry, have done the same thing. You are workers in iron, 
and you have made your iron money. If in your business 
you need some little aid, some little protection from your 
government, and Congress shall pass a law giving it to you, 
it will receive no obstruction from General Taylor's veto. 

" I Avill add one more remark, gentlemen. If the tariff laws 
do not afford sufficient protection for you, they soon will. 
There is no evil without some good accompanying it, and 
even this evil of one hundred and eighty-five millions of debt 
growing out of the war with Mexico will result in some 
good. To meet this debt, the taxes on importations must be 
exorbitant, and the tariff, of course, increased. Providence 
has given us great advantages, and I see not why they should 
not be used for the benefit of our own people. Is it not lawful 
for us to enjoy these advantages ? In Europe, with its crowded 
population, industry is enslaved ; with us, industry confers in- 
dependance and wealth. If we throw open our doors to for- 
eigners, sleep with them, and make them as our own country- 
men, is it not lawful for us to protect ourselves against the 
pauper labor of the old world ? It is surely the duty of each 
nation to protect its own citizens, and the world is best managed 
when this system is most closely adhered to. General Taylor 
says that he thinks all this legislation should be left to Con- 
gress. When Congress passes a tariff law it is not the business 
of the President to veto it. If you elect old Zack President, 
— and we are bound to do it, — you will have an honest, humane 
man. And you can point him out the old world, ruled over 
by kings, some of them almost idiots, others despots, and say, 
Here is a man! look upon our President, — a man whom you 
cannot buy, whom you cannot sell, whom you cannot scare, 
and who never surrenders !" 

When Mr. Crittenden sat down, the cheering was tremendous. 
Three cheers were given for John J. Crittenden with a will 
which made the mountains ring. 



314 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Thomas H. Clay to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mansfield, June 24, 1858. 

My dear Crittenden, — I received on yesterday a copy of 
your speech, delivered in the Senate of the United States, cor- 
rected by yourself, on Kansas and the Lecompton question, 
which you did me the honor to inclose to me. 

It was my intention to have written to you before this to ex- 
press to you my thanks and gratitude for the able, patriotic, 
and conservative course you pursued during the late session of 
Congress ; not that the opinions of as humble an individual as 
myself could avail you anything, but I thought that a proper 
veneration for my father's memory demanded this from me. I 
am satisfied, as you observed in your speech on last Monday 
evening, that, had he been living, he would have pursued a 
course similar to that which you adopted. 

Why should you regard the denunciations of the Southern 
Democratic press ? Was not he, throughout his career, assailed 
by it with the charge of abolitionism ? When did public virtue 
and patriotism ever escape its detractions ? 

If the Black Republican party eschews sectional issues, and 
have become national and conservative in their action, whilst 
the Democratic administration manifests itself as corrupt and 
imbecile, why should not all true Americans unite with it to 
cleanse the Augean stable at Washington, and to purify the 
country from this baleful influence? 

With my best wishes for your continued health, and with the 
highest regard, 

I am truly your friend, 

The Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Thos. H. Clay. 

(General Zachary Taylor to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New Orleans, July i, 1848. 

My dear Sir, — Your highlv esteemed and interesting letter 
of the I ith ult., in relation to my nomination as a candidate for 
the Presidency at the coming election, by the National Whig 
Convention, which recently assembled in Philadelphia, reached 
me a short time previous to my leaving Baton Rouge for this 
place. Mowever much I migiit have felt gratified, which was 
not a little, at the distinguished honor done me by that talented, 
pure, and patriotic body, yet, when I first received information 
of my nomination, I must say that I felt nothing like pride or 
exultation at the same, which may be owing to my reluctance 
in embarking in the canvass and doubts as to the propriety of 
my goiiig into the high office in question, which seem to grow 



LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 315 

Stronger as the time approaches when it is possible I may have 
to do so. Perhaps another cause may have operated on me in 
connection with the above, which is on account of Mr. Clay's 
feelings of disappointment and even mortification at the course 
matters and things took, and resulted, in the convention, which, 
from his age and temperament, I fear he will not bear with the 
greatest philosophy, or even with that resignation and magna- 
nimity which should be displayed on such occasions. But, I 
hope for the best. Without regard to my personal wishes or 
pretensions to the high office in question (for which I have 
none), I very much regretted Mr. Clay permitted his name to 
be brought before the country as a candidate for the Presidency, 
which, I make no doubt, he was overpersuaded to do by many 
false friends ; but as he did so. if there had been anything like 
a certainty in his being elected, I would have been much more 
elated on hearing of his nomination than I felt when my own 
was communicated to me, or since then, notwithstanding the 
warm congratulations I have received on my success from many 
warm friends, — yourself among the number, — which was greatly 
enhanced in value by the regret you felt at the defeat of an old 
and dear friend. If I could place him in the presidential chair, on 
the 4th of March, 1 849, 1 would gladly do so. At the same time, 
I deem his election, even had he been the nominee of the con- 
vention, entirely out of the question; nor do I believe his real 
friends, on that account, wished to have seen him again in the 
field, as they were satisfied, had that been the case, it would 
have resulted in saddling the present party in power on the 
country for another term of four years, and, in all likelihood, 
until our institutions were utterly destroyed, or nothing left of 
them but their name. In that light I must view them should 
the nominee of the Baltimore Convention be elected, which is 
not unlikely will be the case. But the Whigs must contest that 
matter to the utmost, and if our fair fabric of government is to 
be pulled down and destroyed, they, the Whigs, must do all 
they can to prevent it. The question by the convention was 
not who ought to be elected, but what Whig could be elected 
and arrest the downward tendency of our institutions. I have 
not language to express in appropriate terms the distinguished 
and high compliment done me, more especially for the manner 
in which it was paid by that enlightened assembly, in which 
there were so many fathers of the land. That they should, in 
a state of high party times like the present, growing out of the 
management of our national affairs, have nominated me, an 
humble individual, personally unknown to but few of them, as 
a suitable candidate for the highest office in the gift of a great 
and free people, and, in fact, to rule over them, is an honor I 



3i6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

did not expect or deserve, and for which I felt, when notified of 
the same, more grateful and elated than I know I shall do, even 
if the good people of the country should carry out what the 
convention has recommended by placing me in the presidential 
chair, — an honor I shall never forget, for which I am truly 
grateful, and which I will try to continue to deserve. I have 
not yet received official information of my nomination by the 
convention, but expect daily to do so. When I do, I trust my 
letter of acceptance will meet the approbation of my friends. 

Previous to the receipt of your letter, I had a conversation 
with a very discreet friend in regard to the nature of my reply 
in acknowledging the receipt of the communication informing 
me of my nomination, and it was thought best to make it very 
briefs barely referring to the high honor done me without at- 
tempting to define my position, leaving that to be judged by 
what I had already written. It was with great pleasure I learned 
that you coincided in this opinion. I have never intimated my 
intentions to retire at the end of four years, should I be elected 
to that office ; nor shall I do so, but will leave the subject to 
future consideration, although there is but little doubt I would 
gladly retire at that time to private life. I have never intimated 
who would form my cabinet ; it will be time enough to do so 
after I am elected. I have said more to you on the subject than 
I ha\'e to any one else ; indeed, I have but in one instance al- 
luded to it, to Colonel Davis of the Senate before he left Mexico, 
and only to him that, in the event of my election to the Presi- 
dency (which I did not then expect), my cabinet would be com- 
posed entirely of Whigs. That I will be visited by many de- 
signing individuals to draw from me expressions by which they 
can assail me, as well as others who will write to me under the 
mask of* friendship to draw from me some opinions which they 
hope to use to my injury, there can be no doubt. Such I hope 
to disappoint, as I will be as cautious as possible with all such 
persons and everything connected with them. There is a cer 
tain class which neither vigilance nor prudence can guard 
against, therefore they must be fudiurd, — such as a celebrated 
Doctor B., who repeats conversations which he says occurred 
between us without ever having seen me, made up without the 
slightest regard to truth, but whose high character for veracity 
was vouched for upon the floor of the House by such men as 
Brown, of Mississippi, McClernand, of Illinois, and Henly, of 
Indiana. Things in this respect must take their course, and we 
must make the best of them. I came to New Orleans to meet 
the volunteers who are rapidly arriving from i\Iexico. I am 
happy to say they are, for the most part, in excellent health 
and spirits, being delighted at the prospect of returning to their 



DEB A TE WITH PO WELL. 



317 



families. The Kentucky regiments have not yet reached here. 
I hope they will do so before I shall be under the necessity of 
leaving the city. I am very desirous of seeing them, particu- 
larly my friend and cousin, your son Thomas, who, from last 
accounts, was in excellent health, which, I hope, he will long 
continue to enjoy. While I regret your having to quit the 
Senate to canvass the State of Kentucky for the office of chief 
magistrate, I sincerely hope you will conduct the same in a way 
calculated to improve, instead of injuring, your health. Your 
life is of too much importance to your friends, family, and coun- 
try to be endangered. Having recently been assigned to the 
command of this division of the army, I deem it most consist- 
ent with my position to enter quietly on my duties, remaining 
in this section of the country until after the election, leaving it 
to my friends to attend to my political affairs, in whose hands I 
consider them safe ; at any rate, I am willing to abide the issue, 
and most cheerfully acquiesce in the result. 

Wishing you and your family health and prosperity through 
a long life, I remain with high consideration of respect and 
esteem. Say to Mr. O. Brown that I have profited not a little 
by his judicious advice ; it is not and will not be forgotten. In- 
terruptions are frequent, — I scarcely know what I have written. 

Your friend, truly and sincerely, 

Zachary Taylor. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

In 1848, Mr. Crittenden, in obedience to the wishes of the 
Whig party, resigned his seat in the Senate of the United States 
and became a candidate for governor of Kentucky; he was 
elected without difficulty. Governor Powell was his opponent, 
and a speech made in Versailles during the canvass was con- 
sidered one of his finest efforts. Of this speech a correspond- 
ent of the Commonwealth said : 

When Mr. Crittenden rose to reply to Mr. Powell, his manner 
had undergone a great change ; he was roused by the remarks of 
his competitor. The genius of the debater — the keen, dexterous, 
pungent debater — was up; his countenance wore that expres- 
sion, half comic, half sarcastic, midway between a smile and a 
sneer, with which benevolence curbs and half conceals scorn, 
and which a soul, naturally kindly and generous, flings, like a 
graceful and delicate veil, over unbounded powers of raillery and 
ridicule. Nature has conferred upon Mr. Crittenden, among 
other gifts, some of the highest qualities of an actor, and a comic 



3i8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

actor. It requires all his dignity to retain within just limits his 
perceptions of the ludicrous and his exquisite powers of mimicry. 
The weapons of his wit, if wielded by malignity, would suffice 
to kill. In his hand, however, and guarded by fraternal charity, 
they are used as instruments of defense and chastisement ; he 
never strikes at a vital part or aims a mortal blow. No one can 
report Mr. Crittenden literally and do him justice, — the look, the 
peculiar accent, and half-mocking pronunciation would be want- 
ing. In this speech, however, all was courtesy; stimulated by 
the delight of the crowd, he felt himself pursuing this jesting 
vein too far, suddenly checked himself and said, " But this is 
badinage," and resumed the air and manner of the great states- 
man. 

When Mr. Crittenden rose, he spoke of Woodford as the 
heart of Kentucky, and of Kentucky as the Jieart of the Union, 
and of the ties which bound his own to " tills heart of hcartsj' 
He alluded to his birthplace and his present position with 
graceful propriety, with a taste, a delicacy, a beauty, a tender- 
ness of which, I think, lie alone is capable. To attempt to 
report him is always grossly unjust, unless you could use 
words as colors and paint the expression, the tone, the action, 
and, above all, the countenance. Mr. Crittenden said, sixty 
years before, he had been a nursling there, in Woodford, in 
what was then a cancbrake. Since then what revolutions had 
swept over the beautiful face of the country where he was born, 
lovely in its original wilderness, still lovelier, perhaps, under the 
forming hand of taste, art, and culture ! He stood now upon 
the spot where he had set out, his starting-post and goal. A 
child of Woodford, and proud of his nativity. In discussing the 
presidential question, Mr. Crittenden said that Mr. Powell 
claimed a great advantage for his candidates over General Tay- 
lor because they had principles — printed principles — and a plat- 
form to stand upon, and poor old Rough and Ready presented 
himself, his naked self, on foot, without printed principles, with- 
out any platform. Mr. Crittenden said there was great con- 
venience in these printed principles and candidates made to 
order/ "These creatures of the type and press could be made 
to suit circumstances — new editions could be struck. Does 
the gentleman really think it is in the power of a Baltimore 
Convention to manufacture principles for this country ? The 
principles which guide a man's understanding and control his 
actions are discoverable by an observation of his whole life, 
and the result is more or less correct according to the variety 
and severity of the circumstances under which he has been 
called to ace. fried by tli^s .j -t. has General Taylor no princi- 



^ DEBATE WITH POWELL, 319 

pies? Is he just, is he faithful to his word, is he brave, does 
he love his country, has he been clothed with power and ac- 
customed to high command, has he been placed in subordinate 
stations ? How did he demean himself to his superiors ? Has 
he been surrounded with dangers, pressed with enemies, clothed 
with supreme command, with thousands of his fellow-men de- 
pendent for life and safety upon the steadiness of his nerves ? 
How has he borne himself throughout ? Has he seen battle, 
has it been his stern duty to direct the murderous charge and 
gaze on fields of slaughter? Hoiv did he lead ? Did he blanch 
from the helm when the wind blew highest? Did his spirit 
sink or soar as the whirlwind swept over him ? Has victory 
perched upon his standard ? When flushed with triumph, and 
fresh from the bloody conflict, with what countenance did he 
regard the vanquished? Let his long, and honorable, and 
glorious life answer these questions. Is there not principle 
involved in justice, truth, courage, and patriotism ? Can a 
committee manufacture these things ? Imagine, if you please, 
gentlemen, that in 1789 a committee of politicians, a little squad 
of party organizers, who had figured at county meetings, had 
called upon General Washington to know if he would sign 
th^'n printed principles and become their party candidate. Figure 
to yourself the shades of Mount Vernon, — the lawn, the trees, 
the heights, where still stands, in simple majesty, the hero's 
homestead, unchanged, since last its walls resounded to his 
tread, the whole river, which spreads itself out there, like a 
broad mirror, to receive and fling back, as if in grateful pride, 
the image of the most beautiful and affecting scenery in the 
world. Surround, steep yourselves in the very genius of the 
spot, and then, in the cool, summer evening, in the portico 
which looks to the east, dedicated to his solitary musings, 
seated with thoughtful brow and capacious eye, bending its 
deep, tranquil gaze upon the stream he loved so well, behold 
the grand, the awful form of the Father of his Country. Imagine 
the little squad, with their printed platform, signifying to Gen- 
eral Washington that he should be the nominee upon condition 
that he zvonld sign. They enter, fearless and unblushing, with 
their printed principles. With a grave politeness and a dignity 
which never through life deserted him, a dignity which was 
with him in death, when he turned his face to the wall, in con- 
scious pride, that the last agony which convulsed and distorted 
the hitherto heroic calm of his features might have no witness, 
he rises to receive this committee of his countrymen. Imagine 
the explanation ! See the grand face, long used to veil emo- 
tions, never apt to kindle under light or transient excitement. 



320 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

The face of the hero remains fixed, rigid, impressive. Imagine 
the long-gathering storm now concentrated on that Olympian 
brow; then look at the committee!" At this point the crowd 
burst into one long, loud roar of api^lause which drowned the 
residue of the sentence.* 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Madisonville, July 27, 1S48. 

My dear Sir, — I had time only to write you a very hasty 
letter, and without much consideration, from Russellville, and 
since then I have been so whirled along that I have hardly had 
time to think. 

There is a mystery to me as to the source from which it is 
pretended to derive information as to the contents of a letter of 
mine to Mr. Anderson. I have not the least recollection of 
having written a letter to any other Anderson than Mr. Lars 
Anderson. He is a friend and gentleman, perfectly incapable 
of betraying confidence or of doing any other dishonorable act; 
and, besides, I cannot be more confident of anything that depends 
on recollection than that I have never written to him or any 
one else any letter of which that extract you sent me formed a 
part. I send you in this a statement in the form of a letter,, to 
which you will please to prefix the name of any of your editors, 
and have published, if you deem it proper so to do ; and I 
presume that it will be proper, unless Mr. Anderson has in 
the mean time given such a contradiction as will be entirely sat- 
isfactory, or unless you shall have learned, what I do not be- 
lieve possible, that any letter of mine to Anderson contains any 
careless expression that could at all warrant the statement con- 
tained in the extract you sent me. I am as certain as I can be 
of anything that that extract is a fabrication or perversion. But 
yet I would desire to act with all the caution of a man more 
tenacious of his truth than of his life. 

It may be, and that seems most probable, that some forger>' 
has been resorted to, and, to detect it, the production of the 
original letter may become necessary, in order to determine the 
genuineness of the handwriting. 

* This speech is given entire in the volume of speeches now in preparation. 
Mr. Crittenden's official acts during the two years he was governor of Kentucky 
were local in their character; but portions of his messages to the legislature, 
1848-1849, have a gener.al interest, and will be given here. After General Tay- 
lor's election to the Presidency, he visited Mr. Crittenden at the Government 
House, in Frankfort, and offered him choice of the cabinet appointments. Mr. 
Crittenden thought it most consistent with his honor and dignity to decline, and 
remain in Frankfort. 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 32 1 

Do not believe for a moment, from the caution I mani- 
fest, that I have the least idea that I ever wrote that extract 
or anything equivalent to it. I am most confident that I did 
not, and, unless something ha-s been disclosed that satisfies you 
I am mistaken, I place the inclosed at your discretion for pub- 
lication. As far as I can now see, it will be proper to publish it. 

J. J. C 



VOL. I. — 21 



CHAPTER XXV. 
I 848-1 849. 

Letter of Crittenden to Burnley — Abbott Lawrence to Crittenden — Letter of Mr. 
Clay to James Lynch, A. H. Bradford, etc., as to the Presidency — W. P. Gentry 
to Crittenden — A. H. Stephens to Crittenden — Crittenden to Moses Grinnell — 
Part of Gov. Crittenden's First Message to the Kentucky Legislature — R. 
Toombs to J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A, T, Burnley.) 

Henderson, July 30, 1848. 

DEAR BURNLEY, — I have received your letter of the 21st 
inst. and the one which preceded it a few days. I was, in- 
deed, astonished at the imputation to me of the 'Anderson letter." 
I knew that I had never thought, spoken, or written of Mr. 
Clay in the terms or spirit of that letter. On the other hand, I 
could scarcely conceive of the audacity and depravity of such a 
forgery. It was a dark mystery to me. You have seen my 
contradiction of the genuineness of that letter and its exposure, 
which I rejoice to say has been more prompt and complete than 
I had even hoped for. 

This affair and the subject of your first letter, which is con- 
nected with it, has made me sick at heart, and has too greatly 
excited me. I am ready for peace or ivar, and will certainly 
submit to nothing that encroaches on my honor or independ- 
ence as ^ free man and a Kentucky gentleman. I have been a 
true friend, — I will not be checked and rated like a bondman. 
And there is another thing I will not submit to : I will not make 
excuses or explanations on compulsion, or to gratify or appease 
the unfounded or voluntary irritation of anybody. I feel that 
I am more sinned against than sinning. I believe that Mr. Clay 
cannot, will not, give his countenance to the course that I un- 
derstand some of his friends about Lexington are pursuing 
towards me. As to their votes, I care nothing ; I want no vote 
grudgingly given. The contradiction and exposure of the An- 
derson letter may, I suppose, be considered as disposing of the 
villainous letter of the Washington correspondent of the Herald 
which you sent me; but there is one statement in that letter 
which I am hardly satisfied to pass by without a contradiction. 
(322) 



LETTER FROM ABBOTT LAWRENCE. 



323 



It is this : " Mr. Crittenden still declares, I understand, to the 
friends of Mr. Clay, that he was anxious for that gentleman's 
nomination." I was not anxious for the nomination of Mr. 
Clay, because I did not believe that he could be elected, and 
it is false that either before or since the nomination of the Phil- 
adelphia Convention I ever declared that " I was anxious for his 
nomination." I did not wish it, because I believed his defeat 
would be inevitable. I told him this in substance, and with all 
the candor of sincere friendship. I regretted deeply that he 
permitted his name to be used before that convention. When 
late, and contrary to my wishes and expectation, he expressly 
permitted that use of his name, I from that time endeavored, as 
far as I could, to refrain from taking any part or agency against 
Mr. Clay in respect to the nomination. My feelings prompted 
to this forbearance, and I think I acted up to it. This was a 
matter of feeling with me, and there were moments when those 
feelings were conflicted with by a sense of duty and other periods 
when I thought it quite probable that Mr. Clay would not be 
General Taylor's most formidable competitor in the convention. 
However others may please to interpret my course, I did not 
consider that I was exerting my influence as against Mr. Clay. 
But enough of all this for the present. I have given you but 
an imperfect sketch ; it will enable you to understand my gen- 
eral motives and course in respect to this presidential question. 
I have given it for your private satisfaction. On Tuesday, I 
will be in Louisville with all the expedition I can. 

Your friend, 
A. T. Burnley. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Abbott Lawrence to Hon. J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, September iS, 1848. 
My dear Sir, — I have your letter of the loth, and regret to 
say I am obliged to employ an amanuensis in consequence of 
inflammation of the eyes. With regard to our political condi- 
tion in New England, I feel entire confidence that General 
Taylor and Fillmore will carry Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode 
Island, and Massachusetts, We have some chance of including 
Maine. The letter of General Taylor of the 4th of September 
is a noble production: that, with the letter to Captain Allison, 
embraces everything that any reasonable Whig can desire. The 
composition and sentiment of those letters would have done 
honor to the framers of the Constitution, or to General Wash- 
ington himself I ask nothing and want nothing more from 
General Taylor; he is the man raised up by Providence at this 
important period of our history to administer the government 
of this great country. 



324 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

We have had many obstacles to overcome in this State; we 
have been in a false position for the year past, and are just now 
dissipating the fog under which we were enveloped by the 
action of one man who has lately given some poor, faint praise 
to the pure and elevated candidate for the Presidency and the 
Whig party. We look with anxiety to the action of your 
great man in Kentucky. I cannot but hope that he will have 
the magnanimity, for the sake of his oivn honor, the happiness 
of his old friends, and the good of his country, to come out 
boldly and fearlessly in favor of General Taylor. I took the 
liberty, last week, to write to him ; and as for us, I was able to 
place before him his true position. It was a plain statement, 
which I hope will be received with the same candor in which 
it was written. 

In regard to my own position, I feel most sensibly the im- 
portance of the coming election. I propose to spend and be 
spent in the cause. As soon as my eyes permit, I will abandon 
all business of a private character, and give myself up entirely 
to the important business of the country and the election of 
General Taylor. I have already made engagements to address 
the public, and so far as writing, speaking, and paying, my 
friends will not fijid me wanting. 

Pray let me hear from you, and believe me, always, your 
friend, 

Abbott Lawrence. 

Hon. J. J, Crittenden. 

(Henr)' Clay to James Lynch, A. H. Bradford, etc.) 

Ashland, September 20, 1S48. 
Gentlemen, — I have received your official letter as members 
of the Whig Democratic General Committee of the City and 
County of New York, and I take pleasure in answering it. 
Never from the period of decision of the Philadelphia Conven- 
tion against my nomination as a candidate for the Presidency 
have I been willing, nor am I now, to have my name associated 
with that office. I would not accept a nomination if it were 
tendered to me, and it is my unaffected desire that no further 
use be made of my name in connection with that office. I 
have seen, therefore, with regret, movements in various quarters 
having for their object to present me as their candidate to the 
American people. These movements have been made without 
any approbation from me. In the present comi)licated state of 
the presidential election, they cannot, in my opinion, be attended 
with any public good, and may lead to the increase of embar- 
rassments and the exasperations of parties. Whilst I say this 
much without reserve, I must, nevertheless, add, that I feel 



HENRY CLAY TO JAMES LYNCH, ETC. 325 

profound gratitude to such of my warm-hearted and faithful 
friends as continue to indulge the vain hope of placing me in 
the office of chief magistrate of the United States, and that I 
neither think it just nor politic to stigmatize them -cisfactwinsts 
or by any other opprobrious epithets. Among them I recognize 
names which have been long distinguished for ability and de- 
votion to the Whig cause and for ardent patriotism. You 
advert with entire truth to the zeal and fidelity with which the 
delegation from New York sought in the Philadelphia Con- 
vention to promote my nomination as a candidate for the 
Presidency. I am most thankful to them, and shall ever recol- 
lect their exertions with profound gratitude. And here, gen- 
tlemen, I would stop, but for your request that I would 
communicate my views. This I shall do, briefly and frankly, 
but without reluctance and regret. Concurring entirely with 
you that the peace, prosperity, and happiness of the United 
States depend materially on the preservation of Whig princi- 
ples, I should be most happy if I saw more clearly than I do 
that they are likely to prevail. But I cannot help thinking that 
the Philadelphia Convention humiliated itself, and, as far as it 
could, placed the Whig party in a degraded condition. Gen- 
eral Taylor refused to be its candidate ; he professed, indeed, 
to be Whig; but he so enveloped himself in the drapery of 
qualifications and conditions that it is extremely difficult to 
discern his real politics. He zvas, and yet is, willing to any 
and every nomination, no matter from which quarter it might 
proceed. In his letter to the Richmond Republican, of the 20th 
of April last, he declared his purpose to remain a candidate, no 
matter what nomination might be made by the Whig Convention. 
I know what was said and done by the Lousiana delegation in 
the convention ; but there is a veil about that matter which / 
have not penetrated. The letter from him which, it was stated, 
one of that delegation possessed, has never been published, and 
a letter on the same subject, addressed to the Independent party 
of Maryland, has, at his instance, been withheld from the pub- 
lic. It was quite natural that after receiving the nomination he 
should approve the means by which he obtained it. What I 
should be glad to see would be some revocation of the declara- 
tion in the RicJimond Republican letter before \\\q. nomination was 
made. On the great leading measures which have so long di- 
vided parties, if he has any fixed opinions they are not publicly 
known. Exclusively a military man, without the least experi- 
ence in civil affairs, bred up and always living in the camp, 
with his sword by his side and his epaulets on his shoulders, 
it is proposed to transfer him from his actual position, as second 
in command of the army, to the chief magistracy of this great 



326 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

model republic. If I cannot co))ie out in active support of such 
a candidate, I hope those who know anything of my opinions, 
deliberately formed and repeatedly avowed, will excuse me. 
To those opinions I shall adhere, with increased instead of 
diminished confidence. I think that my friends ought to be 
reconciled to the silence I have imposed on myself. From 
deference to them, as well as from the strong objections which 
I entertain to the competition of General Taylor, I wish to lead 
or mislead no one, but to leave all to the unbiased dictates of 
their own judgment. I know and feel all that can be urged in 
the actual position of the present contest. I entertain with you 
the strongest apprehensions from the election of General Cass, 
but I do not see enough of hope and confidence in that of Gen- 
eral Taylor to stimulate my exertions and animate my zeal. I 
deeply fear that his success may lead to the formation of a mere 
personal party. There is a cJiance, indeed, that he may give the 
countr}^ abetter administration of the government than his com- 
petitor would ; but it is not such a c/iance as can arouse my 
enthusiasm or induce me to assume the responsibility of recom- 
mending any course or offering any advice to others. I have 
great pleasure in bearing my humble testimony in favor of Mr. 
Fillmore. I believe him to be able, indefatigable, industrious, 
and patriotic. He served in the extra session of 1841 as chair- 
man of the Committee of the two Houses of Congress, and I 
had many opportunities of witnessing his rare merits. If you 
deem it necessary, you may publish the first four and the last 
paragraphs. 

W'ith great respect, I am your friend and servant, 

Henry Clay. 

James Lynch, A. H. Bradford, etc, 

(W. p. Gentr>' to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Home, Nov. 20, 1S48. 
Dear Crittenden, — Since the presidential contest has ter- 
minated in the election of General Ta\-lor, men begin to specu- 
late about coming events. It is assumed that you will be 
offered, and will accept, the position of Secretary of State. A 
conversation held with you, makes me doubt if you will accept 
that position. I perceive there exists a public opinion as to 
the influence you will exercise over General Taylor, which will 
hold you responsible, in a great degree, for the acts of his ad- 
ministration, especially in respect to appointments for office. 
Aspirants to executive favor will expect to enlist your influence; 
those who fail will ctirse you, and those who succeed will soon 
persuade themselves that their own superior merit needed no 
fictitious aid to secure that result, and the}- will forget to be 



LETTER FROM W. P. GENTRY. 327 

grateful. If you decline to take the helm, and the vessel of 
state should sail before prosperous gales into a harbor of safety, 
others will claim the glory, — if she founders, the blame will fall 
upon you. Your friends will say, Crittenden did not hold the 
rudder, and is not responsible. Your enemies will answer, he 
might have held it, but would not; he launched the ship, but 
would not trust himself with her amid the storms; he gave the 
vessel, with its rich freight, to the winds, and selfishly sought 
safety for himself on shore. As you cannot escape the blame 
if misfortune comes, would it not be wiser to take the responsi- 
bility, dare all dangers, and guide the ship through the storms 
and breakers that are obviously ahead? Placed as you are, this 
appears to be the wisest course, but I do not presume to advise; 
you have doubtless considered seriously, and with lights to 
guide you to proper conclusions which I do not possess. I 
write for the purpose of advising you of some small dangers 
on this part of the political ocean. Having gone to sea, I 
suppose I had as well stay upon water to the end. You have 
not forgotten that in this State a portion of the Whig party 
made powerful efforts to defeat the nomination of General 
Taylor, and that when those monster demonstrations at New 
York and Philadelphia, in favor of Mr. Clay, sent the idea 
abroad that he would be the nominee, they made a vigorous 
effort to make this State change front. This produced a colli- 
sion, or trial of strength, between the Taylor Whigs and the 
Clay Whigs ; the struggle was animated and vigorous. Aided 
by the talent of our old Captain, we triumphed completely. 
Our defeated friends were sore under the defeat. The victory 
won, we sought to soothe them by giving them posts of honor 
under that standard they had labored to cleave down, and by 
our united exertions we carried that standard to victory. Some 
of the prominent Clay Whigs referred to are supposed to main- 
tain very friendly relations zvith you, and I am informed that 
some of them have been so silly as to boast, that although 
originally opposed to General Taylor, they will control all 
questions of executive patronage pertaining to Tennessee 
THROUGH YOUR INFLUENCE. This is offensive to the original 
friends of General Taylor, and anything which may seem like 
a realization of it would create towards you unappeasable 
resentment with those who can wield a larger influence than 
the boasters refrred to. Let me, then, advise you to do nothing 
or promise nothing to support the idea that your influence can 
be obtained for the accomplishment of any such purpose. Let 
it be understood that you stand inflexibly aloof from such ques- 
tions. I w^ant no favors for myself, and do not know that I 
shall desire to control any questions of that kind for my friends. 



328 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

My advice to you is founded upon the conviction that any 
interference of the kind alluded to for tlie persons alluded to 
would permanently injure your popularity. I confess also that 
I feel a personal resentful unwillingness to see men who did all 
in their power to prevent the nomination of General Taylor, 
insolently assuming, in the very moment of his election, to con- 
trol his administration through you. Beware of them ! 

Your friend, 

W. P. Gentry. 

(Alexander H. Stephens to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, December 5, 1848. 
Dear Sir, — When will you be with us to fill the cup of our 
rejoicing to the full? We want you here, above all things, and 
you must come. The session opened to-day with a pretty full 
attendance, and we had the longest message ever before made 
by any President. I would not be surprised if Ritchie should 
say in the morning that it is the ablest. You will, however, see 
it, if you do not read it. I think Judge Collamer made a good 
criticism upon it. Some member said " it was like a lawyer 
arguing a point after it ivas decided." Collamer said " it was 
rather like a lawyer in one of the courts who, upon being repri- 
manded for arguing against the opinion of the judge, replied 
he was not rearguing the c^s.^, but damning the decision.'" Polk 
seems to be damning the decision. The best spirit seems to 
prevail among our friends, and the tone and temper evinced in 
all quarters argues well. General Taylor will doubtless be 
annoyed with applicants for office, but the prevailing spirit here 
is that of discretion and moderation. Some men are busy 
making a cabinet for him, but they are not the men who had 
any sympathy with the Taylor movement. The real Taylor- 
men a7'e all right, all disinterested. They look upon the late 
most glorious achievement as a public deliverance, and not a 
party victory with no other advantages but the acquisition of a 
few spoils for the faithful. They look for greater and higher 
objects — for reform in the government, and not bounties and 
rewards for partisan services. All they desire is for General 
Taylor to keep all managers and cliques at a distance, and after 
the maturest deliberation to select for his cabinet men of ability, 
wisdom, prudence, moderation, and purity. They have full 
confidence in the correctness of his judgment in the matter. 
With his administration is to commence a new era in our his- 
tory. "Old things have passed away, and all things are to be- 
come new." The tone and temper here is all right, it will only 
require to be kept so when the press from without becomes 
strong. I repeat, you must be here. Your friends demand it, 



LETTER TO MOSES H. GRINNELL. 329 

the friends of General Taylor demand it, and the cmintry de- 
mands it, — I need not be more definite or more emphatic; and you 
will allow me to say that I am not without my apprehensions of 
some mischief in case your senatorial election should take a 
particular turn. That ought to be averted if it can be done. I 
may be wrong in my conjectures, and I am fully aware that jfou 
will thinJb that I am, but I will nevertheless be candid and frank 
in telling you my apprehensions. More danger to the success 
of General Taylor's administration is to be feared from that 
source than all others. You must bear with me, I tell you. I 
fear this is so, and I am not often mistaken. I wish I was 
acquainted with some of the leading men in your legislature, I 
would put them on their guard. It is important that no blunder 
be committed, and I know it will require firmness to prevent it. 
This is a crisis which calls for decision. After hostilities have 
commenced, it is too late to pay compliments. Toombs is not 
here, nor Pendleton, nor Duncan. Preston is here, and so is old 
Tniman, as we familiarly called our late field-marshal, and with 
their zeal, knowledge, good sense, and sound judgment I know 
you are acquainted. I need not add, therefore, that their efforts 
are to keep all things in good order until old Zack himself shall 
arrive on the field. You see I still scribble with the left hand; 
I trust, however, you can make out to understand what I mean. 

Yours most respectfully, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Alexander H. Stephens. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Moses H. Grinnell.) 

Frankfort, December 9, 1848. 

Dear Sir, — I received this morning your letter of the 2d 
inst. inclosing Mr. Draper's note to you. 

It is quite natural that some public curiosity and interest 
should be felt in respect to the formation of General Taylor's 
cabinet, and the press in its impatience circulates all sorts of 
rumors and gossipings on the subject. 

The rumor that Mr. Draper has heard of my being author- 
ized by General Taylor to offer the Treasury Department to 
Mr. Abbott Lawrence is without any foundation or color of 
truth. 

You, sir, I readily believe, are one of the disinterested friends 
of General Taylor, who, wanting nothing, desire only to see his 
administration just and successful. You may be satisfied that 
his course will be marked with prudence, firmness, and decision. 
I do not suppose that he has even made up his own mind as to 
the individuals who are to compose his cabinet. He will do 
that, I have no doubt, with care and deliberation. My firm 
impression and belief is that he is far from commitments, and 



330 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

will come into office more non-committed than any Presideriw 
we have had since the days of Washington. 

It need not, I think, be feared by his friends that he will entan- 
gle or encumber himself with promises of office; he is too wise 
and prudent for that. I know nothing of his general course 
except as I infer it from his published declarations and from 
the opinion I entertain of his character. 

Like you, sir, I desire only to see him preserve such a course 
in his administration as will redound most to the advantage of 
the country and to his own honor. That course I believe he 
will preserve, and I trust that we shall all have cause to rejoice 
in his success. 

Very respectfully your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Moses H. Grinnell, Esq. 

Mr. Crittenden resigned his seat in the Senate and was elected 
governor of Kentucky in 1848, and the following extracts are 
made from his first message to the legislature of Kentucky : 

Frankfort, Ky., Decemljer 30, 1848. 
Gentlemen of the Senate and Honse of Representatives, — In obe- 
dience to the provision of the Constitution requiring the gov- 
ernor, from time to time, to give to the General Assembly in- 
formation of the state of the Commonwealth, and to recommend 
to their consideration such measures as he shall deem expedient, 
I will now proceed to address you briefly on the topics that 
appear to me to possess the most general interest. And here 
permit me to state that, in contemplating the peace, plenty, and 
security with which the Creator has blessed our people, the 
first impression of the mind and impulse of the heart should be 
of gratitude and praise to Him for the happiness of our con- 
dition. He has given to us a country having the advantages 
of a vigorous climate and a soil of unsurpassed fertility, and 
placed within our reach the natural means of greatness and 
prosperity. We have but to use these gifts with thankfulness 
and wisdom to insure a glorious destiny to the inhabitants of 
our favored land. Nor should we, on an occasion like the pres- 
ent, when the General Assembly will be called upon, in the course 
of their deliberations, to prepare the way for a new order of 
things, be unmindful of the obligations we are under to the wis- 
dom and virtue of those who have gone before us, who framed 
for us a system of government and laws so well adapted to the 
genius and wants of the people for whom they were enacted, 
and which have for so many years afforded the amplest protection 
to the rights and liberty of the citizen. To the benign influence 



GOVERNOR OF KENTUCKY. 331 

of their wise and patriotic legislation we owe much of that char- 
acter that constitutes the pride of every Kentuckian, causing 
him to feel that there is something honorably distinctive in the 
name, and attaching him, by the institutions of his country and 
the force of early association, to the great principles of repub- 
lican o-overnment. The strength of our form of government is^ 
in the truth of the principles upon which it rests. Those prin- 
ciples are the liberty and equality of all before the law, and' in no 
State or country have those ends been more thoroughly attained 
than in ours. Ours is, indeed, a glorious past, and that should 
be an example and an encouragement to us to endeavor so to 
shape the future that it may truly be said of us that the republic ^ 
sustained no damage at our hands. The article of the Consti- 
tution that makes it the duty of the executive to see that the 
laws are faithfully executed, whilst it is among the most im- 
portant of the functions of that officer, is happily one that he is 
rarely called upon to exercise in any forcible manner. There is 
such a judicious distribution of powers to the various depart- . 
ments, and the legislation of the country has been marked by 
so much justice, temperance, and moderation, that there is an 
habitual respect and obedience paid to them, and anything like 
opposition to the laws by individuals or by organized resistance 
is almost unheard of Undoubtedly there are imperfections 
incident to all legislation, and it must, in the nature of things, 
sometimes happen that the laws are unequal in their operation. 
Should such be the case, it will not escape the attention of the 
people's representatives, and they will be the first to apply the 
corrective. 

The people having expressed their will in the legal and con- 
stitutional mode for a convention to frame a new constitution, 
it will become your duty to pass such laws as are necessary to 
carry their wishes into effect, and I would recommend an early 
action on that subject. 

The important question of a change in the fundamental law 
of the land was wisely left to the determination of the people 
alone, and they have, in two consecutive elections and by an 
increased majority at the last, voted for the call of a convention. 
They have exercised their high prerogative in a manner that 
augurs favorably for its ultimate issue. We have seen them 
assemble without violence, excitement, or tumult, expressing 
their will with the calm dignity of freemen too well acquainted 
with their rights to bring them into contempt by an unseemly 
manner of asserting them. The extraordinary unanimity of 
the vote proves beyond controversy that the question rose high 
above party or ephemeral considerations, and it is to be hoped 
that this lofty spirit will prevail unto the end. When the people 



332 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

speak, the voice of faction or of party should not be heard. Par- 
ties rise and fall with the exciting topics of the day, and catch 
their hue from the schemes of their leaders. But constitutional 
law is the aigis of a whole people, and those who are called 
upon to frame it should never forget that their labors are to affect 
not only the present but future generations. The people of Ken- 
tucky should remember that their old constitution has been to 
them the shadow of a great rock in a weary land ; that it has 
protected them in the midst of strong excitements and the most 
embittered paiiy conflicts; and that it had the power to do 
this because it was not the work of party, but of patriotism 
*and political wisdom, I have no fears myself as to the issue 
of the approaching convention. I believe that it will be guided 
by a wise and temperate spirit, which, whilst it avoids all rash 
innovation, will at the same time, by its prudence and wisdom, 
satisfy that public opinion which called it into existence and 
trusts so much to its hands. 

Under the auspices of our State governments to take care of 
our domestic concerns, and of the general government to guard 
our national and external rights, we may confidently look for- 
ward to a future full of ever>'thing that can gratify the hearts 
of a civilized and free people. 

It is in this general result of the operation of the American 
system of government that the States feel and know that they 
are important parts of a great whole ; and that they have other 
cares, interests, and duties which claim their attention beyond 
those that are merely local and peculiar to themselves respect- 
ively. If we could act in the right spirit, and under the influ- 
ence of proper sentiments, we must habitually contemplate our- 
selves and our State as members of the great national Union. 
It is in and by that Union that we are known among the nations 
of the earth. It is in that Union that we are respected by the 
world. And under the joint protection of the government of 
the Union and the government of the States, we have the am- 
plest securities that patriotism and wisdom can furnish for free- 
dom and prosperity. The union of the States is not only 
indispensable to our greatness, but it is a guarantee for our 
republican form of government. With the preservation of that 
Union and the Constitution by which it is established, and laws 
by which it is maintained, our dearest interests are indissolubly 
blended. An experience of near sixty years, while it has con- 
firmed the most sanguine hopes of our patriotic fathers who 
framed it, has taught us its inestimable value. Its value will 
be above all price to us so long as we are fit for liberty, and it 
will fail only when we become unworthy of it. No' form of 
government can secure liberty to a degenerate people. Ken- 



GOVERNOR OF KENTUCKY, 333 

tucky, situated in the heart of the Union, must and will exer- 
cise a powerful influence on its destiny. Devotion to the Union 
is the common sentiment of her people. I do not know a man 
within the limits of the State who does not entertain it. We 
all feel that we can safely rely upon a Union which has sustained 
us so triumphantly in the trials of peace and war ; and we en- 
tertain no fears from those who have a common interest in it 
with ourselves. The paternal feelings with which we regard 
them, and the filial reverence we ourselves have for the link 
that binds us together, give us strength in the faith that they 
cherish the same bonds of brotherhood, and will practice no 
intentional injustice towards us. We can have no better 
security for our rights than that Union and the kindred feelings 
that unite us with all the members of the Confederacy. If these 
sentiments ever cease to prevail, I trust that Kentucky will be 
the last spot from which they will be banished. Errors and 
even abuses may occasionally arise in the administration of the 
general government, — so they may in the administration of all 
governments, — and we must rely upon public opinion, the basis 
of all republican governments, for their correction. The disso- 
lution of the Union can never be regarded — ought never to be 
regarded — as a remedy^ but as the consummation of the greatest 
evil that can befall us. 

Kentucky, devoted to that Union, will look to it with filial 
confidence, and, to the utmost of her might, will maintain and 
defend it. We let no meditations or calculations on any sec- 
tional or other confederacy beguile us to the point of weaken- 
ing our attachment to the Union. Our relations and our attach- 
ments are with and to all the States ; and we are unwilling to 
impair them by any entangling engagements with 2i part. 

We are prouder of our rank as a member of the United States 
than we could be of any sectional or geographical position that 
may be assigned us. We date our prosperity as a nation from 
the adoption of the Federal Constitution. From the govern- 
ment that it established we have derived unnumbered blessings, 
and whatever of evil has occurred in its administration bears 
no proportion to its benefits. 

In proof of the foregoing sentiment we may appeal to our 
past history. We have seen measures of national policy which 
we consider of vital importance to our welfare perish in the 
conflicts of parties; and other systems, deemed by us inimical 
to our best interests, prevail. Yet we did not falter in our alle- 
giance to our common government, but waited with patience 
for the development of the conclusion to which a majority of 
the whole nation would ultimately arrive after a calm survey 
and experience of what would best promote the public good. 



334 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



The administration that is now drawing to a close was not 
called into existence by the vote or the wish of a majority of 
the people of Kentucky, Many of its most important meas- 
ures have not been such as we desired to see enacted. Yet it 
has met with no other opposition than a manly expression of an 
honest difference of opinion. And when war was declared with 
Mexico, notwithstanding the opinion that prevailed that it might 
have been avoided by wise statesmanship, still Kentucky re- 
sponded to the call of the President, not halting to debate the 
necessity of the war, but finding in the fact that it was declared 
by the constituted authorities of the nation a sufficient claim 
of her patriotism. She has come out of that war with an in- 
crease of glory, being behind none in advancing the honor of 
the national flag; and to our brave. volunteers, who gained for 
us that proud eminence, the thanks of the State are due. If 
such has been her action through the past, may we not safely 
promise that the administration of General Taylor will receive 
a cordial support from the State of Kentucky? The veteran 
patriot, who has been just chosen to administer the government 
of the United States, was brought to Kentucky an infant in his 
mother's arms. He was here reared to that vigorous manhood, 
and with those sterling virtues, that have sustained him through 
a long period in his country's service. There is, therefore, a 
natural reason for our confidence and attachment. 

But he comes into his high office with the avowed purpose 
of endeavoring to carry out the principles and policy of Wash- 
ington, and this should commend him to the affections of the 
American people. It will be his aim to soften, if he cannot 
extinguish, the asperities of party strife, — to give to the govern- 
ment its constitutional divisions of powers, as they were de- 
signed to be exercised by its framers, and to make the Congress 
of the United States the true exponent of the will of their 
constituents. 

Under such an administration, guided by such principles and 
motives, the people of the United States seem to have the best 
assurance of their liberty and of all the blessings that good 
government can bestow. These relations have been alluded to 
in no partisan spirit, but in the hope that we at last see the 
dawn of an era ardently desired by every lover of his countiy, — 
when the discordant elements that have so long disturbed the 
public repose will give place to more fraternal feelings, and the 
pure patriotism of the Revolution prevail in every American 
heart. But in the midst of our bright prospects and high hopes, 
it becomes us to acknowledge our grateful dependence upon 
that Supreme Being without whose favor all schemes of human 
happiness are in vain, and without whose benediction the wis- 



LETTER FROM R. TOOMBS. 335 

dom and exertion of man can accomplish nothing truly great 

and good. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

December 30th, 1848. 

(R. Toombs to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, D. C, January 22, 1849. 
Dear Crittenden, — We have been in trouble here for the 
last month about this slavery question, but begin to see the 
light. I am anxious to settle it before the fourth of March. 
The longer it remains on hand the worse it gets, and I am 
confident it will be harder to settle after, than before, the fourth. 
We have, therefore, concluded to make a decided effort at it 
now. This morning, Preston will move to make the territorial 
bill the special order for an early day, which will bring the sub- 
ject before us. We shall then attempt to erect all of California 
and that portion of New Mexico lying west of the Sierra into a 
State as soon as she forms a constitution and asks it, which we 
think the present state of anxiety there will soon drive her to 
do. This will leave but a very narrow strip, not averaging 
more than fifteen or twenty miles, between this California line 
and the Rio Grande line of Texas. This Texas line the Demo- 
crats are committed to and some of our Northern Whigs. Cor- 
win, etc., say, if that line is established, they will vote this strip 
to Texas. I think we can carry this, or something like it. The 
principle I act upon is this, — it cannot be a slave country ! We 
have only the point of honor to serve, and this will serve it and 
rescue the country from all danger of agitation. The Southern 
Whigs are now nearly unanimous in favor of it, and will be 
wholly so before the vote is taken. We know nothing of 
General Taylor's policy, but take it for granted he would be 
willing to any honorable settlement which would disembarrass 
his administration from the only question which threatens to 
weaken it. If you see any objections, write me immediately, and 
we will keep ourselves in a condition to ease of if it is desirable. 
I have a strong opinion in favor of its propriety and practica- 
bility, and with a perfect knowledge of tlm ho/>es, fears, cliques, 
and combinations of both parties. I do not hesitate to say nozi^ 
is the best time to force it to a settlement. We have completely 
foiled Calhoun in his miserable attempt to form a Southern party. 
We found a large number of our friends would go into the 
wretched contrivance, and then determined it was best to go in 
ourselves and control the movement, if possible. We had a 
regular flare up in the last meeting, and at the call of Calhoun 
I told them briefly luhatwQ were at. I told him that the union 
of the South was neither possible nor desirable until we were 



336 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ready to dissolve the Union. That we certainly did not intend 
to advise the people now to look anywhere else than to their 
own government for the prevention of apprehended evils. That 
we did not expect an administration which we had brought 
into power would do an act, or permit an act to be done, which 
it would become necessary for our safety to rebel at; and we 
thought the Southern opposition would not be sustained by 
their own friends in acting on such an hypothesis. That we 
intended to stand by the government until it committed an 
overt act of aggression upon our rights, ivhich neither we nor the 
country ever expected to see. We then, by a vote of forty- 
two to forty-four, voted to recoimnit his report. (We had before 
tried to kill it directly, but failed.) We hear that the committee 
have whittled it down to a weak milk-a?td-water address to the 
whole Union. We are opposed to any address whatever, but the 
Democrats will probably outvote us to-night and put forth the 
one reported, but it will have but two or three Whig names. 
Don't think of not coming into the administration. There is 
but one opinion here as to its necessity. 

Yours truly, 

R. Toombs. 
J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 
1849. 

Letters — J. Collamer to Crittenden — Jefferson Davis to Crittenden — Crittenden to 
O. Brown — John M. Clayton to Crittenden. 

(J. Collamer to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, January 30, 1849. 

DEAR SIR, — I have summoned resolution to write to you, 
and you know it will be done with confidence and frank- 
ness ; so forgive my presumption. First, then, the great topic 
here is the cabinet of General Taylor. Now, sir, among the 
very few things generally conceded on this subj'ect is this : that 
you zvill be and ought to be consulted on this point by General 
Taylor. I trust this may be so, and that he and the country 
may have the advantage of your judgment and knowledge of 
men on this occasion. Next, sir, I desire to say distinctly that 
the Whigs of Vermont have desired and expected that you 
would be Secretary of State, and I think the Whigs of the 
Union, or at least a large majority of them, participate in this 
desire. I would add that if in the cabinet you should be at the 
head of it, to sustain your public and political position. I re- 
gard this as a national demand, more imperious than any local 
claims Kentucky can have upon you and paramount thereto. 
Such are my views, but I never volunteer my unasked advice ; 
nor do I regard my views of any great value ; but in this case 
I express them because I think the public opinion coincides 
with mine. I, however, frankly acknowledge that I should not 
have written this letter but for another matter, which relates to 
myself You know, sir, I am utterly incapable of soliciting 
any man, even yourself, to sustain me for an office ; but I have 
a favor to ask which comes so near it that I have great reluc- 
tance to state it. Last summer and autumn the very decisive 
and active course I thought it necessary to take in Vermont in 
relation to the election of General Taylor exceedingly exas- 
perated the Free-Soil party, and they, holding the balance of 
power in the House of Representatives in the State, prevented 
my election to the United States Senate. Before the adjourn- 
ment in November, at a convention of the Whig members of the 
two Houses, they unanimously recommended me to General 
VOL. I.— 22 (337) 



338 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Taylor for the office of Attorney-General. This was without 
my knowledge. That recommendation has been sent to Gen- 
eral Taylor. Now, sir, I do not mention this matter with any 
view to press such appointment or to expect it; for though I 
think the claim of Vermont as the only uniform Whig State 
in the Union, and in which no cabinet appointment was ever 
made, is very great, yet I suppose no such appointment will be 
made, especially as the State presents such a candidate. I have, 
however, a favor to ask. You perceive my situation. I desire 
that my recommendation by the State may not be to my dis- 
paragement and injury. It seems to me that if both this rec- 
ommendation and myself are disregarded, myself entirely over- 
looked and the claims of Vermont are attempted to be met by 
the appointment of otJicr men to other places by private influ- 
ence, it will, undoubtedly, be to me a matter of direct personal 
injioy and reproach. Now, sir, I solicit the exercise of the 
influence which all ascribe to you to save me from this. In 
short, sir, if anything of value is to be offered to Vermont, 
should it not be offered to me ? 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. COLLAMER, 
(J. J. Crittenden to A, T. Burnley.) 

Dear Burnley, — Your letter by Swigert reached me yester- 
day at Mrs. Innes's, where I now am, and you will receive this 
to-morrow after due consultation with Letcher, who is em- 
braced in your invitation to the Mammoth Cave. As to the 
cigars, you have acquitted yourself well ! Letcher would have 
taken them all if you had not assigned him a part. I do not 
know what Letcher may think of it, but he is reputed a wise 
man, and I must, therefore, believe he will concur with me in 
regarding your proposition to go to the Mammoth Cave as a 
most strange and wild fancy. Go to the cave ! travel three long 
summer days to get there, and as many to get back, and for 
what ? There is no medical water to restore or invigorate 
health. Thomas tells me that you promise venison and salmon 
every day for dinner. That's a '' fisJi story." I know better. You 
are more likely to get both at the Blue Licks; but the cave, — 
the cave itself, — the Mammoth Cave is the attraction. There is 
a deathlike coldness in the idea that may have some charm for 
people who come panting from the tropics, and who have lately 
felt that it was better to be buried alive than to endure the 
burning sun. It must be some disorder of the mind that thus 
misleads you, and from which I trust the temperate climate you 
are now m will soon relieve you. For my single self, if I was 
standing at its mouth, I would not again enter its infernal y^rrcj-. 



LETTER FROM JEFFERSON DAVIS. 339 

I had rather make my explorations on the surface .of the earth, 
in the free air and open h'<^ht of heaven; I have neither ambition 
nor curiosity to be thrusting myself into places that were never 
intended for living men, nor anything better than dragons or 
reptiles. My seven senses altogether can't comprehend the 
pleasure of leaving " the warm precincts of the cheerful day" to 
stumble and grope about in the Mammoth Cave, making its 
everlasting darkness hideous with miserable glimmering, smoky 
torches. I would greatly rather have descended with yEncas 
into the infernal regions. There a man might indeed see sights; 
here the utmost of his achievements would be to see, perhaps 
catch, a poor^ little blind fish that says to him as plain as a fish 
can speak, "What a foolish thing it was to come so far for such 
an object." No — no — no, sir, you will not get Letcher and 
myself into that cave, but if like sensible men you would rather 
live in society than be buried in a cave, and will go to Harrods- 
burg or Blue Licks, we are your men. Don't let Dr. Croghan 
hear one word I have said against caves. If I could fancy any 
cave it should be his, because it is his. 

P.S. — Well, I have consulted with Letcher. I find to my sur- 
prise that he does not agree with me altogether as to caves. 
Indeed, he says ''he has a passion for caves," and has constrained 
me to consent to suspend a final determination, and to hear an 
argument from you on the subject. Letcher desires an argu- 
ment, and if you can remove the objections we will change our 
decision and go to the Mammoth Cave. Bring Alex. Bullitt 
along to the argument. 

Your friend, 

J. J, Crittenden. 

(Jefferson Davis to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Senate-chamber, January 30, 1849. 
My dear Governor, — I have been long intending to avail 
myself of your kindness by writing to you ; but you know the 
condition of a senator during the session of Congress, and may 
be able to estimate the condition of a lazy man thus situated. 
It is, I hope, unnecessary for me to say that my sympathies 
have been deeply enlisted in the case of Major Crittenden, and, 
what is more important, my conviction is complete that he has 
been unjustly treated. You know Mr. Polk, and your view 
of the manner in which he should be dealt with, as shown by 
your letters, has very closely agreed with my own. Worried 
by his hesitation, I have called for the proceedings in the case, 
and if he holds out, it is a case in which the weaker goes to the 
wall. I think I will beat him, and so you may say in confi- 
dence to your gallant son. 



340 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

My boy Tom, in which style I hope you will recognize Col- 
onel Crittenden, has been discreet and, I think, efficient in a 
cause where feeling might have warped the judgment of an 
older man. I regret exceedingly to see that Mr. Clay is to 
return to the Senate. Among many reasons is one in which I 
know you will sympathize— the evil influence he will have on 
the friends of General Taylor in the two houses of Congress. 
Many who would have done very well in his absence will give 
way in his presence. This will also introduce a new element 
in the selection of the general's cabinet. It must be composed 
of men of nerve and of no Clay affinities. 

One instance to illustrate my meaning: Berrien, of Georgia, 
though well enough without Clay's shadow, would not do under 
it. You see that I disregard Mr. Clay's pledge to support the 
administration; he may wish to do so, but can his nature reach 
so much? The Englishman, Baker, who came from the Rio 
Grande to draw pay, mileage, and a year's stationery, as a 
member of Congress, is here, with recommendations from legis- 
latures for the post of Secretary of War. What would General 
Taylor say to such impudent dictation and indelicate solicita- 
tion ? T. Butler King wants to be Secretary of Navy. You 
know the little Yankee, Andrew Stuart, wants to be Secretary 
of Treasury — the man who proved wool to be a vegetable. I 
hope you will talk fully with General Taylor; he knows very 
little of our public men personally, and will have very little 
opportunity to observe them after his arrival. 

Clayton is true, and talks right. Has he the necessary nerve? 
How would Binney, of Philadelphia, do for the Treasury? As 
Lawrence is not a lawyer, and' is a manufacturer, how would 
Mr. Lawrence do for Navy? How would Gadsden do for War? 
How will a Postmaster-General be selected ? The general will 
need you, and I hope to see you here. Loose and hurried as 
my remarks are, written in the midst of much " noise and con- 
fusion," you may, from intimate knowledge of all I have treated 
of, unravel what would be unintelligible to one less informed. 

Your friend, 

Jefferson Davis. 

(J. J. Crittenden to O. Brown.) 

Frankfort, July 3, 1S49. 
My dear Sir, — Your letters of the 23d and 27th of the last 
month were an.xiously expected, and read with great interest ; 
and yesterday your telegraphic dispatch was received, announc- 
ing your acceptance of your new office. You have now be- 
come the great sachcvi, and I have no doubt will demean your- 
self like a proper chief. You have but to take hold of your 



LETTER TO 0. BROWN. 34 1 

office earnestly, and all its exaggerated difficulties will vanish 
before you. It can be no great matter for you, and to compre- 
hend all your official duties, you will then feel at ease. And 
master of your house, you can order and execute as you please, 
and with but little trouble, if you have such subordinates as 
you ought to have. Knowing your capacity, I desire to see 
you do justice to yourself in your present office, so as to show 
yourself capable of higher and greater things. And these I 
anticipate for you without the least pretension to prophecy. 
Without anything the least personal or selfish in the wish, I 
hope you will avail yourself of all opportunities of cultivating 
the acquaintance, the friendship, and the confidence of General 
Taylor. I desire this for your own sake, for his sake, and for 
the sake of the country. Such relations with him will be hon- 
orable to you, and will, I am certain, be useful to him. His 
prepossessions are all in your favor, you stand with him as the 
representative of his great bulwark, Old Kentucky, and he will 
be glad to have some one with whom he may talk outside of 
the cold, formal limits of the cabinet. That's as natural as the 
desire to break out of prison. You are exactly the man to 
occupy that relation with him, all circumstances favor it, and 
nothing but negligence, or something worse, will prevent your 
falling into that position. 

He is a noble old patriot who deserves to have disinterested 
and faithful friends to soothe and assist him, and I know that 
you will be such a friend. 

Indeed, I have had a sad time since you and the boys left me. 
It seemed as if all my light had gone out. But yet there was 
a ray from within that was constantly breaking from the clouds 
to cheer me and to brighten my thoughts. I had advised you 
all to go. It was good for you to go. And the brightness of 
your prospects, and of the skies above you, reflect a sunshine 
upon me. I shall flatter you by telling you how much we all 
miss you ; how much the town misses you ; and how much we 
inquire, and speculate, and talk about you. Letcher seems to 
be widowed by your departure. In walking together by your 
house, a few evenings past, he, the practical man, grew poetic, 
and insisted that your vines, plants, and trees seemed to droop 
and mourn your absence. Your absence has been an actual 
grief to me. Missing you in the office day by day, I feel as if 
my office, "my vocation," was gone. I am glad that you are 
where you are, and yet grieved that we cannot have you here. 
There are many peculiar reasons why none of your friends here 
can lose so much, or miss you so much, as I — but I will not 
grow too serious or gree-vi-ous on the subject. 

The emigrants deducted, our little town remains just as you 



342 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

left it. I haven't felt like more than half a governor since you 
left. I have succeeded, however, in getting a very clever fellow, 
Joshua H. Bell, to take the office of secretary. He has written 
me that he would be here to-day. And it is quite necessar>' he 
should be, as from the last days of June, when your resignation 
was entered, there has been an interregnum, and will be till his 
arrival. 

By the intelligence which you and Thomas gave us from 
Washington, we have set it down as certain that Letcher is 
to have a mission, and most probably that to Mexico. As to 
what you say of my friend. General W. Thompson, I had heard 
about the same through a letter from Thomas, with whom also 
Thompson had conversed, and to about the same effect I re- 
ceived a letter from himself on the day that your last reached 
me. Fearing that Thompson might think that I had brought 
about the collision and competition between him and Letcher, 
I wrote to him immediately on the receipt of Tom's letter, ex- 
pressing my regret at the competition; that the object of Letcher's 
friends was to obtain a mission for him, not caring as to what 
mission it was, and that if it was the wish of the administration 
to confide to him the mission to Mexico, that Letcher's friends 
and I would undertake to say Letcher himself would willingly 
waive any preference he might have for that mission, provided 
there should be given to him either the mission to Berlin or 
St. Petersburg. I wrote this not only to acquit myself with 
Thompson but to place the responsibility where it ought to 
rest, or at least to throw it off my own shoulders. The truth, I 
suppose, is that the administration cannot well give one of the 
first-rate missions to South Carolina after the disposition of other 
offices which it has made; and not being able to give one to my 
friend Thompson, are explaining away his disappointment as 
well as it can be done. That does not concern me ; but I do 
not wish to appear to have gotten up the rivalry between Letcher 
and Thompson, and to be chargeable, of course, with the dis- 
appointment of one of them. 

Letcher's spirits have evidently improved greatly under the 
influence of the letters of Thomas and yourself; and we all 
congratulate ourselves on the certainty of his success. We 
shall hold you not a little responsible for the mission to Mexico, 
Prussia, or Russia. And I don't believe Letcher cares a pin 
which. Ikit, by Jupiter, I wonder at my own disinterestedness ! 
I am wishing good offices for all my friends here and aiding in 
getting them, — offices which will cany them fiir away from me. 
I shall then be left solitary and alone, and what is to become 
of me ? You stand in need of no lessons from me. Just be 
yourself and follow your own natural bent and character, and 



LETTER TO O. BROWN. 



343 



all will be right. Be not jealous of the "Satraps ;" be respectful 
and give them all due deference and honor upon the proper 
occasions, but show no anxiety to seek or avoid them. Let 
old Zack be the rock on which you build, — that is the proper 
position for you, — and all the " Satraps " will soon seek you. 

Clayton is a noble fellow ; he may have faults and imperfec- 
tions, but still he is a noble fellow. I want to hear that you are 
good and confidential friends. You must try and break down 
the barrier that seems to divide Bullitt from the administration. 
Between the editor of such a paper and the President and cabi- 
net there ought to be an unreserved communication. It used to 
be so in old times. There was hardly a day in the administra- 
tion of Mr. Jefferson, Mr, Madison, and Monroe that the editor 
of the Intelligencer did not visit the President just to hear what 
he had to say and to imbibe the spirit of the administration. 
It ought to be so again. Tell Bullitt that his paper is still too 
much on the defensive. He does not show forth old Zack 
enough, his plainness, his integrity, his patriotism, and that 
therein lies the hostility of old Ritchie and that whole breed 
of politicians. These are all mad with the people for electing 
him. Old Ritchie, for instance, is mad to the amount of ten 
to twenty thousand dollars annually that has been taken from 
this old feeder in the treasury. These are the gentlemen that 
are making all the outcry against old Zack, and they, to conceal 
themselves and their " private griefs," affect to represent and 
speak in the name of the Democratic party. I would take the 
ground that the people of that party honored and reverenced 
old Zack, and that it was the partisans only who live on party 
warfare and its plunder that were abusing and making war on 
him ; that he was emphatically the people's President and not 
the President of office holders and of Mr. Ritchie. And to illus- 
trate all this, I v/ould signalize Mr. Ritchie's case, — show how he 
was fattening on the spoils, how he had been cut off from those 
spoils by the people's President, and what good cause he had 
to be mad with the people and old Zack for all this. But 
Bullitt, I think, will soon bring all this right. 

You must hold on to your office for a time at least, and let 
me know all that is going on at Washington. 

Your friend, 

O. Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

P. S. — Buckner's district is doubtful ; but I think you may be 
confident that we will send you eight Whig representatives at 
least from Kentucky. 

J, J, C. 



344 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 

(John M. Clayton to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, July ii, 1S49. 
]\Iv DEAR Crittenden, — Letcher will be appointed Minister 
to Prussia or Mexico as soon as your Kentucky elections are 
over, and so you may tell hi)n. He understands me, and when 
he returns yoji must go in his place. Tell him I try to do as he 
says / should do, " have A\inning ways ;" but if I am kifid in 
manner to some men, they take occasion to construe tJiat into a 
proiitisL' of office. The President says that it has now come 
to such a pass that if he does not kick a man down-stairs he 
goes away and declares he proudscd Jam an office. You never 
wrote a more sensible letter in your life than that in which 
you gave me your lessons in diplomacy. I agree with you in 
everything, and you will see by-and-by that I have sent an agent 
to recognize the independence of Hungary on the first favorable 
indication. The agent (at present unknown) is Dudley Mann, 
no%v in Paris. The same policy (sympathy with the advance 
of republican principles) will characterize all my course, if the 
President will allow me. On this subject do you write to me to 
give me a loose rein. Some of my colleagues [zvJio are noble 
fellows) are somewhat young and tender-footed. We must 
keep up with the spirit of the age. Preston got it into his head 
that our " Sir John Franklin expedition" was like Mason's 
Dead Sea expedition, and so his department defeated us, by 
holding the matter under consideration until it was too late to 
do anything. My mortification has been extreme about the 
failure of it, especially as the British Parliament and the Royal 
Society received the intelligence of the President's intention to 
send out the expedition with applause absolutely enthusiastic. It 
was a pretty feather in the President's cap, and lost by the oppo- 
sition of the navy. Oh, if you could see what a fine letter the 
^'Lady Franklin" sent me in reply to the one the President wrote 
to her, and what a jewel of a letter I was preparing in reply to it! 
But, alas ! we were blown sky-high by the navy after the Presi- 
dent had ordered them to prepare the expedition. Many here 
blame the old Commodores Smith, Warrington, etc., the com- 
mittee to whom the matter was referred, and who reported that 
we had not a ship in the navy_/f/ to go. These old commodores 
are all behind the age. The spirit of progress ought to be ours. 
We must keep up or be distanced. Our friend Collamer is 
behind ; he is a glorious fellow, but too tender for progress. He 
has been often indeed at his wit's end, frightened about removals 
and appointments, but I cry courage to them all and they will go 
ahead, all, by-and-by ! Taylor has all the moral as well as 
physical courage needed for the emergency. I know Brown ; 
he is at first sight a tru/np — " the king if not the ace." Your son 



LETTER FROM JOHN M. CLAYTON. 345 

Thomas has gone to Liverpool as happy as a lord. I had to 
recall Armstrong; he refused to resign. If you will come here 
and take my office I will give it up to you with pleasure, and 
with a proviso to stand by you all my life, I have not had a 
day's rest for nearly five months. The honor o{ serving \S\q. man 
I now serve is the only reward I can offer you. Tliat is indeed 
an honor. I have never met with a man who more justly 
deserved the respect and devotion of his friends and of all good 
men. Tell Letcher I am willing to be hung if this administra- 
tion /«zZ?. Letcher has, in a letter to me, sworn to hang me if it 
does. 

Remember me kindly to Letcher. I mean to instruct him 
gloriously. He shall know a thing or two. 

Faithfully your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. John M. Clayton. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 
1849-1850. 

Letters from J. Collamer, Crittenden, and Letcher — Extracts from Crittenden's 
Message to the Legislature of Kentucky in 1S49 — Letters of Crittenden to 
Letcher and Thomas Metcalf. 

(Hon. J. Collamer to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, July 14, 1849. 

DEAR SIR, — I have before me your letter of the 9th inst, 
frankly expressing your feelings of dissatisfaction at my 
apparent neglect of your recommendation of Dr. Alexander as 
local mail agent at Louisville. Many persons were recom- 
mended, and Russell had many leading men for him, including 
the member Mr. Duncan. Alexander had no paper on file, but 
your letter, that would have been very potent with me. In this 
state of things I received charges enough against Pilcher for his 
removal. The President having made his own selection for 
postmaster, then handed me a line addressed to me, but which 
had been inclosed to him, signed J. S. Allison, recommending 
the appointment of Russell as agent, and as being most desired 
at Louisville. The President expressed to me his desire that I 
should follow the recommendation of Captain Allison. This I 
regarded as laiv for me. I am but a subaltern, and obey, but it 
seems that in so doing I must lose all the personal attachment 
and respect of those whose respect I value. It seems to me 
that even in this matter I have done no wrong, nor have I de- 
ferred your wish to anything but what I regarded as imperative 
upon me. 

Respectfully, but afflictcdly, yours, 

J. Collamer. 

I should be pleased to send my respects to Mrs. Crittenden, 
but I hardly think they would be at present well received. 

J.C. 
His Excellency J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, July 26, 1849. 
Dear Orlando, — I learn from your letter to Letcher that 
you are becoming better reconciled to Washington. The few 
C346) 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 347 

first weeks there would be the dead point in your transactions ; 
after that you will have formed new associations that will make 
all go smoothly. With Burnley and Bullitt for your associates, 
you have a great resource, and may be a mutual relief to each 
other in the troubles of your common exile. Whatever may be 
your intention as to resignation, it is best to say nothing about 
it for the present. It may weaken your position at Washington 
without doing you good anywhere. I hope to see you a cabinet 
minister before the expiration of old Zack's term. Give my 
commendation and my thanks to Bullitt, and tell him he has 
now got the Republic up to the right temperature ; he must 
keep it as hot as a furnace till the Union is purged in " liquid 
fire." Old Zack must be kept constantly in view as the people's 
President, and the rage of Ritchie & Co. must be attributed to 
its natural cause — their exclusion from the domination and spoils 
they have so long indulged in. Old Zack is trying to manage 
things for the good of the people, — Ritchie & Co. trying to get 
back to the days when the office holders managed things for 
their advantage and fed fat on the public treasury. Old Zack 
is the people's man, and old Ritchie the champion of the late 
office holders ; the issue is, whether the people shall rule by 
their vian, or whether old Ritchie shall be able, by misrepre- 
sentation and defamation, to put down the people's administra- 
tion and take possession of the premises as their own. It is 
easy to perceive that you feel some distrust of the cabinet and 
some apprehension of its success. This is a contagious feeling 
with you, Burnley, and Bullitt, and your association keeps it 
up. I am anxious to see you all cured of this disorder. 

Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, September 5, 1849. 

Dear Orlando, — I start for the Estill Springs to-day, and I 
am constantly finding little last things to be done that have 
been before neglected. 

A Mr. Harrison, of Greenupsburg, in this State, is very 
anxious to obtain an office. Application was some time ago 
made for an Indian agency for him, and I write on his behalf. 
I have since received a letter from him, suggesting that his 
application had been too limited ; that if he could not get an 
Indian agency he desired some other equivalent office, and re- 
quested me to write again in his behalf. You know Mr. Har- 
rison, I believe. I think you were in my room when he first 
visited me on this subject. My impression is that he was a sort 
of Democrat who became a zealous Taylor-man. 



348 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

He is a good-hearted, worthy man, and very competent to 
the duties of any such office as he solicits. If you find an 
opportunity of doing anything for him, I pray you to do it. 

I have received your letter of the 29th ult., but have not time 
now to reply to it further than to say that I am glad you have 
got your hands to a work more worthy of them than the 
ordinary drudgery of office. Insist, if it be necessary, on 
having it all your own way, and take responsibility so far as to 
make it your own work. Give up in no essential point without 
an appeal to old Zack. There is no necessity for you to stand 
in awe of any secretary. And where anything important and 
good occurs to you, insist on it independently, and, my life 
upon it, the President will back you. Bate not your breath for 
ministers. Your tenure is as good and strong as theirs. They 
will know it, and you will be the more respected and appreciated 
by them, if they are as smart as they ought to be. 

Your friend, 

Orlando Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington City, November 17, 1849, 

Dear Crittenden, — This letter is headed, as you perceive, 
with a word calculated to inspire the expectation that some- 
thing of much interest is to be communicated. Not exactly so, 
— but as yet I know not n'luxt I may say, what guesses I may 
make, what apprehensions I may express in regard to the pre- 
sent and the future. Things are terribly amiss, out of sorts, 
out of joint, in this quarter. There will be a change in the 
cabinet, sooner or later, to a dead certainty ! I can't cheat my- 
self in this matter, though I have tried to do so. 

Clayton is in great trouble, poor fellow. I am truly distressed 
for him. I have seen but little of him for five or six days. The 
truth is, it gave me pain to see him, and as I had not the heart 
or courage, without being specially invited to do so, to say all 
I felt, all I thought, and all I know, I purposely kept away, 
merely telling him when he needed a doctor to send for me. I 
scarcely know how to begin to tell you the whole story, and, in 
fact, it would be too tedious and laborious to attempt a narra- 
tive in detail. His misfortune is, that every man in the cabi- 
net wajits him out. These letters, which you see published in 
the Herald, telling the secrets of the administration and fore- 
shadowing its policy, have rekindled a flame which had been 
almost extinguished to the highest point. For the last twenty- 
four hours, without saying a word to any human being but 
tivo of the cabinet, my efforts have been directed to prevent 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 349 

# 

(right in the face of Congress) an open rupture — a ruinous rup- 
ture. All I hoped to accompHsh was to endeavor to inspire 
prudence in action and wise forbearance. Possibly I may have 
had some slight agency in pouring a little oil upon the troubled 
waters ; but the storm is bound to come, it is only a question 
of mode and time. My opinion in regard to Mr. Clayton's hold- 
ing on to his place has totally changed since I got here. His 
position is such that it is altogether impossible for him to be 
useful to the administration. There is no mistake, no doubt, 
about it whatever, and if he gives me half a chance I mean to 
tell him what I think, as sincerely as I would tell you or my 
brother, under similar circumstances. Clayton don't know, 
don't see, the abyss before him! General Taylor has said 
nothing as yet, — in truth, is unacquainted with all the facts con- 
nected with the case, but they mean to tell him. They charge 
and say that they can prove that Mr. C. made that clerk write the 
communication which you saw in the Republic denying the au- 
thenticity of his Herald letter. Well, as I said to one of the 
party (very much excited), "suppose he did. What of it? 
Had he not a perfect right to call upon any man who had slan- 
dered him and ask him to do him justice?" But say they, "This 
letter that rascal wrote was by the knowledge and with the 
consent, and even by the request, of Mr. C, and this we can 
proved I don't believe that ! What is to occur, and when it 
may occur, the Lord only knows. All I say is, that something 
will occur before long. I would not be surprised if it happens 
in two hours. I will use every effort within my power to see 
that what is done shall be done decently and in order. I was 
consulted with for two nights past, until two o'clock in the 
morning, in case of a vacancy in the State Department, as to 
who ought to be the appointee. My opinion was given just as 
truly and candidly as if upon oath, and you are at no loss to 
understand what that opinion is, though your wife would like 
me none the better for it. I think I may venture to say from what 
I know and from what I learned from one of the distinguished 
parties concerned, that the whole of the cabinet would pull 
together upon this point. I give you this gentle hint that you may 
think about it, and if the contingency arises, don't refuse till you 
see me. I don't know when I can get away. I am in a whirlpool ; 
perhaps I may be here ten days. ^ I am most sincerely damned 
•mpatient to get away, — not meaning to swear in your presence. 
I am unhappy in my mind. The cabinet are now in session. I 
trust they may break up in harmony. I have not had a good 
night's sleep since I got here. The hours for close chat in this 
city are from eleven to two at night. That don't suit me. 
There are many reports on the street of the resignation of the 



350 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

cabinet ; none of which are true. Nobody wishes to resign, 
unless it be Clayton. More to-morrow. 

Hastily, but sincerely, your friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(Extract from Governor Crittenden's Message to the Legislature of Kentucky, 

December 31, 1849.) 

The preceding remarks have been confined to the domestic 
affairs of our own State ; but as nothing that concerns the Union 
can be alien to us, I am unwilling to close this communication 
without some reference to our relations and duties to the Con- 
stitution and government of the United States. This seems to 
be made more imperatively my duty by the deplorable agita- 
tion and political excitements which have recently been but too 
manifest in the proceedings of one branch of Congress, and 
which, if they do not threaten and endanger the tranquillity and 
integrity of the Union, have excited solicitude for its safety. 
The Constitution of the United States was made by the whole 
people, and no compact among men was ever made with more 
deliberate solemnity. Inviolable respect and obedience to that 
highest law of the people, in all its consequences, is the bounden 
duty of all. While it confirms all our State institutions, it 
unites us for national purposes as one people, one great re- 
public. It is in that Unio7i alone that we exist as a nation and 
have our bond of brotherhood. From it, as from a rich foun- 
tain, public prosperity has streamed over our whole land, and 
from the base of our great national republic a spirit has gone 
forth throughout the world to quicken and raise up the op- 
pressed, to teach them a new lesson of freedom, and, by pointing 
to our example, show them the way to self-government. The 
heart of man must swell with conscious pride at being the free 
citizen of such a republic. Dear as Kentucky is to us, she is 
not our whole country. The Union, the whole Union, is our 
country; and proud as we justly are of the name oi Kcntuckian, 
we have a loftier and more far-famed title — that of American 
citizen, — a name known and respected throughout the world, 
and which, wherever we may be, has power to protect us from 
the despotism of emperor or king. 

As a party to the Constitution, Kentucky, interchangeably 
with the other States, pledged herself to abide by and support 
that Constitution and the Union which it established. If that 
pledge were her only obligation, it ought to be inviolable. But 
the seal of Washington stamped upon it, the thousand glorious 
recollections associated with its origin, the benefits and bless- 
ings it has conferred, the grander hopes it now inspires, have 
day by day increased our attachment, until the mere sense of 



MESSAGE TO THE LEGISLATURE. 351 

plighted faith and allegiance is lost in proud, grateful, and affec- 
tionate devotion. I can entertain no apprehension for the fate 
of such a Union. The approach of any danger to it would be 
the signal for rallying to its defense,— the first moment of its 
peril would be the moment of its rescue. I persuade myself 
that there will be found in Congress, on the exciting subject 
which has given rise to the late agitation and alarm, a zvise for- 
bearance a7id a wise patience, \h2it\w\\\ secure us from danger; 
and that the very men who, in the heat and contention of debate, 
have spoken most boldly the language of defiance and menace 
to the Union, will not be hindmost in making sacrifices for its 
preservation. The Union has further security in the parental 
care and guardianship of its present illustrious chief magistrate; 
and far above all other securities, it has the all-powerful public 
opinion and affections of the people. 

To Kentucky and the other Western States in the Valley of 
the Mississippi, the Union is indispensable to their commercial 
interests. They occupy the most fertile region of the world, 
eloquently described by a celebrated foreigner as " the most 
magnificent abode that the Almighty ever prepared as a dwell- 
ing-place for man." These States, already populous and pro- 
ductive, are rapidly increasing, and in no long time must become 
the most populous and productive portion of the United States. 
They are remote from the sea, and to enable them with any 
advantage to dispose of their boundless production and pur- 
chase their supplies, they will require the use of all the chan- 
nels and avenues of commerce, and of all the markets, ports, 
and harbors from Boston to New Orleans. Under our present 
Union we enjoy all tliese facilities, with the further advantage 
of a maritime force capable to protect, and actually protecting, 
our commerce in every part of the world. Disunion would 
deprive us, certainly, to some extent, and most probably to a 
great extent, of those advantages and of that protection. _ I 
cannot enlarge on the subject. A moment's reflection will 
show the ruinous consequences of disunion to the commerce 
of Kentucky and the other Western States. The most obvious 
considerations of interest combine, therefore, with all that are 
nobler and more generous, to make the Union not only an 
object of attachment, but of necessity to us. Kentucky is not 
insensible to the causes which have produced so much sensi- 
bility and irritation with her brethren of the Southern States, 
nor is she without her sympathies with them. But she does 
not permit herself to harbor one thought against the Union. 
She deprecates disunion as the greatest calamity ; she can see 
NO REMEDY in it, — nouc, certainly, for any grievance as yet com- 
plained of or to be apprehended. Kentucky will stand by and 



352 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

abide by the Union to the last, and she will hope that the same 
kind Providence that enabled our fathers to make it, will enable 
us to preserve it. Our whole history has taught us a consoling 
confidence in that Providence, It becomes us, as a people, to 
acknowledge with gratitude and thankfulness the many signal 
proofs we have received of divine goodness, and to invoke the 
Great Ruler of events for a continuation of his favor, humbly 
acknowledging that without his aid the labors of man are but 
vain. 

J. J. Crittenden. 
December 31, 1849. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, November' 26, 1849. 

Dear Crittenden, — Things look better upon the surface for 
the last few days ; the elements are in much less commotion ; 
and it may be that the storm indicated will pass away for the 
present. But it will come, I fear, certain and sure some day. 
The message is made up. It was finished last night, but may 
possibly undergo some little pruning. I have not seen but will 
probably be asked to hear it read, and invited to make such 
commentaries as I think proper. It was intimated that the 
general might probably desire tJds. No news. Breck got here 
last night on his way North. Benton is here. I had quite an 
agreeable and satisfactory chat with him this morning. He 
said, " Sir, you must not go away until the meeting of Congress." 
I was utterly opposed to staying so long, and am so still. Gen- 
eral Taylor looks zvdl, acts well, and Judge Breck called to see 
him, and was perfectly charmed. He says "all hell can't beat 
him in the next race." Orlando is mighty busy with his Indians. 
I have hardly seen him for four or five days. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(J. J. Crittenden to O. Brown.) 

Frankfort, January 14, 1850. 

Dear Orlando, — It has been so long since I received a letter 
from, or written one to, you that I hardly know where or how- 
to recommence our correspondence. I suppose I must, as the 
lawyers say, begin de novo. 

I have read about two columns of your official report about 
your red brethren, and expect to read the residue at the first 
leisure moment. I congratulate you on the many compliments 
it has received from the public, and I now especially congratu- 
late you on your deserving all those compliments. 

Old Zack's message is characteristic. It is marked with a 
noble resolution and simplicity that must commend it to every 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 



353 



sound head and heart in the nation, and its whole matter and 
manner make it a model and monument. 

The reports of the Hon. Secretaries are excellent, and such 
as ought to bring honor and strength to the administration. 

I must say, however, that I differ from our friend the Secre- 
tary of War on two points of his report — namely, the mode of 
increasing the army, and the exclusive employment of the topo- 
graphical corps in superintending all the works of improvement 
for which Congress may make appropriations. 

As to the first, I should have preferred the raising of nciv 
regiments to any extent that increase of the army was necessary, 
thereby preserving the old policy of keeping our little army in 
such a form as to admit of great expansion in time of need 
under its old and experienced officers. The officers of our 
army may be considered as reduced in force and number by 
all those who are now, and who must be, stationed anywhere 
on the coast of the Pacific, for they are so remote as to be in- 
capable of any co-operation with our forces on the Atlantic. I 
think, therefore, that the old policy ought to have been adhered 
to. And with me, it would have been a recommendation of 
this course that it would have afforded the President the oppor- 
tunity of giving military appointments to some of the gallant 
fellows among our volunteers and temporary troops who distin- 
guished themselves in the Mexican war. 

My objection on the other point seems to me to be still 
stronger. Why give to the " topographical corps" by law the 
exclusive or ajiy exclusive direction and superintendency of the 
public works of improvement? 

Why not leave the President and his cabinet to make, accord- 
ing to their discretion, selections of proper superintendents ? 
The administration must at last be responsible for the due ex- 
ecution of the works, and it seems to me that the choice of the 
agents to be employed is a part of their proper duty and patron- 
age, and ought not to be surrendered. I see no propriety re- 
quiring such self-denying ordinances. Some of those works 
would require the science of the topographical corps, and then 
the President would employ them as a matter of course. But 
in other works, such as clearing out our rivers, this science 
would not be necessary, and the President should be left free to 
choose competent employes among his friends who did not 
already enjoy the benefit of public office. 

I am opposed to this motwpoly of the topographical corps 
for reasons public and private, general and particular. Such a 
monopoly would confer the meatts of great political influence, 
and opportunities for exercising it. How far officers of that 
corps might be disposed to use that influence I do not know. 
VOL. I. — 23 



354 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

But should any of them be disposed to use it, the greater prob- 
ability is that it would be used against the administration, as 
probably every officer of that corps has received his commis- 
sion from its political opponents. I by no means intend any 
disparagement of that corps, but am arguing only from general 
and natural causes. Now, though I do not desire to see any 
of the President's appointees playing the part of partisans, or 
appointed for any such purpose, I would not, on the other hand, 
have him and Mr. Crawford voluntarily surrendering the power 
of appointing their friends, and voluntarily exposing themselves 
to the inimical influences of those who may be their enemies. 
I say, therefore, that I do not see the justice or policy of giving 
to the topographical corps, in this instance, the exclusive legal 
preference which the secretary's report seems to concede them. 
I am not very conversant about such matters, and may not un- 
derstand correctly the extent and import of that report, but, as 
I do understand it, it would exclude our friend Russell, and cut 
him off from any competition for the superintendency he for- 
merly had over our river improvements. Pray let me know if 
that would be its effect, and if so, intercede with our friend 
Crawford, and tell him that Russell understands the navigation 
of our rivers better, and knows better how to improve it, and 
especially how to remove snags, than all his topographical corps 
together; and furthermore, that all they could do would be 
criticised and complained of, while all that he would do, even 
though not quite so well done, would, from a fellow-feeling, be 
praised by his fellow-boatmen. Attend to this matter, and do 
all that is possible to secure Russell in his expectations and 
hopes of being restored to his old office and employment. 

Our legislature, as you know, is now in session, with nothing 
very interesting as yet before them, unless it be the various 
resolutions that are occasionally exploded concerning you 
Washington people and Federal affairs, disunion, slavery, etc. 
All these will no doubt be eventually reduced to the standard 
of a sound discretion and a sound patriotism. There is evi- 
dently among the members of the legislature a good deal of 
dissatisfaction with the late convention and the constitution 
they have proposed to the people. Yet it remains doubtful 
whether any serious opposition will be made to its adoption. 
I am led to believe that it would not be difficult to raise an 
opposition that would be very formidable, if not fatal, to the new 
constitution. 

Our little town is very quiet, and stands just where it did and 
as it did when you left us. It is at this time covered with one 
of the deepest snows I have seen for a long time. It has been 
snowing for about eighteen hours. Letcher, you know, has 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 



o5> 



left us, and has left a sort of darkness behind him, which we 
cannot entirely dissipate. 

I see that my old friend Cass is threatening him in the Sen- 
ate, and rebuking the love of office. That is well. The old 
gentleman, as is very natural, having been surfeited with office, 
wonders that anybody can have any appetite for it. I hope 
there can be no danger of Letcher's rejection. 

The two most important events of the last month were fights 
between David Humphreys and Philip Swigert and between 
Gates and Hodges ; pretty well matched in both cases, and no 
damage done. Both, indeed, have resulted fortunately; the first 
led to a prompt settlement of an old quarrel, the compromise 
of an old lawsuit, and the reconciliation of the parties ; in the 
other, the affair has been so far arranged that the parties when 
they meet are to meet as friends, and peace is established again 
throughout our borders. 

And now, unless this long letter should be considered as a 
grievance and drive you into a dissolution of our Union, I shall 
expect a v&xy long answer, for you can tell a great deal that I 
want to hear. 

How do you and old Zack get along together, and how 
does the old general bear himself amidst the storm of oppo- 
sition in Congress ? Who have you become acquainted with 
among the members of Congress ? Are Toombs and Stephens 
among the number? How comes on the cabinet generally and 
in the particular, etc.? 

But first in order and above all these mere public concerns, 
how is your household? Do you intermeddle much in politics? 
How is Burnley, who has not written to me since we parted? 

Your friend, 

Orlando Brown, Esq. J. J, Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Norfolk, Sept. 6, 1850. 
Dear Crittenden, — Here I am, and here I have been for 
seven long days, waiting, in the first place, to have Tom Cor- 
win's canoe repaired, and in the second place, for more favora- 
ble winds. It is hoped we may embark to-morrow, but the 
Lord only knows how this may be. It would take a man of 
your amiable disposition to bear with Christian meekness and 
patience all I have borne since I left home. I have not been 
quite equal to it, and you know well that, next to yourself, I 
am decidedly the best-natured fellow living. I was forced to 
leave Washington without having the pleasure of an interview 
with the President. I regret it exceedingly. I was anxious 
to hold a confidential chat with him on two or three matters of 



356 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

much interest. But, to rid myself of the constant, eternal, and 
ungodly iviportufiitics of some folks who were always at my 
heels dogging me, I felt ready to jump into the raging sea to 
get out of their reach. I shall use every exertion to accom- 
plish the object of my mission, but I must tell you my hopes 
of success are bv no means as strong as I could wish. Mexi- 
can affairs are in the most terrible disorder. My advices from 
that quarter are full. I wanted to see you before I left, but 
you were too happy in the mountains to tear yourself away. 
I wrote to Bob Crittenden, if he were not profitably employed, 
and could contrive to have his expenses paid to Mexico, to 
call over there in a month or so. For the sake of the Lord, 
the Virgin Mary, and all the saints, write to me. A poor 
man in Mexico feels unhappy in his mind without letters. Be 
kind enough to offer my warmest regard to the President, and tell 
him if it be in the power of mortal man to accomplish the objects 
he has so much at heart in Mexico, I intend to do that thing. 

Your sincere friend, 

R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mexico, Feb. 5, 1850. 
Dear Crittenden, — Here I am in this great bcll-miging city, 
and hardly know how to employ myself Calls upon calls, of 
a civil and business character, have worried me down to such 
a degree that I have refused to see anybody else this blessed 
saint's day. I can't write, I can't read, I zvon't tJimk, and I can't 
sleep. In this state of half existence I will make a poor attempt 
to write you a sort of a letter, but it seems like writing to a 
man in the moon. I hope you won't see it, and lest you should, 
I sha'n't tell you how I feel in this ungodly city. You would 
laugh me to death, should we ever meet again, if I were to tell 
you the //a^ of what I have experienced since I was fool enough 
to leave home. All I am willing to confess is this, if any man 
wants to know exactly how well he loves his wife, his friends, 
his country, and tJie tozvn of Frankfort in particular, let him 
take a sea voyage over the renowned Gulf of Mexico, and 
then over the mountains in a stage with eight mules, and some- 
times ten, in the team, running ten miles an hour at that. Then 
let him be called the American minister, let him be worried day 
and night by distressed, moneyless claimants, and if he is not 
brought to a knowledge of the truth by this process I should 
pronounce him an original fool. There have been more false- 
hoods told about this city, in some respects, than about all the 
rest of God's globe. The city and the surrounding country is 
beautiful; the valley of Puebla is also a delightful country: 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 357 

but such a poor, wretched, miserable people are nowhere to 
be found upon the face of the earth ; four-fifths of them, at 
least, are beasts of burden, and most of the residue are destitute 
of moral principle. No gentleman can live here for less than 
ten or twelve thousand a year; everything is dear; butter a 
dollar a pound. No article of diet cheap, except beans. I 
have seen but few of the great men. My audience takes place 
day after to-morrow. Between ourselves, in confidence, I must 
get away from here soon. I wrote to Clayton a private note, 
to obtain leave of absence for me in May. I want you to write 
him a line to the same effect. If I am not hemmed in by the 
vomito and yellow fever, I wish to go home for my family, even 
if I must come back. I won't go away if the interest of the 
country is to suffer by it ; but it won't suffer. I don't know 
where I shall go, — one thing is certain, I don't mean to lay out 
all my salary in chickens and butter, thafs a fixed fact ! I 
think you might make a speculation in those articles if you 
would bring on a cargo. You will never know during your 
natural life anything about the charms of home until you take 
a trip to Mexico, — so just come over here and learn zvisdom. 
I am the smartest man now living in the whole world, and " no 
mistake." But I have suffered terribly in obtaining such a valu- 
able education. I haven't heard one word from home since I 
left. If you are a Christian man, write to me. There are at 
least one hundred and fifty bells now ringing, and have been 
ever since four o'clock this morning. I don't know the name 
of the saint who causes all the fuss. 

Your friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mexico, March 4, 1850. 
Dear Governor, — Mr. Walsh, my secretary of legation, will 
hand you this line of introduction ; he will spend a few days in 
Frankfort to ascertain if all his lands in Kentucky have been 
fully administered upon. Mr. Wickliffe, he tells me, was his 
executor. My private belief is that he won't find very much 
left after his executor is paid and satisfied. Mr. Walsh is on his 
way East ; his health is bad, and spirits worse. I thought it 
just to let him go. I care nothing about work in this country. 
In fact, it is my only recreation. I want to get off from here 
in May. It is better /^r effect that I should be absent three or 
four months. Not one syllable have I received from Kentucky 
since the blessed hour I left. Now make the calculation! How 
much is it worth — in other words, what would you take — to cross 
the Gulf in a great square trough, and then travel three hundred 



358 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

miles by land in a small stage, be three thousand miles from 
home, and remain three months without hearing one word ? 
Will you take all my salary? If yes, then it's a bargain ; but 
you must pay charges. One charge, to bring my carriage from 
Vera Cruz, two hundred and fifty dollars ''right smack Imiig.'" 
bringing horses, seventy-seven dollars, — that's cheap. I don't 
complain about bills; not at all, but give you a few items in 
case you wish to take the bargain. I wish I was a doctor, and 
could be called in to a few cases in this country ; somebody 
would suffer. Don't ask me how I look, how I feel, or what I 
tliink. Take it for granted I look wise. I send you a small 
pitcher dug out of the ruins of this place ; no doubt of its 
antiquity. I am determined to curtail every possible expense 
within my power. To come here and be miserable, and make 
nothing, would be a hard case. " No, sitree," you don't catch a 
weasel asleep. I am robbed a little bit every day; but thc\' 
sha'n't rob me of all my salary. If my horses turn out well I 
expect to get eighteen hundred for them. If I can get away 
upon a leave of absence for four months, I guess I could save 
rig/it smartly. 

Ah I my dear fellow, I thank you — I thank you for your 
letter of the 24th of January, — the first tidings from home 
since my arrival in this distant region. Your letter was handed 
to me just as I was about to sit down to dinner; it was 
twilight. I sprang from the table and ran out to the door to 
get light enough to read it. Oh, you have no sort of concep- 
tion of the excessive delight I experienced on reading it ! I 
had made up my figures this morning that in vine days, if 
I heard nothing; from home, I should be a maniac to a dead 
and everlasting certainty. Your letter and one from my wife, 
received at the same moment, have saved me from that terrible 
misfortune. And what a rascally letter it is, after all ! I don't 
see how it had the impudence to travel in company with my 
wife's letter. Her letter told me of her gloom, melancholy, 
despondency, and misery in consequence of my absence. Yours 
tells me of \\c:x gayety, cheerfulness, happiness, and good looks 
by reason of the same thing. What a contrast ! 

But I won't quarrel with you, nohow, I was so rejoiced to 
hear once more from old Kentucky. No time to finish my 
letter; my boy Sam will be off in a few minutes. 

Your friend, 

R. P. Letcher, 



LETTER TO THOMAS METCALF. 359 

(J. J. Crittenden to Governor Thomas Metcalf.) 

Frankfort, March 25, 1850. 
My dear Sir, — I have received and perused with great con- 
cern your letter of yesterday, and hasten to reheve your feel- 
ings and my own as far as I can by an immediate reply. You 
do me but justice in supposing me incapable of betraying or 
deceiving so old a friend as yourself. I am, indeed, incapable 
of deceiving any man intentionally, and my nature would revolt 
from the betrayal of one whose friendship I have valued and 
cherished so long as I have yours. For our friend Orlando 
Brown I would answer as for myself It was during the last 
fall that, at your written request, I addressed a letter to the 
Secretary of War recommending your grandson, young Camp- 
bell, for appointment as one of the cadets at West Point. You 
were anxious for his appointment, and I felt a sincere pleasure 
in contributing all I could to your gratification. I accordingly 
recommended him zealously, and urged his appointment not 
only on account of his own qualifications but on account of 
his hereditary claims and the great consideration that was due 
to you, your wishes, and your public seroiccs. A prompt ac- 
knowledgment of that letter was received from the War De- 
partment, which I made known to you. I do not remember 
whether, when I wrote that letter, I was apprised that there was 
or was about to be a vacancy for a cadet from your district ; 
nor do I recollect whether I recommended your grandson in 
general terms as a person that ought to be appointed, or spe- 
cifically for a district appointment or one of the presidential ap- 
pointments. In all this I was no doubt guided by your letter 
requesting my recommendation. I will write immediately for 
a copy of my letter, and will send it to you that you may see 
how earnestly I recommended your grandson. Some time after 
all this a friend stepped into my office (then generally thronged) 
and requested me to write a recommendation of a young Mr. 
Lashbrook for a cadet appointment. Upon his representation I 
did so, and without the least thought or apprehension that he 
and your grandson were seeking the same place or that there 
was any competition between them. Had such a thought ever 
crossed my mind, I should never have recommended young 
Lashbrook. No consideration would have induced me know- 
ingly to recommend any one in opposition to your grandson; 
besides, I had no motive to do so disreputable a thing. I had 
no personal knowledge of young Lashbrook and was under 
no special obligation to his father. My letter in his son's be- 
half passed at once from my mind, and would probably never 
again have been remembered but for your late letter and the 
untoward circumstances that now recall it to my recollection. 



360 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

The whole case, I suppose, is this : I have inadvertently given 
a letter in favor of young Lashbrook and produced an effect 
that I never contemplated. It is as though I had shot an arrow 
which, missing the mark it was aimed at, wounded a friend, an 
old and valued friend. I regret it most deeply; nor can that 
regret be altogether removed by my confidence that you will 
not attribute what has happened to any design or ill intention 
on my part. There will still remain the regret of having fallen 
into a blunder. I am not willing to make the painful addition 
to that regret of supposing that my letter in favor of Lashbrook 
was the cause of his being preferred to your grandson, for 
there was also my more earnest letter in favor of your grandson. 
But I will say no more on this most unpleasant subject, and 
can but hope that my explanation will be satisfactory to you. 
It will gratify me to receive a line from you as soon as your 
convenience will permit, — my feelings are much disturbed by 
this matter. 

Your friend, etc.. 
Governor Thomas Metcalf. J, J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 
1850. 

Letter of Charles S. Morehead — R. Toombs to Crittenden — Letters of Crittenden 

to Letcher. 

(C. S. Morehead to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, March 30, 1850. 

MY DEAR SIR,— I received your letter of the 19th inst, 
for which I am very much obliged to you. All that is 
done here is so fully detailed in the daily papers that I need not 
attempt to give you an account of it. We are proceeding slowly 
with the debate on the absorbing topic growing out of our ter- 
ritorial acquisitions. I begin to believe that the whole question 
will be satisfactorily settled by admitting California as a State 
and making territorial governments for the residue of the coun- 
try without the proviso. I regret, however, to state that we 
can hope for very little, if any, aid from the Whigs of the North 
in the House, I do not know one man that we can certainly 
count. There were eight or ten who promised to go with us, 
but I have reason to believe that the cabinet influence has drawn 
them off! Ewing and Meredith have evidently much feeling 
on the subject, Clayton, Crawford, Preston, and Johnson, I 
understand, will go for territorial bills. It is understood that 
General Taylor himself would be glad if such bills can be 
passed without the proviso, and would prefer such a settlement 
to the non-action policy. I cannot, however, speak from any 
personal knowledge on this subject, I have no doubt, however, 
as to the four members of the cabinet I have named. Indeed, 
it is indispensably necessary that it should be settled on this 
basis. There is not one single man from any slaveholding 
State who would agree to any other settlement, and I fear the 
very worst consequences from any attempt to force through the 
California bill without a full settlement. Fifty members, under 
our rules, can prevent the bill from being reported from the 
committee of the whole, where it now is, to the House, But I 
believe we have a decided majority for such a settlement as the 
South demands. There are twenty-nine Democrats from the 
North pledged to go with us. McClernand, from Illinois, has pre- 

(361) 



362 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

pared a bill upon general but private consultation, embracing all 
the points of difference, and will offer it as a substitute, in a 'io.vf 
days, to the California bill. If General Taylor would take open 
ground for a full settlement, we could get ten or twelve Whigs 
from the North. I believe he only wants a suitable occasion to 
do so, I never have in my life had so deep and abiding a con- 
viction upon any subject as at this moment of the absolute ne- 
cessity of a settlement of this whole question. I am pained to 
say that I fear that there are some Southern men who do not 
wish a settlement. We have certainly something to fear from 
this source, but they are so few that I think we can do without 
them. 

The cabinet, as you might well imagine from the present state 
of things, receives no support from any quarter. John Tyler 
had a corporal's guard who defended him manfully, but the 
cabinet has not one man that I can now name. Each member 
of the cabinet has a few friends, but I do not know one man 
who can be called the friend of the cabinet. I apprehend that 
they are not even friendly to each other. You may have no- 
ticed in the Union, if you ever read it, a charge against Ewing 
for having allowed a very large claim in which Crawford was 
interested personally to the extent of one hundred and seven- 
teen thousand dollars. It turned out that Mr. Ewing had no- 
thing to do with it ; that W' hittlesey reported that there was 
nothing due, and Meredith, in accordance with the opinion of 
the Attorney-General, allowed it. Now, Ewing, if 1 am not 
mistaken (but conjecture on my part, I acknowledge), through 
his friends is attacking Crawford for having a claim acted on 
in which he was interested while a member of the cabinet 
Upon the whole, I am clearly of opinion that there is but one 
safe course for General Taylor to pursue, and that is to recon- 
struct his whole cabinet. I am perfectly satisfied that he can- 
not carry on the government with his present ministers. Your 
name and that of Winthrop and of W^ebster have been spoken 
of as Secretaiy of State in the event of a change ; but if I had 
to make a full cabinet I could not do it satisfactorily to myself. 
I am inclined to think that Mr. Webster would like to be Sec- 
retary of State, not from anj-thing I ever heard him say but 
from occasional remote intimations from his friends. Just at 
this time his appointment would be exceedingly popular in the 
South. I wish mo.st sincerely that you were here. We are 
altogether in a sad, sad condition. There is no good feeling 
between Mr. Clay and General Taylor, and I am afraid that 
meddling and busybodies are daily widening the breach. I 
keep entirely aloof, taking especial and particular pains to par- 
ticipate in no manner whatever in the feeling on the one side 



LETTER FROM C. S. MOREHEAD. 363 

or the other. I hear all, at least on one side, and try always 
to reconcile rather than widen the breach. I have sometimes, 
however, thought that a want of confidence in me resulted from 
the fact of my being his immediate representative. I may be 
mistaken — probably am ; it may arise altogether from a less 
flattering consideration. At all events, I have never been able 
to converse one uiuiute with the President upon politics without 
his changing the subject, so that when I see him now I never, 
in the remotest manner, allude to political matters. 

March 31st. Not finishing my letter last night, I have to 
add this morning the news, which you will no doubt hear long 
before this reaches you, of Mr. Calhoun's death. He died this 
morning at eight o'clock. I do not yet clearly see what effect 
his death is to have on political events. He was firmly and, I 
suppose, honestly persuaded that the Union ought to be dis- 
solved. I understand that he has prepared a paper showing 
that the only salvation of the South is by disunion. It is said 
to be a very strong and dangerous argument, placing the whole 
matter upon the ground that there can be no security for our 
property by any other possible or attainable means, and that 
the South has all the elements of unbounded prosperity without 
the Union ; while with it it is fast assuming a mere provincial 
character, impoverishing itself to aggrandize the North. I do 
not, of course, know that this rumor is true, but I believe it 
is. This was the purport of a conversation he held with Mr. 
Toombs a few days ago. He told him he would not live this 
session out, and that he must leave to younger men the task of 
carrying out his views. A pamphlet has recently been pub- 
lished in Virginia calculated to do much mischief It is an 
argument for disunion with an array of pretended facts, which, 
if true, or if not shown to be unfounded, I think would pro- 
duce a very great effect. Mr. Clay told me that he thought it 
the most dangerous pamphlet he ever read. 

Our Northern friends are blind, absolutely blind, to the real 
dangers by which we are surrounded. They don't want to be- 
lieve that there is any danger, and in general they treat the 
whole matter as mere bravado and as scarcely worth notice. I 
concur this far with them, that it is utterly impossible formally to 
dissolve this Union, and it never will be dissolved by any con- 
vention or by any declaration of independence. The dissolu- 
tion must precede these things if it ever does take place. The 
fear I entertain is of the establishment of mere sectional parties, 
and the commencement of a system of retaliatory local or State 
legislation. You may have seen that this has been already 
recommended by the governor of Virginia. If the slave ques- 
tion should not be settled, there is scarcely a Soutliern State 



364 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

that will not pass laws to prevent the sale of Northern products 
by retail in its limits. The decision of the Supreme Court, in 
the case of Brown vs. Maryland, declaring the unconstitution- 
ality of taxing the imports of another State, contains some 
dictum of the right of a State to tax such imports after they 
have become incorporated with the property of the State. The 
whole proceeding would doubtless be a violation of the spirit, 
if not the letter, of the Constitution. But what is it that men 
will not do when smarting under real or imaginary grievances ? 
You may think that I am inclined to be gloomy, but I do most 
solemnly believe that disunion will ensue, and that more 
speedily than any man now has any idea of, if there should be 
a failure of an amicable settlement. You cannot be surprised, 
then, that my whole heart and soul are engaged in the effort to 
bring this about. I feel as you do about the Union, as I know 
that Kentucky does, and it must be preserved at the sacrifice of 
all past party ties. I am perfectly sure, from the most mature 
and calm consideration, that there is but one way of doing this. 
The North must give up its apparently determined purpose of 
making this general government assume an attitude of hostility 
to slavery. We cannot prevent individual agitation and fanati- 
cism, but I think we have the undoubted right to ask that a 
common government shall not, in its action, become hostile to 
the property of a large portion of its own citizens. 

IVIr. Clay sent for old I\Ir. Ritchie, and had a long and confi- 
dential conversation with him upon this subject. The tone of 
the Union is evidently changed since that time. You may have 
noticed that he speaks much oftener in favor of union than he 
did. This is not generally known, and of course I do not wish 
it spoken of as coming from me. I hav^e written you a long 
letter, which may occupy some of your dull moments at Frank- 
fort. I wrote to your new Secretary of State some time ago, 
which he has never answered. I hope in the enjoyment of his 
new honors he has not forgotten his old friends. 

I remain very truly and sincerely your friend, 

C. S. MOREHEAD. 

(R. Toombs to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, April 25, 1S50. 
Dear Crittenden, — I have been thinking for several months 
that I would write to you, but as I did not wish to annoy you 
with disagreeable intelligence, I deferred it, hoping that events 
would open up a better prospect for the future. That expecta- 
tion has not yet been realized. " It were a tale too long" to 
detail all the blunders of the cabinet, which have brought the 
Whig party to the brink of ruin ; but of the special question upon 



LETTER FROM R. TOOMBS. 365 

which their policy has nearly estranged the whole Whig party 
of the South it is proper to give you some brief hints, that you 
may understand our position. During the last summer, the 
government, with the consent of the whole cabinet, except Craw- 
ford, threw the etttire patronage of the North into the hands of 
Seward and his party. This was done under some foolish idea 
of Preston's, that they would get rid of a Northern competition 
for 1852, as Seward stood for 1856. The effect of this was to 
enable Seward to take the entire control of the New York 
organization, and force the whole Northern Whig party into 
the extreme anti-slavery position of Seward, which, of course, 
sacked the South. I knew the effect of this policy would cer- 
tainly destroy the Whig party, and perhaps endanger the Union. 
When I came to Washington, I found the whole Whig party 
expecting to pass the proviso, and that Taylor would Jiot veto it, 
that thereby the Whig party of the North were to be built up 
at the expense of the Northern Democracy, who, from political 
and party considerations, had stood quasi opposed to the proviso. 
I saw General Taylor, and talked fully with him, and while he 
stated he had given and would give no pledges either way about 
the proviso, he gave me clearly to understand that if it was 
passed he would sign it. My course became instantly fixed. I 
would not hesitate to oppose the proviso, even to the extent of 
a dissolution of the Union. I could not for a moment regard 
any party considerations on the treatment of the question. I 
therefore determined to put the test to the Whig party and 
abandon its organization upon its refusal. Both events hap- 
pened to defeat this policy ; it was of the first importance to 
prevent the organization of the House going into the hands of 
the Northern Whig party. I should have gone to any extent 
to effect that object, — they foolishly did it themselves. With- 
out fatiguing you with details, my whole subsequent course has 
been governed by this line of policy. I have determined to 
settle the question honorably to my own section of country, if 
possible, at any and every hazard, totally indifferent to what 
might be its effect upon General Taylor or his administration. 
In the course of events, the policy of the cabinet has vacillated 
to and fro, but has finally settled upon the ground of admitting 
California, and non-actio7t as to the rest of the territories. 
Seward and his party have struck hands with them on this 
policy, but Stanly is the only Southern Whig who will stand by 
them. I think it likely the course of events may throw the 
whole of the Southern Whigs into opposition, — such a result 
will not deter us from our course. We are willing to admit 
California and pass territorial governments on the principle of 
McClernand's bill ; we will never take less. The government, in 



366 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

furtherance of their stupid and treacherous bargain with the 
North, are endeavoring to defeat it ; with their aid we could 
carry it, as more than twenty-five Northern Democrats are 
pledged to it. They may embarrass us, possibly may defeat us, 
but our defeat will be their ruin. The cabinet have intense 
hostility to Mr. Clay, and I think it likely we, and the country, 
will be greatly benefited by the feud, inasmuch as it makes 
Clay the more anxious to conform to the interests of his own 
section and of the Southern Whigs, and this the rather because 
the government has the whip hand of him (through Seward) 
with the Northern Whigs. The Senate's committee will, I think, 
agree upon propositions which will pass ; this can only be de- 
feated by the want of common sense and common prudence on 
the part of Mason, Butler, and others of that " iW in both 
houses of Congress, and the efforts of the administration. But 
as to the latter it is but candid to say that they have little 
power, either for good or evil. For some reason, wholly unac- 
countable to me, the Northern members of the cabinet are uni- 
versally odious, even to the Northern Whigs. Claj^on is a dead 
body tied to the concern. Johnson is honorable and clever, but 
without wisdom. Preston is speculative, and, what is worse, has 
no sentiment in common with the section which he represents. 
Crawford alone is true and faithful to the honor and interest of 
our section, and the late scene about the Galphin claim is an 
effort of men in the service of government to drive him out. 
He is the last link that binds a majority of the Southern Whigs 
to the government, and I have no doubt but they will soon 
make it inconsistent with his own honor to remain there. I 
have thus given you a brief outline of men and parties in the 
government. I have said nothing of General Taylor; my 
opinion is that he is an honest, well-meaning man, but that he 
is in very bad hands, and his inexperience in public affairs, and 
want of knowledge of men, is daily practiced upon, and renders 
him peculiarly liable to imposition. I think there has been a 
studied effort to alienate him from his original friends, and that 
it has been eminently successful ; time will show that he and 
not they will suffer most by that alienation. Morchead is now 
making a good speech at my back, and has perhaps, to some 
extent, destroyed the continuity of my narrative. Let me hear 
from you. 

I am truly your friend, 

R. Toombs. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

Frankfort, April 29, 1S50. 
Dear Burnley, — I reached home last night, and found a 
letter from our friend Orlando Brown, which explains some- 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 367 

what the causes for which you have been called back to Wash- 
ington. I trust that you will be able to reconcile all differences 
and difficulties, and give a right direction to things. It is 
important to the country, to the administration, and to the 
interests of the friends that are engaged in the Republic, to 
whom I am greatly attached. 

From what I understand, it is a settled matter that the 
cabinet is to remain unchanged, and I think you will agree 
that but little good could be expected from any imaginable 
new cabinet that could be formed in the midst of the present 
tumult and discord in the political world, increased by the dis- 
ruption of the present cabinet. What remains, then, for those 
who, though dissatisfied with the cabinet, are the friends of 
General Taylor and his cause, but to yield up that dissatisfac- 
tion, and for the sake of old Zack and his cause to go thoroughly 
to the work in their support? I would not have a gentleman 
for any consideration to concede his honor or his independence ; 
but still, in public life, where the opinions and feelings of many 
must be consulted and conciliated, there is a necessity for many 
concessions. It is a false and unwise pride that would refuse 
these concessions where they relate to mere questions of expe- 
diency or opinion, and are necessary to that union and har- 
mony without which nothing good or great can be accomplished 
in public affairs. Your own good sense and your generous 
feelings of attachment to General Taylor would have suggested 
to you all that I have or could say on this subject, and it is only 
out of my great solicitude that there should be no break be- 
tween the President and the Republic that I have written at all. 
I trust you will do all you can to prevent any such break. 

I shall feel great impatience and anxiety till I hear from you. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, April 30, 1850. 
Dear Orlando, — On my return, last Saturday, from Louis- 
ville, where I had been spending some days, I found your letter. 
I perused it with the most painful interest. My heart is troubled 
at the discord that seems to reign among our friends. Burnley 
will be in Washington when this reaches you, and with his good 
sense and his sincere devotion to General Taylor will be able to 
settle all difficulties about the Republic, dind give to it a satisfactory 
and harmonious direction. The editors of that paper are the 
friends of General Taylor, and if his cabinet is not altogether what 
they could wish, they ought, for his sake and the sake of his 
cause, to waive all objections on that score. Concession among 



368 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

friends is no sacrifice of independence. The temper to do it is a 
virtue, and indispensable to that co-operation that is necessary 
to political success. I do not, of course, mean that any man, for 
any object, ought to surrender essential principles, or his honor; 
but in this instance nothing of that sort can be involved. The 
utmost differences of the parties must consist of personal feel- 
ings, or disagreements in opinion about expediencies. If even 
an old Roman could say, and that, too, with continued approba- 
tion of about twenty centuries, that he had rather err with Cato, 
etc., I think that we, his friends, one and all of us, ought to 
give to General Taylor the full benefit of that sentiment, and 
strengthen him thereby to bear the great responsibility we have 
placed upon him. Cato himself was not more just or illustrious 
than General Taylor, nor ever rendered greater services to his 
country. When I read your account of that interview, in which 
he uttered the indignant complaints extorted from him by con- 
tumely and wrong, I felt, Orlando, that scene as you did, when 
you so nobly described it, — my heart burned within me. It is 
not with such a man, so situated, that friends ought to stand 
upon niceties, or be backward in their services. The men of 
the Rcp2iblic will not, I am certain. They are men of the right 
grit, and I assure myself that all will be amicably arranged and 
settled with them. The course pursued in Congress towards 
General Taylor and his cabinet will, I think, react in their favor, 
and out of the very difficulties that surround him he will triumph, 
as he has triumphed before. This is my hope and my faith. 
The committees intended to persecute and destroy, will 
strengthen and preserve, the cabinet, and the slavery question 
settled, the friends that it has dispersed will return to the 
standard of old Zack. 

I am sorry that you intend to resign your office so soon. I 
am satisfied that you are useful to General Taylor, and that 
your leaving Washington will deprive him of a great comfort. 
There must be something soothing in escaping occasionally 
from the stated and formal consultations of the cabinet and in- 
dulging in the free and irresponsible intercourse and conversa- 
tion of a trusted friend. Who is to succeed you when you 
resign ? Every one, I believe, feels some particular concern in 
his successor, as though it were a sort of continuation of him- 
self If you have not committed yourself otherwise, I should 
be pleased to see Alexander McKee, the clerk of our county of 
Garrard, succeed you. You know him, I believe. He is the 
near relation of Colonel McKee, who fell at Buena Vista, a man 
of business and a bold and ardent friend of General Taylor. If 
you are willing and will advise as to the time and course, he 
will probably visit Washington and endeavor to obtain the 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 369 

office. Let me hear from you on this subject. I think you 
will yet be offered the mission to Vienna, and that you ought 
not to decline so fine an opportunity of visiting the Old World. 
It seems to me evident that the slavery question must now- 
soon be settled, and that upon the basis of admitting CaH- 
fornia and establishing territorial governments without the Wil- 
mot proviso. If this fails, great excitement and strife will be 
the consequence, and all will be charged, right or wrong, to the 
opposition of the administration to that plan. In the present 
state of things, I can see no inconsistency in the administra- 
tion's supporting that plan. It is not in terms the plan re- 
commended by the President, but it is the same in effect, and 
modified only by the circumstances that have since occurred. 
General Taylor's object was to avoid and suppress agitation by 
inaction, and by leaving the slavery question to be settled by 
the people of the respective territories ; but the temper of the 
times was not wise and forbearing enough to accept this pacific 
policy. To promote this policy, General Taylor was willing to 
forego what, under ordinary circumstances, would have been a 
duty, the establishment of territorial governments. But what 
has since happened, and what is now the altered state of the case? 
The agitation which he would have suppressed has taken place, 
and, instead of the forbearance recommended by him, a course 
of action has been taken which must lead to some positive set- 
tlement, or leave the subject in a much worse condition than it 
has ever been. Here, then, is a new case presented ; and it 
seems to me that the grand object exhibited in the President's 
recommendation will be accomplished by the admission of 
California and the establishment of territorial governments 
without the Wilmot proviso. The prime object was to avoid 
that proviso and its excitements by inaction ; but any course of 
action that gets rid of that proviso cannot be said to be incon- 
sistent with the object in view. The only difference is in the 
means of attaining the same end, and that difference is the result 
of the altered state of the subject since the date of the Presi- 
dent's message. In the attainment of so great an object as that 
in question, the peace and safety of the Union, it will, as it 
seems to me, be wise and magnanimous in the administration 
not to be tenacious of any particular plan, but to give its active 
aid and support to any plan that can effect the purpose. I 
want the plan that does settle the great question, whatever it 
may be, or whosesoever it may be, to have General Taylor's 
Imprimatur upon it. 

I shall expect letters from you with impatience. 

Your friend, 
To O. Brown. J. J. Crittenden. 

VOL. I. — 24 



370 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mexico, May 6, 1850. 

Dear Crittenden, — Ah, my dear governor ! not quite so 
fast. You have pulled trigger a little too quick. There is no 
discrepancy between my speech and my letters. What a man 
says in his official capacity is one thing, and what he has a right 
to say in his private capacity is quite another thing, — it's all 
" as straight as a gun-barrel." / spoke for t/ie United States, and 
am in no way responsible for what I said as an advocate ; mind, 
I appeared as counsel. I reserve my defense till my return. If 
Clayton is a tender-hearted man, he will give me leave to return 
in October. I could not go now if I had leave, because of the 
crowd of business, — because, also, of the vomito. I am sur- 
prised, disappointed, and mortified exceedingly to hear that you 
are all taking the rounds, eating and drinking just as merrily 
and as happily as if I were with you. It is too bad, really. 
Had the good ship Walker been cast away, sure enough I don't 
believe it would have made a single sivallow less, particularly 
of the liquids, among the whole squad of you. What a prolific 
topic of reflection does this furnish to one of my tender sensi- 
bilities, whose vanity had prompted him to suppose his absence 
would make a vacuum in the social circle that time itself would 
hardly ever fill up ! Nobody died of a broken heart, nobody 
shed a tear, nobody lost a meal, or even a drink, — in fact, in- 
creased their drinks when it was fully believed I was food for 
the sharks in the Gulf of Mexico; and if this had been so, by this 
time the whole matter would have been utterly forgotten. Well, 
all I can say is, my friends can stand trouble and loss better 
than any other man's friends living. A noble set of fellows they 
are ! I ain as bad off as Orlando Brown was in Washington, 
when he took it into his head that the Frankfort people were 
glad he had left, and asked me to tell him candidly how it was. 
I told him he was right, and the only fear was that he might 
possibly come home. I am not altogether happy in my mind, 
but I don't wish my rascally friends to know that, they might 
think it was on that account, — not a bit of it ! My depression 
is owing to the deep interest I feel for my country. Write to 
me often, write mc the longest sort of letters. The Prussian 
minister just called to take a last farewell. A noble fellow he 
is ! It was quite a tender scene. I shall miss that man more than 
any human being in this city. I have had one of Bob's and 
Harry's hams boiled, and I eat it tivice a day, — no eating three 
times a day in this country. Bankhcad and his wife are here ; 
they are more broken down than any couple I know. I am 
distressed to look at them. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 371 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, May 18, 1850. 
My dear Sir, — Your letter of the 9th inst. was duly received, 
and, by the telegraph, we already know that all you taught me 
to expect has come to pass. The Republic has changed hands, 
and Mr. Hall has succeeded the former editors. It is to be 
greatly regretted that there should be any motive or cause for 
such a movement. Not that Mr. Hall is not very competent 
and worthy, but the regret is that there should have been any 
disagreement between the retiring editors and the admin- 
istration. I had hoped that Burnley's mediation might have 
reconciled all differences, and that our friend Bullitt's known 
attachment to the President would have made him forego all 
his objections to the cabinet. The extent of his objections I 
do not know, nor do I mean to blame him, for I am very certain 
that he has acted from honest convictions and motives. But I 
must say, at the same time, that for myself I am not sensible of 
any objections that require such an opposition to the cabinet. 
Indeed, I doubt very much whether General Taylor could select 
another cabinet of more ability, or character, or personal worth. 
But I do not mean to make comments on the subject. The 
storm that has just passed by will be followed, I hope, by that 
calm that usually compensates for its ravages ; and I trust that 
we shall yet see the administration emerging successfully from 
the difficulties that now surround it. 

I shall be delighted to see you at home, but this is overcome 
by the absolute sadness I feel at your quitting old Zack at such 
a time, when, perhaps, he most requires the comfort and assist- 
ance of your society and counsel. I received Robert's letter 
yesterday. You may tell him so, and his children and all are 
well. I have not another word to say about his affairs and 
solicitations at Washington. Under a first impulse I said and 
wrote much more than I ought. Hereafter he can only have 
my good wishes, and must depend on himself. I must not be 
mixed up with any office-seeking for my own family. 

I have written to our friend Mr. Richard Hawes, apprising 
him of your views and wishes, and inquiring whether he would 
be willing, in the event of your resignation, to accept your 
present office. I have not yet received his answer, but I 
anticipate, from many conversations with him, that he will not 
accept it. If he will, he is the very man, and the man of my 
choice. Without much acquaintance with Mr. Alexander Mc- 
Kee, I had formed a kind opinion of him, and supposed, from 
information, that he was very much a man of business. In a 
conversation last winter, I mentioned that it was not expected 
by your friends that you would continue long in office, and 



372 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

suggested to him the vacancy as one that would very well suit 
him. But little more was then said on the subject, and nothing 
since has passed between us about it. I am told that he went 
through the place a few days ago, on his way to the East, but 
he did not call on me, and I know not his object. I have heard 
that his thoughts have been turned of late towards California, 
and an office at Washington may not now be desirable to him; 
and in the present uncertainty I have no more to say about it. 
He is not apprised of what I lately wrote to you in his behalf. 

I wish that before you leave Washington you would espe- 
cially take it upon yourself to have something clever done for 
our friend, Mr. George W. Barbour, a senator in our General 
Assembly from the Princeton district. You recollect him, I 
hope. He is a fine-looking, high-spirited, and noble-hearted 
fellow, — a lawyer by profession, and of fair capacity. He is 
poor, and too modest and proud to seek for office, though he 
wants it. He is an ardent and tJioroiigJi Taylor-man. Now, 
what can be done for such a man ? I hav^e undertaken to be 
his intercessor, and have written in his behalf time and again to 
Clayton, and perhaps to others, but, so far, have not got even 
any answer relating to him. A charge-ship to anywhere in 
South America would be very acceptable to him ; so would a 
judgeship in any of our territorial governments, or the office 
of secretary in those governments. Now, this is a wide range ; 
there are many offices in it, and mighty few such clever fellows 
anywhere as Barbour. The place that that fellow Meeker was 
slipped into, and ought to be slipped out of, would suit poor 
Barbour exactly, and he is worthy of it. I have told Barbour 
that he must be patient, and that I was certain something would, 
sooner or later, be done for him. It begins to be the " later," 
and nothing is yet done. The last alternative is to try and get 
you to make up this business and do something in it. 

Your friend, 

O. Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

P.S. — I can do nothing more with Clayton in Barbour's case 
but quarrel with him, and that I don't want to do, — first, because 
he is a stout fellow and might whip me; secondly, I like the 
fellow. J. J. C. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Frankfort, June 7, 1850. 
Dear Orlando, — I returned last Sunday from Indianapolis 
after a week's absence. Nothing could exceed the kindness 
and hospitality which attended me throughout the State. The 
receptions and honors with which they endeavored to distinguish 
me were almost overwhelming to one so plain as I am and so 
unaccustomed to such ceremonies and distinctions. I feel that 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 373 

I owe to Indiana and her governor a great debt of gratitude. 
In that State there is very little political abolition, and, with a 
strong and patriotic feeling for the Union, there is mingled a 
particularly fraternal kindness and affection for Kentucky. The 
prevailing sentiment there is for a compromise and amicable 
settlement of all the slavery question. The plan suggested in 
General Taylor's message was spoken of frequently as most 
acceptable, but I think they would be satisfied with Mr. Clay's 
bill. In my speech at Indianapolis I spoke of old Zack as the 
noble old patriot in whom the country might have all confidence, 
and, without discriminating between the various plans that had 
been proposed, I expressed my hope and confidence that they 
would result in some form of amicable adjustment. The occa- 
sion required me to avoid, as far as possible, the appearance of 
partisanship or party politics ; but it was due to my heart to 
give old Zack a good word, and I did it. I felt it a duty, too, 
to talk right plainly to them about abolition and the mischiefs 
that its meddlesome and false humanity had brought and was 
tending to bring upon the country. I went so far as to advise 
those who, from tenderness of conscience about slavery, could 
not acquiesce in what our fathers had done, and could not rec- 
oncile themselves to the Constitution of the United States and 
the performance of the duties it enjoined, to quit the country, etc. 
All this seemed to be well received except, as I learned after- 
wards, by some half-dozen abolitionists out of a crowd of as 
many thousand. The convention is in session, and I have 
scarcely time to steal a moment to write to you. 

Well, you have resigned. It makes me glad, and it makes me 
sorry; glad tha.t you are coming back to us, — sorry, that you are 
leaving General Taylor. The difficulties that are surrounding him 
only tend to increase my sympathy and zeal for him, and I retain 
my confidence that the storm will rage around him in vain, and 
that his firm and resolute integrity and patriotism will bear him 
through triumphantly. There is one peril before him that is to 
be carefully avoided, and that is the peril of having thrown upon 
his administration the responsibility of defeating the dill of the 
committer of thirteen or any other measure of compromise. It 
has appeared to me that the principal questions of the slavery 
controversy might have been disposed of more quietly and 
easily on the plan recommended by the President ; but the people 
are anxious for a settlement, and comparatively indifferent as to 
the exact terms, provided they embrace anything like a com- 
promise ; and it seems to me that any concession or sacrifice of 
opinion as to the mode ought to be made to accomplish the end. 
It is not necessary to enlarge upon this subject. General Tay- 
lor's message is the foundation of all their plans in this, that 



374 I-^F^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

it avoids the Wilmot proviso ; all the rest is the mere Ji/iis/i of 
the work. Afy wJiolc heart is bent on the success of General 
Taylor. I know that he deserves it, and believe he will achieve 
it. Tell Robert his little girls are gay as birds, and are contin- 
ually dragging me into the garden to pull straiubcrrics with 
them. I have taken poor Bob's disappointment quite to heart; 
but let that go. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Bumley.) 

July 19, 1850. 

Dear Burnley, — I returned from Louisville last evening, 
where I was suddenly summoned a few days ago to attend the 
sick and, as was then supposed, dying bed of my son-in-law. 
Chapman Coleman. I left him much improved, and, as the 
doctors induced me to hope, out of danger, though still quite 
ill. This absence delayed the receipt of your telegraphic dis- 
patches, in which you ask me if I will accept the office of At- 
torney-General, and say that it is important I should answer 
immediately. A little reflection will show you the difficulty of 
answering this communication with the telegraphic brevity of a 
" yes" or " no." Indeed, I find much of the same difficulty in 
responding to you in any mode. You are upon the spot, and 
with a nearer and better view of the condition of things. You 
give me no intimation of your opinions or wishes ; nor do you 
give me to understand that the inquiry was made at the sug- 
gestion or by the authority of the President or any other official. 
I must therefore understand it as more an inquiry of your own, 
in order, perhaps, to enable you and other friends to press me 
more effectually for the office. If this be the object and pur- 
pose, I could not answer you affirmatively without in substance 
seeking the office for myself That I am not willing to do, 
either in form or substance, directly or indirectly. I would not 
for any consideration subject myself to the imputation of en- 
deavoring to force or solicit my way into the cabinet of Mr. 
Fillmore. There are stations that can be neither agreeably nor 
usefully occupied except by persons having the personal good 
will and confidence of the President. My relations with Mr. 
I'^illmore have always been of the most agreeable and amicable 
character, and I hope they may continue so. It seems to me 
that if he pleased to desire my acceptance of the office of At- 
torney-General, the most proper course would be for him to 
tender it to me ; and that the most proper and becoming course 
for me would be to wait till it was tendered. The tender would 
then be most honorable to both parties, and certainly most 



LETTER TO A. T. BURNLEY. 



375 



gratefully received by me. I feel that before such an offer it 
would be indelicate in me to say that I zvoidd or zvould not 
accept. You will appreciate all this without any explanation, 
and so I shall leave the subject. There is no confidence, Burn- 
ley, that I fear to repose in you ; and if it should appear to you 
that there is too much of reserve in this letter to be used towards 
an old and well-tried friend, I wish you to understand that it is 
intended to apply to the subject only, and to keep distinct and 
clear the line of conduct that I sincerely desire to pursue in 
relation to this matter. 

My situation now is not exactly what it was when I declined 
an invitation to go into the cabinet of General Taylor; and to 
}-ou, as my friend, my personal friend, I may say that my im- 
pression is that I should accept the office if tendered to me ; 
but I will have no agency in seeking or getting it ; nor do I 
wish my friends to place me in any attitude that can be construed 
into any such seeking ; nor do I wish them to give themselves 
any trouble about the matter. If the offer of the office comes 
freely and without solicitation, then it comes honorably, and 
may be taken the more honorably. I think you will now un- 
derstand me fully, and I have only to add that I am always 
your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

To A. T. Burnley, Esq. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 
1850-1853. 

Letter of Crittenden to his Daughter Mrs. Coleman— Entered the Cabinet of Mr. 
Fillmore, as Attorney-General, in 1S50 — Judicial Opinion as to the Constitution- 
ality of the Fugitive Slave Law— Eulogy upon Judge McKinley in Supreme 
Court — Letters. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter A. M. Coleman.) 

Frankfort, July 23, 1850. 

MY DEAR DAUGHTER,— Doubly near and dear to me 
in your affliction, I do not know how to address you, or 
to express my sympathy in your great calamity. You will find, 
my child, in your own heart and in your own reflections the 
only real consolations. If, as I believe, this life is but a state of 
preparation and probation, happiest is he who, having done his 
duty like a man and a Christian, is soonest relieved from it. 
You have every reason to be assured that such is the fortunate 
lot of that husband of whom death has deprived you. That 
very excellence, which you mourn the loss of, will become a 
source of comfort and consolation to your heart. The death 
of your husband has placed you under great responsibilities, 
and left you many duties to perform. Turn, then, courageously 
to the performance of those duties, and in their performance 
you will find strength and consolation. You will feel, too, the 
high and pleasant consciousness that you are thereby best grati- 
fying and manifesting your respect and devotion to the memory 
of your husband. He has enjoined it upon you to take his 
place in respect to your children, and to be to them as a father 
and mother also. You will, I know, consider this a sacred 
duty, and will not abandon it by giving yourself up to unavail- 
ing grief I had intended to go to Louisville, to-morrow, to 
see you, but, upon consultation with Harry, it is decided to be 
best to postpone my visit for about a week ; then, perhaps, I may 
be more serviceable to you than noiv. Your mother will prob- 
ably accompany me. Farewell, my dear child. 

J. J. Crittenden, 
Mrs. A. M. Coleman. 

After the death of General Taylor, Mr. Crittenden accepted 
(376) 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL, yj'j 

the office of Attorney-General, under Mr. Fillmore, appointed 
July 22, 1850, and remained in that office till the close of Mr. 
Fillmore's administration in 1853, 

The following is his opinion as to the constitutionality of the 
fugitive slave bill, given September 18, 1850: 

CONSTITUTIONALITY OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL. 

The provisions of the bill, commonly called the fugitive slave bill, and which Con- 
gress have sulmaitted to the President for his approval and signature, are not in 
conflict with the provisions of the Constitution in relation to the writ of habeas 
corpus. 

The expressions used in the last clause of the sixth section, that the certificate 
therein alluded to "shall prevent all molestation" of the persons to whom 
granted, " by any process issued," etc., probably mean only what the act of 1793 
meant by declaring a certificate under that act a sufficient warrant for the re- 
moval of a fugitive ; and do not mean a suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. 

There is nothing in the act inconsistent with the Constitution, nor which is not 
necessary to redeem the pledge which it contains, that fugitive slaves shall be 
delivered upon the claim of their owners. 

Attorney-General's Office, 
September 18, 1850. 

Sir, — I have had the honor to receive your note of this date, 
informing me that the bill, commonly called the fugitive slave 
bill, having passed both houses of Congress, had been submitted 
to you for your consideration, approval, and signature, and re- 
questing my opinion whether the sixth section of that act, and 
especially the last clause of that section, conflicts with that pro- 
vision of the Constitution which declares that "the privilege of 
the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in 
cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it." 

It is my clear conviction that there is nothing in the last 
clause; nor in any part of the sixth section, nor, indeed, in any 
of the provisions of the act, which suspends, or was intended to 
suspend, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or is in any 
manner in conflict with the Constitution. 

The Constitution, in the second section of the fourth article, 
declares that " no person held to service or labor in one State, 
under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse- 
quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from 
such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
party to whom such service or labor may be due." 

It is well known and admitted, historically and judicially, that 
this clause of the Constitution was made for the purpose of se- 
curing to the citizens of the slaveholding States the complete 
ownership in their slaves, as property, in any and every State or 
Territory of the Union into which they might escape. [Prigg- 
vs. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 16 Peters, 539.) It devolved 



378 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

on the general government, as a solemn duty, to make that 
security effectual. Their power was not only clear and full, but, 
according to the opinion of the court in the above-cited case, it 
was exclusive, — the States, severally, being under no obligation, 
and having no power to make laws or regulations in respect to 
the delivery of fugitives. Thus the whole power, and with it 
the whole duty, of carrying into effect this important provision 
of the Constitution, was with Congress. And, accordingly, soon 
after the adoption of the Constitution, the act of the I2th of Feb- 
ruary, 1793, was passed, and that proving unsatisfactory and 
inefficient, by reason (among other causes) of some minor errors 
in its details, Congress are now attempting by this bill to dis- 
charge a constitutional obligation, by securing more effectually 
the delivery of fugitive slaves to their owners. The sixth, and 
most material section, in substance declares that the claimant 
of the fugitive slave may arrest and carry him before any one 
of the officers named and described in the bill ; and provides 
that those officers, and each of them, shall have judicial power 
and jurisdiction to hear, examine, and decide the case in a sum- 
mary manner, — that if, upon such hearing, the claimant, by the 
requisite proof, shall establish his claim to the satisfaction of 
the tribunal thus constituted, the said tribunal shall give him a 
certificate, stating therein the substantial facts of the case, and 
authorizmg him, with such reasonable force as may be neces- 
sary, to take and carry said fugitive back to the State or 
Territory w^hence he or she may have escaped, — and then, in 
conclusion, proceeds as follows : " The certificates in this and 
the first section mentioned, shall be conclusive of the right of 
the person or persons in whose favor granted to remove such 
fugitive to the State or Territory from which he escaped, and 
shall prevent all molestation of such person or persons by any 
process issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or other person 
whomsoever." 

There is nothing in all this that does not seem to me to be 
consistent with the Constitution, and necessary, indeed, to re- 
deem the pledge which it contains, that such fugitives "shall be 
delivered up on claim" of their owners. 

The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that the 
owner, independent of any aid from State or national legislation, 
may, in virtue of the Constitution, and his own right of property, 
seize and recapture his fugitive slave in whatsoever State he 
may find him, and carry him back to the State or Territory from 
which he escaped. {Prigg vs. CoininoinvctdtJi of Pauisjlvania, 
16 Peters, 539.) This bill, therefore,' confers no right on the 
owner of the fugitive slave. It only gives him an appointed 
and peaceable remedy in place of the more exposed and inse- 



THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL. 379 

cure, out not less lawful mode of self-redress ; and as to the 
fugitive slave, he has no cause to complain of this bill, — it adds 
no coercion to that which his owner himself might, at his own 
will, rightfully exercise ; and all the proceedings which it insti- 
tutes are but so much of orderly, judicial authority interposed 
between him and his owner, and consequently of protection 
to him, and mitigation of the exercise directly by the owner 
himself of his personal authority. This is the constitutional 
and legal view of the subject, as sanctioned by the decisions of 
the Supreme Court, and to that I limit myself. 

The act of the 12th of February, 1793, before alluded to, so 
far as it respects any constitutional question that can arise out 
of this bill, is identical with it. It authorizes the like arrest of 
the fugitive slave, the like trial, the like judgment, the like cer- 
tificate, with the like authority to the owner, by virtue of that 
certificate as his warrant, to remove him to the State or Terri- 
tory from which he escaped, and the constitutionality of that 
act, in all those particulars, has been affirmed by the adjudica- 
tions of State tribunals, and of the courts of the United States, 
without a single dissent, so far as I know. {Baldwin, C. C. R. 

577, 579-) ^ , , ^ 

I conclude, therefore, that so far as the act of the 12th of 

February, 1793, has been held to be constitutional, this bill 
must also be so regarded ; and that the custody, restraint, and 
removal to which the fugitive slave may be subjected under the 
provisions of this bill, are all lawful, and that the certificate to 
be granted to the owner is to be regarded as the act and judg- 
ment of a judicial tribunal having competent jurisdiction. 

With these remarks as to the constitutionality of the general 
provisions of the bill, and the consequent legality of the custody 
and confinement to which the fugitive slave may be subjected 
under it, I proceed to a brief consideration of the more partic- 
ular question you have propounded in reference to the writ of 
habeas corpus, and of the last clause of the sixth section, above 
quoted, which gives rise to that question. 

My opinion, as before expressed, is that there is nothing in 
that clause or section which conflicts with or suspends, or was 
intended to suspend, the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. 
I think so because the bill says not one word about that writ ; 
because, by the Constitution, Congress is expressly forbidden to 
suspend the privilege of this writ, " unless when in cases of re- 
bellion or invasion the public safety may require it;" and there- 
fore such suspension by this act (there being neither rebellion 
nor invasion) would be a plain and palpable violation of the 
Constitution, and no intention to commit such a violation of the 
Constitution, of their duty and their oaths, ought to be imputed 



3?o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to them upon mere constructions and implications ; and thirdly, 
because there is no incompatibility between these provisions of 
the bill and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in its 
utmost constitutional latitude. 

Congress, in the case of fugitive slaves, as in all other cases 
within the scope of its constitutional authority, has the unques- 
tionable right to ordain and prescribe for what causes, to what 
extent, and in what manner persons may be taken into custody, 
detained, or imprisoned. Without this power they could not 
fulfill their constitutional trust, nor perform the ordinary and 
necessary duties of government. It was never heard that the 
exercise of that legislative power was any encroachment upon 
or suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. It 
is only by some confusion of ideas that such a conflict can be 
supposed to exist. It is not within the province or privilege 
of this great writ to loose those whom the law has bound. 
That would be to put a writ granted by the law in opposition 
to the law, to make one part of the law destructive of another. 
This writ follows the laiv and obeys the laiu. It is issued, upon 
proper complaint, to make inquiry into the causes of commit- 
ment or imprisonment, and its sole remedial power and purpose 
is to deliver the party from " all manner of illegal confinement." 
(3 Black. Com. 131.) If upon application to the court or judge 
for this writ, or if upon its return it shall appear that the con- 
finement complained of was lawful, the writ, in the first instance, 
would be refused, and in the last the party would be remanded 
to his former lazvful custody. 

The condition of one in custody as a fugitive slave is, under 
this law, so far as respects the writ of habeas corpus, precisely 
the same as that of all other prisoners under the laws of the 
United States. The " privilege" of that writ remains alike to all 
of them, but to be judged of — granted or refused, discharged 
or enforced — by the proper tribunal, according to the circum- 
stances of each case, and as the commitment and detention may 
appear to be legal or illegal. 

The whole effect of the law may be thus briefly stated : Con- 
gress has constituted a tribunal with exclusive jurisdiction to 
determine summarily and without appeal who are fugitives from 
service or labor under the second section of the fourth article 
of the Constitution, and to whom such service or labor is due. 
The judgment of every tribunal of exclusive jurisdiction where 
no appeal lies, is, of necessity, conclusive upon every other tri- 
bunal ; and therefore the judgment of the tribunal created by 
this act is conclusive upon all tribunals. Wherever this judg- 
ment is made to appear, it is conclusive of the right of the 
owner to retain in his custody the fugitive from his service, and 



DEATH OF THE LATE JUSTICE MCKINLEY. 381 

to remove him back to the place or State from which he escaped. 
If it is shown upon the appHcation of the fugitive for a writ of 
habeas corpus, it prevents the issuing of the writ ; if upon the 
return, it discharges the writ and restores or maintains the 
custody. 

This view of the law of this case is fully sustained by the 
decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case 
of Tobias Watkins, where the court refused to discharge upon 
the ground that he was in custody under the sentence of a 
court of competent jurisdiction, and that that judgment was 
conclusive upon them. (3 Peters.) 

The expressions used in the last clause of the sixth section, 
that the certificate therein alluded to " shall prevent all molesta- 
tion" of the persons to whom granted "by any process issued," 
etc., probably mean only what the act of 1793 meant by de- 
claring a certificate under that act a sufficient warrant for the 
removal of a fugitive, and certainly do not mean a suspension 
of the habeas corpus. I conclude by repeating my conviction 
that there is nothing in the bill in question which conflicts with 
the Constitution or suspends, or was intended to suspend, the 
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

To the President. 

This eulogy, pronounced by Mr. Crittenden while filling the 
office of Attorney-General of the United States, upon Judge 
McKinley of the Supreme Court, the day after his death, is 
eminently worthy of a record in his life. Mr, Crittenden's 
generous appreciation of the virtues and talents of his friends 
is well known. Certainly no loftier encomium was ever pro- 
nounced upon a wise and righteous judge than this. Nothing 
could be added and nothing taken from it without marring its 
classic beauty. 

PROCEEDINGS IN RELATION TO THE DEATH OF THE LATE JUS- 
TICE Mckinley of the supreme court of the united 

STATES. 

At the opening of the court this morning, Mr. Crittenden, 
the Attorney-General of the United States, addressed the court 
as follows : 

Since its adjournment yesterday, the members of the bar and 
officers of the court held a meeting and adopted resolutions 
expressive of their high sense of the public and private worth 



382 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of the Hon. John McKinley, one of the justices of this court, 
and their deep regret at his death. By the same meeting I was 
requested to present those resolutions to the court, and to ask 
that they might be entered on its records, and I now rise to 
perform that honored task. 

Besides the private grief which naturally attends it, the death 
of a member of this court, which is the head of a great, essen- 
tial, and vital department of the government, must always be 
an event of public interest and importance. 

I had the good fortune to be acquainted with Judge McKin- 
ley from my earliest manhood. In the relations of private life 
he was frank, hospitable, affectionate. In his manners he was 
simple and unaffected, and his character was uniformly marked 
with manliness, integrity, and honor. Elevation to the bench 
of the Supreme Court made no change in him. His honors 
were borne meekly, without ostentation or presumption. 

He was a candid, impartial, and righteous judge. Shrinking 
from no responsibility, he was fearless in the performance of 
his duty, seeking only to do right, and fearing nothing but to 
do wrong. Death has now set her seal to his character, making 
it unchangeable forever ; and I think it may be truly inscribed 
on his monument that as a private gentleman and as a public 
magistrate he was without fear and without reproach. 

This occasion cannot but remind us of other afflicting losses 
which have recently befallen us. The present, indeed, has been 
a sad year for the profession of the law. In a few short months 
it has been bereaved of its brightest and greatest ornaments. 
Clay, Webster, and Sergeant have gone to their immortal rest 
in quick succession. We had scarcely returned from the grave 
.of one of them till we were summoned to the funeral of another. 
Like bright stars they have sunk below the horizon, and have 
left the land in widespread gloom. This hall that knew them 
so well shall know them no more. Their wisdom has no utter- 
ance now, and the voice of their eloquence shall be heard here 
no more forever. 

This hall itself seems as though it was sensible of its loss, 
and even these marble pillars seem to sympathize as they stand 
around us like so many majestic mourners. 

But we will have consolation in the remembrance of these 
illustrious men. Their names will remain to us and be like a 
light kindled in the sky to shine upon us and to guide our 
course. We may hope, too, that the memory of them and 
their great examples will create a virtuous emulation which 
may raise up men worthy to be their successors in the service 
of their country, its constitution, and its laws. 

For this digression, and these allusions to Clay, Webster, and 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 383 

Sergeant, I hope the occasion may be considered as a sufficient 
excuse, and I will not trespass by another word, except only to 
move that these resolutions in relation to Judge McKinley, 
when they shall have been read by the clerk, may be entered 
on the records of this court. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Mexico, October 20, 1850. 
Dear Crittenden, — Mr. Marks, a gentleman of respecta- 
bility and intelligence, has just signified to me that he sets out 
for Washington City in a few hours. I give you a brief letter. 
Attend to him and introduce him to Mr. Webster. He is quite 
intimate with the government, and has been for many years the 
confidential friend of some of the leading members of the cab- 
inet. Mr. Webster's amendments to the treaty were received 
about ten days ago. I have succeeded in getting the whole of 
them adopted, with the exception of two. Marks can tell you 
all about it. They never can be carried, if tried, to the day the 
great judguient-gun shall be fired. I have tried every argu- 
ment, every persuasion, every threat, to prevail upon the cab- 
inet to accept these two amendments in vain. In fact, I tried 
very hard to have these amendments inserted in the original 
treaty for three months. I believe I could prevail upon these 
folks to cede the whole country to the United States sooner 
than agree to these modifications. I won't trouble you with 
these matters. UnJiappy as I am here, anxious as I am to re- 
turn home, I will not quit my post till the end of this treaty is 
seen. I have some reason to believe Mr. Webster is not satis- 
fied with my negotiations in regard to this treaty. This fills 
me with the deepest concern. It is utterly impossible for Mr. 
Webster to know and see things in this country as they really 
exist. Under all the circumstances, I know it was right to sign 
that treaty ; I care not tvJio may think to the contrary. Mr. 
Webster shall have a chance of appointing some one in my 
place who suits him better. I have worked hard since I have 
been in this country, and expect but little thanks ; but I don't 
deserve censure or reproach. I don't mean to utter a word of 
complaint against Mr. Webster, or to say to any one else what 
I have said to you, unless it becomes necessary in my own de- 
fense, and then I'll say a damned deal. The truth is I feel a 

little desperate, and as cross as at the idea of being re~ 

proaclied. Damn the treaty ; it's opposed by all the foreign in • 
fluence, by the opposition party, and by all the moneyed and 
commercial men of this country in solid column. The news- 
papers have openly charged me with forcing the government to 
make it. They have charged me with the crime of controlling 



384 LIFE OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

this government as I please. The foreign ministers talk in the 
same way. So I am, you may well imagine, worried to death, 
and get no thanks for it. If anything whatever occurs, which 
in your judgment should render it proper for me to resign, yon 
are fully authorized to file my resignation at any moment. All 
I care about is to see the end of this treaty, and then my mis- 
sion shall be at an end through the grace of God. 

Good-by to you. 

R. P. Letcher. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. J. B. to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lexington, Nov. 23, 1S50. 

My dear Sir, — More than a year ago our friend Garnett Dun- 
can made application to the President and to the Secretary at 
War for a cadet's warrant at West Point for my oldest son. He 
did this spontaneously as an act of personal regard, and per- 
haps as some expression of his sense of things of other days. 
I had other friends whose influence might have aided him; 
but in the same spirit that actuated him, I told him I would 
do nothing ; so that if he succeeded, he should have all the 
gratitude of the lad and all the pleasure of the good deed. He 
failed. But the President and the Secretary both promised to 
put the lad's name on the list, and held out strong hopes, if not 
a certain assurance, of his appointment a year from that time, — 
to wit, noio. 

Now, my dear sir, if this appointment can be had, I shall 
be very glad ; my boy will be gratified in the strongest and 
almost the earliest wish of his heart, and I trust the country 
may be gainer thereby in the end. The lad is now a little past 
sixteen years of age; he is a member of the Sophomore class at 
Danville, and is of robust constitution, fine talents, and earnest, 
firm, and elevated nature. It is to gratify him in a strong, nay, 
a vehement, passion that I desire this thing. For myself I never 
did, never will, solicit anything from any government. The 
ancestors of this lad, paternal and maternal, have done the 
State some service. You know all about all I could with pro- 
priety say. 

If there is any impropriety in my thus addressing you, I pray 
you to excuse it; if there is none, and this thing can be accom- 
plished, it will be only another proof of your goodness and 
another ground of the grateful and affectionate friendship of 

Yours ever, 

R. J. B. 

Hon. J, J. Crittenden. 



LETTER TO R. J. B. 385 

(R. J. B. to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lexington, Ky., April 12, 1S51. 

Dear Sir, — You may, perhaps, recollect that I was incon- 
siderate enough to address a letter to you during the last 
winter on the subject of a warrant to West Point for one of a 
numerous family of sons, under circumstances which I erred, 
perhaps, in supposing were somewhat peculiar, and with claims 
upon the country, personal and hereditary, which I no doubt 
greatly overrated in my desire to gratify the ardent wishes of a 
beloved child. 

I was not fortunate enough to receive any answer to that 
letter ; and although the application was warmly supported by 
both the senators from this State and several members of Con- 
gress from this and other States, being myself without political 
influence, it failed, as I ought to have foreseen it must. I feel 
it to be due to you and to myself to say that I regret very much 
having, in a moment of parental weakness, committed so great 
an error, and by this declaration atone, at least to my own feel- 
ings, for the only instance, through a life now not very short, in 
which I have asked from any one anything for myself or any 
member of my family. Praying you to excuse what I so much 
regret, I am, very respectfully, 

Your friend and servant, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. J. B. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. J. B.) 

Washington, April 21, 1S51. 

Sir, — Your letter of the 12th inst. was received yesterday, 
and read with painful surprise. It is marked with such a spirit 
of rebuke and irritation that I hardly know how I ought to 
understand or reply to it. You have almost made me feel that 
any explanation under such circumstances would be derogatory. 
But, sir, suppressing all these feelings, and preferring in this 
instance to err, if at all, on the side of forbearance, I have con- 
cluded to address you a calm reply and explanation of the 
subject that has so much irritated and excited you. 

Know, then, that I did receive the letter you addressed to me 
last winter requesting my assistance in procuring for your son 
the appointment of cadet in the Military Academy at West 
Point. 

All such appointments, except ten, are so regulated by law 
that they must be made, one from each congressional district, 
on the nomination and recommendation of the representative 
of that district. 

There was no vacancy in your district, and, of course, the 
VOL. I. — 25 



386 LIFE OF JOH^ J. CRITTENDEN. 

only hope for your son was to obtain for him one of the ten 
extraordinary appointments at the disposal of the President. 
The power of conferring these is understood to have been 
given to the President for the benefit of the sons of officers of 
the army and navy, and especially of those whose fathers had 
perished in the service of their country ; and although these 
appointments have not, in practice, been always confined to this 
'description of persons, their claims have been generally favored 
and preferred. The number of such applicants has been greatly 
increased by the Mexican war, and their competitors from civil 
life are still more numerous. 

From this general statement may be inferred the uncertainty 
and difficulty of procuring one of these appointments. 

In the winter of 1849 and '50 I had, at the instance of my 
old friend, Gabriel Lewis, of Kentucky, very earnestly recom- 
mended a grandson of his to General Taylor for one of these 
appointments. He did not get it, and it was then determined by 
his family, with my advice and my promise to give what assist- 
ance I could, to renew or continue his application for another 
year, and I had, accordingly, again recommended him for one 
of the appointments that were to be made this spring. 

Such was the condition of things and such my situation and 
engagement when your first letter was received. Notwithstand- 
ing all the difficulties in the way, I was not without the hope 
of serving you, for the sole reason, perhaps, that I wished to 
do so, and wished to obtain the appointment for your son. To 
learn something of the prospect of success, I conversed sev- 
eral times with the Secretary of War on the subject. He could 
only tell me that no selections would be made, that the subject 
would not be considered till the time had arrived for making 
the appointments, and that the number of applicants was very 
great, amounting to hundreds, — I think he said fifteen hun- 
dred. 

I ought, perhaps, to have acknowledged the receipt of your 
letter and have given you all this information; and most cer- 
tainly I would have done it if I had had the least apprehension 
of the grave consequences that have followed the omission. It 
did not occur to me that any punctiliousness would be exacted 
in our correspondence. 

But, besides all this, and to say nothing of the daily duties 
of my office, and my almost constant attendance upon the 
Supreme Court, then in session, I had nothing satisfactory or 
definite to write. I waited, therefore, willing to avail myself 
of any circumstance or opportunity that time or chance might 
bring forth to serve you and to procure an appointment for 
your son as well ds for the grandson of Mr. Lewis. I could 



LETTER FROM R. J. B. 387 

find no such opportunity — no opportunity even for urging it 
with the least hope of success. 

The appointments have all been recently made, and, with few 
exceptions, confined to the sons, I believe, of deceased officers, 
to the exclusion, for the second time, of the grandson of my 
friend Lewis, who has been on the list of applicants for two 
years, with all the recommendation I could give him. 

I should have taken some opportunity of writing to you on 
this subject, even if your late letter had not so unpleasantly 
anticipated that purpose. 

This, sir, is the whole tale. It must speak for itself I have 
no other propitiation to offer. I am the injured party. When 
you become conscious of that, you will know well what atone- 
ment ought to be made and how it ought to be made. Till 
then, sir, self-respect compels me to say that I will be content 
to abide those unfriendly relations which I understand your 
letter to imply, if not proclaim. 

I can truly say that I have written this " more in sorrow than 
in anger." I have intended nothing beyond my own defense 
and vindication, and if I have been betrayed into a word that 
goes beyond those just limits and implies anything like aggres- 
sion, let it be stricken out. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Lexington, Kentucky, May 3, 1851. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

Dear Sir, — I regret very much to perceive by your letter of 
the 2 1st ultimo that you considered my letter to you of the 12th 
April wanting in proper respect to you, and prompted by irrita- 
tion on my part. I retained no copy of that letter ; but, assur- 
edly, I know very little of myself if it contained the evidences 
of either of those states of mind. 

For the first time in my life I had condescended to solicit, 
from any human authority, anything, either for myself or any 
member of my immediate family, though many hundreds of 
times I have done what I could for others. It was particularly 
distressing to me that I had been seduced into such a position 
by the extreme kindness of an old personal friend (Mr. Duncan), 
as I explained in my first letter to you, and, by some ridiculous 
notion, that the present administration might consider itself any 
ways connected with that of General Taylor, so. as to feel dis- 
posed to fulfill any expectations it may have raised. 

Unless my memory deceives me, my first letter, making the 
application, intimated to you that I was not sure it was proper 
in me to write you such a letter, and asked you to excuse the 
impropriety, if indeed one existed. Such, I remember well, 
was the state of my mind, and I think I expressed it. The only 



388 LIFE OF yOHN % CRITTENDEN. 

notice ever taken of that letter, by you, is the allusion to it in 
your letter before me. What took place in the mean time may 
be uttered in a sentence, and need not be repeated here. 

Under all the painful, and to me altogether unprecedented, 
circumstances of a very humiliating position, I thought it due 
to you to express my regret at ha\ing implicated you, in any 
degree, in such an affair by my letter of application to you ; 
and I thought it due to myself to express to you, under such 
circumstances, my regret at allowing myself, in a moment of 
parental weakness, to embark in a matter which, in all its pro- 
gress and its termination, was especially out of keeping with 
the whole tenor of my life and feelings. If my letter, to which 
yours of the 2 1st April is an answer, expresses more or less 
than these things, it is expressed unhappily and improperly. If, 
during the progress of the affair, you had judged it necessary 
or i)ropcr to have treated it differently, or had had it in your 
jiowcr to do so, I should not have been more bound to feel 
obliged by any other or further service than I am now bound 
to feel obliged, by such as your letter informs me you were 
good enough to render me, under circumstances which, it is now 
obvious, must have been embarrassing to you, and which, if I 
had known, I would have instantly released you from. But all 
this, as it appears to me, only the more painfully shows how 
inconsiderate my first application to you was, and how needless 
it was for my subsequent expression of regret for having made 
it to be taken in an offensive sense. 

The sole object of this letter is to place the whole affair on 
the footing which, in my opinion, it really occupies. 

Certainly I had no right to ask anything of the sort I did 
ask at your hands. But assuredly having been weak enough 
to ask it, and having, in the course of events, had full occasion 
to perceive that weakness, I had the right without offense to 
express sincere regret for what I had inconsiderately done,— to 
the needless annoyance of yourself and others, — and to the 
wounding of my own self-esteem. 

I'ermit me, in conclusion, to say that altogether the most 
painful i^art of this affair, to me, is that I should have given 
offen.se to a man who, for nearly if not quite thirty years, I have 
been accustomed to regard with feelings of the greatest esteem, 
admiration, and confidence, and for whom, at any moment dur- 
ing those thirty years, I would have periled everything but my 
honor to have served him; such a man will know how to appre- 
ciate the workings of a nature perhaps oversensitive and over- 
proud, in the midst of unusual and oppressive circumstances. 
. If not, it is better to forget all than lose our own self-respect. 

As to Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Conrad, strange as it may seem 



LETTER FROM R. J. B. 389 

to you, I would never, under ordinary circumstances, have asked 
either of them for any favor whatever. I rather considered my- 
self asking you and Mr. Clay and Judge Underwood and Judge 
Breck and a few other old friends to whom I brought myself to 
the point — not without great difficulty — of saying what I did. 
This may seem very absurd to you; perhaps it is so; it is never- 
theless the truth; and most certainly I did not suppose that 
any administration of which yourself and Mr. Clay and Judge 
Underwood and Judge Breck were avowed, if not confidential, 
supporters, would, under the entire circumstances of this case, 
have it in its power to refuse so paltry a boon ; and after seeing 
the published list of successful applicants, from which alone I 
learned the fate of my application, I saw still less reason to 
comprehend such a result. As to yourself, three particulars 
separated your case from that of the other friends I have named : 
1st. I loved you most, and relied most on you. 2d. I the most 
distrusted the propriety of writing to you, on account of your 
connection with the cabinet. 3d. From you alone I had no 
word of notice; and for these two last reasons, the more felt 
that an explanation was demanded of me as due both to you 
and myself. 

If you have had patience to read this letter, it is needless for 
me to say more than that I still desire to be considered your 

friend. 

R. J. B. 



END OF VOL. I. 



THE LIFE 



OF 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 




"• L (SilTTEfJElEW, 



THE LIFE 



OF 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 



WITH SELECTIONS FROM 



HIS CORRESPONDENCE AND SPEECHES 



EDITED BY HIS DAUGHTER, 

MRS. CHAPMAN COLEMAN. 



IN TWO VOLUMES. 



VOL. II. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 
1873. 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1871, by 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO., 
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 



./ 



{ 



CONTENTS OF VOL. II. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAG8 

Letters from General Persifer Smith, Jared Sparks, John M. Clajrton — Letter 
of Crittenden (then Acting Secretary of State, during illness of Mr. 
Webster) to M. de Sartiges, Minister from France in 1851, on the subject 
of an Order of the French Government to prevent by Force Adventurers 
from any Nation landing on the Island of Cuba with hostile Intent — 
Letter from James E. Harvey, and Reply of Mr. Crittenden — Letters to 
Leslie Combs and O. Brown 9 

CHAPTER 11. 
Letters — Daniel Webster to R. P. Letcher — Washington's Birthday — R. C. 
Winthrop to J. J. Crittenden — Letter of Apology from Mr. Crittenden to 
Mr: Webster, and Webster's Reply — Hon. Thomas Corwin to Crittenden 
-Hon. James Buchanan to Crittenden 22 

CHAPTER III. 

Address on Life and Death of Henry Clay, September 29, 1852— Letters to 
Mrs. Crittenden, Mrs. Coleman, President Pierce — Letter of Edward 
Everett 39 

CHAPTER IV. 

Letters — Moses Grinnell — Archibald Dixon — Reply of Mr. Crittenden — 
Crittenden to Presley Ewing — Tom Corwin — R. J. Ward — General Scott 
—Crittenden to his Wife 60 

CHAPTER V. 
Ward Trial, Speech of Mr. Crittenden — Letter from the Bar of the Court of 
Appeals of Kentucky, and Mr. Crittenden's Reply — Crittenden to L. 
Hunton— R. C. Winthrop to J. J. Crittenden— J. J. Crittenden to R. J. 
Ward 68 

CHAPTER VI. 
Returned to the Senate in 1855 — Naval Retiring Board — Clayton-Bulwer 
Treaty — Letter to his Children — British Enlistments — Notice to Denmark 
— Letter to Mrs. Coleman — General Scott to Crittenden — Memorial of 
Kansas Senators — Letter of James M. Truman and Lewellyn Pratt — Veto 
of the Mississippi River Bill 112 

(V) , 



VI 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. 

PAGB 

Kansas — Naturalization — Presidential Election — Claims of Revolutionary 
Officers — Letters — G. T. Curtis to Crittenden, Crittenden to his Wife, 
Letcher to Crittenden — Senate, February 4, 1857, Pay of Lieutenant- 
Gcneral — Heirs of the late Colonel John Hardin — Letters — In Senate, 
Land Route to California — Letter to Hon. R. C. Winthrop as to the De- 
gree of Doctor of Laws just conferred by Harvard — Letter to J. R. Under- 
wood as to Senatorship 125 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Letters — Letcher to Crittenden — Letter to Mrs. Coleman — General Scott to 
Crittenden — S. A. Douglas to Crittenden — Kansas, Slavery and Anti- 
Slavery in the Senate — Washington Hunt to Crittenden — John O. Sargent 
to Crittenden — B. Silliman to Crittenden — Letters to O. Brown and to 
Hon. R. C. Winthrop 141 

CHAPTER IX. 

Public Reception in Cincinnati and Covington — Addresses and Replies — Re- 
ception at Frankfort, Kentucky — Crittenden to Thomas Clay — A. Lincoln 
to Crittenden — Crittenden's Reply — In Senate, Bill for Relief of Jane 
Tumbull 152 

CHAPTER X. 

In Senate, January 4, 1859 — Removal to the new Senate-chamber — Speech of 
Mr. Crittenden — Letters from Letcher — In Senate — Commodore Paulding 
— William Walker's Expedition to Nicaragua — In Senate — Brig General 
Armstrong — Letcher to Crittenden — Cuba — Crittenden to Mrs. Coleman 
— ^James F. Simmons to Crittenden — In Senate, i860 — Slavery Question 
— General Scott to Crittenden — Letters of Amos A. Lawrence, General 
Scott, J. P. Kennedy, F. P. Blair— In Senate, i860— Thaddeus Hyatt.... 168 

CHAPTER XL 

Washington Hunt to Crittenden — Senate, Consular Appointments — Letter to 
Ilunton — Senate, Homestead Bill — Crittenden to Hunt — Letter from St. 
Nicholas Society — Leslie Combs on Senator Crittenden at Baltimore 
Convention — Letter from Edward Everett — Senate, Afi'ican Slave- 
Trade — Relations of States — Resolutions of Mr. Davis in the Senate, 
i860 189 

CHAPTER XII. 

Amos A. Lawrence to Crittenden — Everett to Crittenden — Senate — Oregon 
War Debt — Pension forMira Alexander — Letter to Sniallwood and Brow- 
man — W.-ishington Hunt — Mr. Crittenden to his Wife — Senate — Presi- 
dent's Message — George Robertson to Crittenden 206 



CONTENTS. vii 



CHAPTER XIII. 

PAGB 

In Senate, Compromise of the Slavery Question, December 1 8, i860 — Crittenden 
Compromise Resolutions — Let*e • from General Dix — Letters from Everett, 
E. ^Vhittlesey, Winthrop, Lawrence — In Senate, adopting Crittenden 
Compromise 224 



CHAPTER XIV 

Leonard Myers to J. J. Crittenden — Harry Conrad — G. K. Shirley — George 
S. Bryan — Thomas H. Clay — Robert Anderson — In Senate, January 16, 
1 86 1, Slavery Question, Amendment to the Constitution — Lettei from 
Horatio Seymour — In Senate, January 18, i86i, Constitutional Conven- 
tions — In Senate, January 21, 1861, Slavery Question — In Senate, January 
23, 1861, Postponing Joint Resolutions — Beauchamp and Townsend — In 
Senate, February 9, 1861, Proceedings of Meetings and Conventions, etc. 
— In Senate, Februar}' 12, 1861, State of the Union — Letter from A. T. 
Burnley 250 



CHAPTER XV. 

Invitation from the Board of Aldermen of Boston to visit that City — Thanks 
of the People of Virginia for his efforts to bring about an Honorable 
Peace — Invitation to Philadelphia, and Approval of the Compromise 
Measures proposed by Mr. Crittenden — House Resolutions, March 2, 
State of the Union — House Resolutions, Credentials of J. C. Brecken- 
ridge — Joint Resolution, Mr. Crittenden's Last Speech, and Farewell to 
the Senate 263 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Invitation of City Council to visit Cincinnati, and Complimentary Resolu- 
tions — Mr. Crittenden's Reply — Letter of George Haven — Letter from 
Mr. Crittenden to Larz Anderson, of Cincinnati, explaining the Compro- 
mise Resolutions — Notice of Mr. Crittenden's Retiring from the Senate, 
taken from the Southern Advocate — Mr. Crittenden's Address to the 
Legislature of Kentucky, 26th of March, 1861 292 



CHAPTER XVII 

Letters — S. S. Nicholas — Amos A. Lawrence — Mr. Crittenden to his Son 
George — J. Robertson — Hon. T. Ewing — House of Representatives — 
Notice of the Death of Stephen A. Douglas — J. R. Underwood to J. J, 
Crittenden — Le'.ter to General Scott — House of Representatives — Civil 
War — Resolution offered by Mr. Crittenden — Letter from J. C. Brecken- 
ridge to Mrs. Coleman — Mr. Crittenden to his Son George — Letters to 
his Wife^-Sedgwick — Mr Crittenden to his Daughter, Mrs. Coleman 318 



viii CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

FAGB 

Letter of C. S. Morchead to Mr. Crittenden, written at Fort Warren — Letter 
from Clifton House — Reply of Mr. Crittenden — Letter to Mrs. Coleman 
— In the House, Confiscation — Opposition to the Investigating Committee 
— Extract from National Intelligencer— LtMer to George D. Prentice, 
Esq 333 

CHAPTER XIX. 

C. S. Morehead to J. J. Crittenden — John Law to Crittenden — Hon. R. C. 
Winthrop to Mrs. Coleman, with Account of an interesting Incident at 
West Point (i86i) — C. L. Vallandigham to Crittenden — In the House, 
the Admission of West Virginia — Opposition to the Employment of 
Slaves as Soldiers — Conscription Bill 348 

CHAPTER XX. 

Edwin M. Stanton to J. J. Crittenden — Letter from Henry Oilman — Mr. Crit- 
tenden's personal Appearance and Manner of Public Speaking — A Will 
found among his Papers — Mr. Crittenden's Death — Resolutions found 
among Mr. Crittenden's Papers — Notices of his Death — Funeral Honors 
— Speech of Hon. R. C. Winthrop to the Massachusetts Historical Society 
— Remarks of Hon. J. F. Bell, Kentucky House of Representatives — 
Monument erected by the State of Kentucky 361 



LIFE 



OF 



John J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER I. 
1851. 

Letters from General Persifer Smith, Jared Sparks, John M. Clayton — Letter of 
Crittenden (then Acting Secretary of State, during illness of Mr. Webster) to 
M. de Sartiges, Minister from France in 185 1, on the subject of an Order of the 
French Government to prevent by Force Adventurers from any Nation landing 
on the Island of Cuba with hostile Intent — Letter from James E. Harvey, and 
Reply of Mr. Crittenden — Letter to Leslie Combs and O. Brown. 

(General Persifer Smith to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Philadelphia, July 13, 1851. 

DEAR SIR, — I have just come on from Washington, and 
am waiting here to ^^ get a feather in my cap." I will leave 
here for New York on Wednesday, the i6th, and be in New 
York on the i8th or the 19th, according to the will of the steam- 
boat. I prefer going to Boston on the 20th to see my sister, 
and to go from there to Troy on the 22d, in conformity with 
our engagement with Hector, "Troy's great chief" All this is 
subject to your approval, for, until I get you the other side of the 
Tetns, I shall assume no authority. Indeed, it would be pru- 
dent for me to find out whether you are not stronger on the 
water than on land. But, if I remember anything about a 
blue bottle, — 

The water's not the field you'll 

Beat Scott, Wool, and Cass on, 
Though a river is the bridge 

That you expect to pass on. 

I will go to the Atlantic Hotel, in Frankfort, where I hope to 
find your address, that I may pay my respects to you and learn 
your prospects. 

(9) 



10 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

The Rific Regiment arrived at New Orleans on the 8th, 
though I liave no letters, as I am expected there now. 

Yours very sincerely, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden* Persifer Smith. 

(Jared Sparks to J. J. Crittenden.) 
Harvard University, Cambridge, September ii, 1S51. 
Dear Sir, — I shall forward to you by express to-morrow a 
diploma of the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws, conferred 
on you by the government of this University at the last Com- 
mencement. 

Will you have the goodness to inform me whether it reaches 
you safely ? 

I am, sir, very respectfully yours, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Jared Sparks. 

(John M. Clayton to J. J. Crittenden.) 

BuENA Vista, Delaware, October 8, 1S51. 

My dear Crittenden, — Square yourself, for I have a favor 
to ask of you for one of my friends. Don't knit your brows, 
nor utter one of those significant snorts which you are accus- 
tomed to give when reading anything unpleasant, especially an 
application for an office. I must have what I am about to ask 
for, and if you grant it I will give you a receipt in full, and do 
you be thankful that I let you off so easily; for the appoint- 
ment I want is no great affair, and it will do more to make the 
administration popular in this section of the country than any 
other appointment they could make. 

I want you to obtain a promise from President Fillmore to 
appoint Charles I. Dupont, Jr., a purser in the navy of the 
United States, on the happening of the first vacancy. 

Now, if I had you with me, just seated in the arm-chair op- 
posite my table, I would talk to you in my own peculiar and 
sensible ivay ; and I would give you such reasons as would start 
you right off to obtain the promise of this appointment. De- 
prived, as I am, of the influence of my colloquial eloquence, 
which was always deservedly great upon you, I shall present 
my wishes in less vivid colors and with much more feeble power 
b\' the aid of my pen. 

I have often boasted to you of the Dupont family of Dela- 
ware ; I have told you how proud I was of their friendship, and 
therefore I need not repeat to you the story of their merits, 
l-'leuthere Irene Dupont and Victor Dupont, sons of one of the 
most virtuous and distinguished noblemen of F" ranee, both nar- 
rowly escaped the malice of Robespierre and the deadly hostility 



LETTER FROM JOHN M. CLAYTON. n 

of the Jacobins during the French Revolution, and emigrated to 
this country and settled on the banks of the Brandyvvine, where, 
by their industry and talents, they converted what was but a 
rocky desert into one of the most beautiful and enchanting 
portions of our country. No men were more beloved and hon- 
ored in their day, and it has always been with me a source of 
high gratification, amidst the struggles of this life, to reflect 
that I enjoyed their friendship and kind regard. Each of these 
left a family, whose sons are all highly esteemed and beloved 
in Delaware for their own virtues. Victor left two sons, — 
Charles I. Dupont, the celebrated manufacturer of the Brandy- 
wine, known to you as your friend, and Captain S. F. Dupont, 
one of the most distinguished officers of our navy. Young Du- 
pont, the applicant, is the son of Charles. He is a young man 
of the finest qualities of heart and head, well educated, moral, 
temperate, and industrious, of business habits, and possessing 
the same character, integrity, and honor which mark every 
member of the family, without an exception. 

Now, my dear Crittenden, these Duponts have spent a for- 
tune for the Whig party, and have never received a favor from 
it, for they never desired any, — they have been the chief prop 
and support of our party ever since its origin ; they did more 
to build it up, originally, than any other family in the State, 
and but for their powerful influence we should have sent two 
Locofoco senators to Congress for the last twenty years. 

Charles has now set his heart upon the appointment of his 
son as a purser, and he is sustained in this application not only 
by the just influence of his relatives and personal friends, but 
by all the Whigs of the State and the friends of the adminis- 
tration, who feel that they owe more and have paid less to these 
Duponts than to any other family. 

I think I am boring you with some things as well known to 
you as to me ; let me, therefore, cut my letter short by begging 
you, as soon as you have read this letter, to go down and see 
the President, and tell him he would do more to gratify his 
friends by this little appointment than he could by a full mission 
abroad. Take a glass of Bourbon whisky before you start ; call 
on Graham, and get him to go along with you, and do not 
leave the President until you get a promise that young Dupont 
shall have the first vacancy. This little appointment will do 
more to enable us to redeem the State at the next election than 
anything else the President could do for us. 

I am, dear Crittenden, faithfully yours, 

John M. Clayton. 



12 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(John M. Clayton to J. J. Crittenden.) 

BuENA Vista, Delaware, October 27, 1851. 

My dear Crittenden, — I see our friend Conrad has ordered 
my nephew, James C. Douglass, to the Portsmouth sloop of 
war, about to go to the Pacific. I am convinced that a voyage 
round the Horn would finish him now. Any ship going to a 
mild climate would save his life. I have lost all my children, 
and this nephew is nearly the only relation I have in the world. 
Do ask Conrad to order him to another ship. I believe if he 
goes to the Pacific I shall never see him again. Hurrah for the 
new Secretary of State ! You have done nobly. If Mr. Web- 
ster shall resign I will lend you my countenance now to be his 
pcrmanoit successor. I pray that if the office shall become 
vacant you may take it. If you do accept it, the Whigs will 
rally on Mr. Fillmore. As soon as I hear of your appointment 
I shall go to Washington to apprise you of some things. Do 
not refuse if you have any regard for the Whig party. If ypu 
reject it, the party will not rally. Mr. Webster is going to 
Washington avcnvcdly to resign before the session of Congress. 
Do not reject the permanent appointment of Secretary of State, 
unless you have resolved to see your friends in the dust, your 
party in ashes. 

I tell you that you are the connecting link between the Whigs 
of Pennsylvania and Mr. Fillmore. I would be yo2ir vian of 
li'ork, without pay or clerk hire. The department would be 
right side up in three months. Now recollect that you were 
the man who induced me to accept this office. I have a right, 
therefore, to ask you to accept it. 

Ever yours, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. J. M. Clayton. 

In 1 85 1 Mr, Webster was Secretary of State and Mr. 
Crittenden Attorney-General in Mr. Fillmore's cabinet. Mr. 
Webster's health failed, and he was compelled for awhile to 
withdraw from Washington, and during this time Mr. Critten- 
den was acting Secretary of State. At that time an expedition 
of about five hundred men escaped from New Orleans, and 
landed upon the island of Cuba. They were soon captured, 
and many of them executed, and M. Sartiges, minister of France, 
communicated to the United States government that the French 
government had issued orders to its ships of war to prevent by 
force any adventurers of any nation from landing with hostile 
intent on the island of Cuba. The British government gave 
notice also to the State Department that it had issued similar 



LETTER TO M. DE SARTIGES. 13 



orders to its naval force. The following is the letter addressed 
by Mr. Crittenden (then acting Secretary of State) to M. Sar- 
tiges. A distinguished gentleman who has occupied a high 
position in this government has written to me that this diplo- 
matic letter was pronounced perfect in tone and style, and 
would compare favorably with any paper which had ever ema- 
nated from the State Department: 

Department of State, Washington, October 22, 1851. 

The undersigned, acting Secretary of State of the United 
States, has the honor to remind M. de Sartiges, envoy extraor- 
dinary and minister plenipotentiary of the French republic, that 
in the interview which he had with him on the 8th instant, he 
stated that he might have occasion to address him in writing on 
the subject of the information which M. de Sartiges then com- 
municated, that the French government had issued orders to its 
ships of war, then in the West Indies, to give assistance to 
Spain, and to prevent by force any adventurers of any nation 
from landing with hostile intent on the island of Cuba. Having 
imparted that information to the President, the undersigned has 
now the honor, by his direction, to address M. de Sartiges in 
regard to it. 

M. de Sartiges is apprised that a few days prior to the inter- 
view adverted to the charge d'affaires of her Britannic Majesty 
had given to this department official notice that his government 
had issued similar orders to its naval forces. The President 
had regarded this as a matter of grave importance, but its 
gravity is greatly increased by the concurrence and co-opera- 
tion of France in the same measure. It cannot be doubted 
that those orders have been occasioned by the recent unlawful 
expedition of less than five hundred men, which, having evaded 
the vigilance of this government, and escaped from New Orleans, 
were landed by the steamer Pampero upon the island of Cuba, 
and were soon captured, and many of them executed. That 
such an incident should have incited the combined action of 
two great European powers, for an object to which neither of 
them is a direct party, and in a manner that may seriously affect 
the people of the United States, cannot fail to awaken the 
earnest consideration of the President. 

He cannot perceive the necessity or propriety of such orders, 
while he entertains the strongest apprehensions that their exe- 
cution by French and British cruisers will be attended with 
injurious and dangerous consequences to the commerce and 
peace of the United States. They cannot be carried into effect 



14 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

without a visitation, examination, and consequent detention of 
our vessels on our shores, and in the great channels of our 
coasting trade, and this must invest British and French cruisers 
with the jurisdiction of determining, in the first instance at least, 
what are the expeditions denounced in their orders, and who are 
the guilty persons engaged in them. It is plain, however differ- 
ent may have been the intentions of the respective governments, 
that the exercise of such a power and jurisdiction could hardly 
fail to lead to abuses and collisions perilous to the peace that 
now so happily prevails. By such an interference those govern- 
ments seem to assume an attitude unfriendly to the United 
States. The President will not, however, allow himself to 
believe that this intervention has been intended as an admoni- 
tion or reproach to his government. He has signally manifested 
his condemnation of all such lawless enterprises, and has 
adopted active measures for their prevention and suppression. 
It must also be known to the governments of France and Eng- 
land, in common with all the world, that this government, since 
it took its place among nations, has carefully preserved its good 
faith, and anxiously endeavored to fulfill all its obligations, con- 
ventional and national. And this it has done from motives far 
above any apprehensions of danger to itself ■ From its begin- 
ning, under the present Constitution, it has sedulously cultivated 
the policy of peace, of not intermeddling in the affairs of others, 
and of preventing by highly penal enactments any unlawful 
interference by its citizens to disturb the tranquillity of countries 
with which the United States were in amity. To this end many 
such enactments have been made, the first as early as the year 
1794, and the last as late as 1838. The last having expired by 
its own limitation, and all the preceding legislation on the subject 
having been comprehended in the act of Congress of the 20th 
of April, 1 818, it is unnecessary to do more than to refer M. de 
Sartiges to its provisions as marking the signal anxiety and . 
good faith of this government to restrain persons within its 
jurisdiction from committing any acts inconsistent with the 
rights of others, or its own obligations. These laws were in- 
tended to comj)rehend, and to protect from violation, all our 
relations with and duties to countries at peace with us, and to 
jiunish any violations of them by our citizens as crimes against 
the United States. In this manifestation of its desire to preserve 
just and peaceful relations with all nations, it is believed that 
the United States have gone before and ///r/Z/tr than any of the 
older governments of Europe. Without recapitulating all the 
provisions of those laws by which the United States have so 
carefully endeavored to prohibit every act that could be justly 
offensive to their neighbors, it is deemed enough for this occa- 



LETTER TO M. DE SARTIGES. 15 

sion to say that they denounce all such enterprises or expeditions 
as those against which the orders in question are directed. 

The undersigned thinks it is of importance enough to call 
the attention of M. de Sartiges more directly to this law. A 
literal copy of it is accordingly herewith communicated. Be- 
sides the ordinary legal process, it authorizes the President to 
employ the military and naval forces of the country for the 
purpose of preventing such expeditions and arresting for 
punishment those concerned in them. In the spirit of this 
law, the President condemns such expeditions against the 
island of Cuba as are denounced by the orders in question, 
and has omitted nothing for their detection and prevention. To 
that end he has given orders to civil, naval, and military officers 
from New York to New Orleans, and has enjoined upon them 
the greatest vigilance and energy. This course on the subject 
has been in all things clear and direct. It has been no secret, and 
the undersigned must presume that it has been fully understood 
and known by M. de Sartiges. An appeal might confidently 
be made to the vigilant and enlightened minister of Spain that 
his suggestions for the prevention of such aggressions, or the 
prosecution of offenders engaged in them, have been promptly 
considered, and, if found reasonable, adopted by the President ; 
his course, it is believed, has been above all question of just 
cause of complaint. This government is determined to execute 
its laws, and in the performance of this duty can neither ask 
nor receive foreign aid. If, notwithstanding all its efforts, ex- 
peditions of small force hostile to Cuba have, in a single vessel 
or steamer, excited by Cubans themselves, escaped from our 
extensive shores, such an accident can furnish no ground of 
imputation either upon the law or its administration. Every 
country furnishes instances enough of infractions and evasions 
of its laws, which no power or vigilance can effectually guard 
against. It need not be feared that any expeditions of a law- 
less and hostile character can escape from the United States of 
sufficient force to create any alarm for the safety of Cuba, or 
against which Spain might not defend it with the slightest ex- 
ertion of her power. The President is persuaded that none 
such can escape detection and prevention, except by their in- 
significance. None certainly can escape which could require 
the combined aid of France and England to resist or suppress. 
Cuba will find a sure, if not its surest, protection and defense 
in the justice and good faith of the United States. 

There is another point of view in which this intervention on 
the part of France and England cannot be viewed with indif- 
ference by the President. The geographical position of the 
island of Cuba in the Gulf of Mexico, lying at no great distance 



iG LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

from the mouth of the river Mississippi and in the line of the 
greatest current of the commerce of the United States, would 
become, in the hands of any powerful European nation, an object 
of just jealousy and apprehension to the people of this country. 
A due regard to their own safety and interest must, therefore, 
make it a matter of impoitance to them who shall possess and 
hold dominion over that island. The government of France 
and those of other European nations were long since officially 
apprised by this government that the United States could not 
see, without concern, that island transferred by Spain to any other 
European state ; President Fillmore fully concurs in that senti- 
ment, and is apprehensive that the sort oi protectorate introduced 
by the orders in question might, in contingencies not difficult 
to be imagined, lead to results equally objectionable. If it 
should appear to M. de Sartiges that the President is too appre- 
hensive on this subject, this must be attributed to his great 
solicitude to guard friendly relations between the two countries 
against all contingencies and causes of disturbance. The peo- 
ple of the United States have long cherished towards France 
the most amicable sentiments, and recent events which made 
lier a republic have opened new sources of fraternal sympathy. 
Harmony and confidence would seem to be the natural relations 
of the two great republics of the world, relations demanded no 
less by their permanent interests than by circumstances and 
combinations in continental Europe, which now seem to threaten 
so imminently the cause of free institutions. The United States 
have nothing to fear from those convulsions, nor are \\\Q.y propa- 
gandists, but they have at heart the cause of freedom in all 
countries, and believe that the example of the two great repub- 
lics of France and America, with their moral and social influ- 
ences, co-operating harmoniously, would go far to promote and 
to strengthen that cause. It is with these views that the President 
so much desires the cultivation of friendly feelings between the 
two countries, and regards with so much concern any cause that 
may tend to produce collision or alienation. He believes that 
this Cuban intervention is such a cause. The system of govern- 
ment which ])rcvails most generally in Europe is adverse to the 
principles upon which this government is founded, and the 
undersigned is well aware that the difference between them is 
calculated to produce distrust of, if not aversion to, the govern- 
ment of the United States. Sensible of this, the people of this 
country are naturally jealous of European interference in 
American affairs. And although they would not impute to 
France, now herself a republic, any participation in this dis- 
trustful and unfriendly feeling towards their government, yet the 
undersigned must repeat, that her intei-vention in this instance, 



LETTER FROM y. E. HARVEY. ij 

if attempted to be executed, in the only practicable mode for 
its effectual execution, could not fail to produce some irritation, 
if not worse consequences. The French cruisers sailing up and 
down the shores of the United States to perform their needless 
task of protecting Cuba, and their ungracious office of zvatch- 
ing the people of this country as if they were fruitful o{ piracies, 
would be regarded with some feelings of resentment, and the 
flag they bore — a flag which should always be welcome to the 
sight of Americans — would be looked at as casting a shadow 
of unmerited and dishonoring suspicion upon them and their 
government. The undersigned will add that all experience 
seems to prove that the rights,>'interests, and peace of the con- 
tinents of Europe and America will be best preserved by the 
forbearance of each to interfere in the affairs of the other. The 
government of the United States has constantly acted on that 
principle, and has never intermeddled in European questions. 
The President has deemed it proper to the occasion that his 
views should be thus fully and frankly presented for the friendly 
consideration of M. de Sartiges and his government, in order 
that all possible precautions may be used to avert any misunder- 
standing, and every cause or consequence that might disturb 
the peace or alienate, in the least, the sentiments of confidence 
and friendship which now bind together the republics of the 
United States and France. The undersigned avails himself of 
this occasion to offer to M. de Sartiges the assurance of his 
very distinguished consideration. 

John J. Crittenden. 
M. DE Sartiges. 

(J. E. Harvey to J. J. Crittenden.) 

North American Office. 
Philadelphia, November i, 1S51. 

Dear Sir,— The inclosed letter from the New York Times, 
as well as statements of a similar character made in the Wash- 
ington and other papers, place me in a very false position before 
the public, and apparently by the sanction, if not by the instruc- 
tion, of gentlemen in administration. The information in re- 
gard to your recent correspondence with the French and British 
governments was obtained, as I stated in a note to the Intelli- 
gencer, before my arrival in Washington, and was published by 
telegraph in the North American before my conversation with 
you on the subject. And if your recollection serves, you can- 
not fail to remember that, in the interview to which reference is 
made, / introduced the matter of the correspondence. Under 
such circumstances, I was greatly surprised to see the comments 
of the Intelligencer upon a state of facts which did not exist, as 
my dispatches show, and more so that the letter in the Times 
VOL. II. — 2 



,S LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

should represent that my publications should have occasioned 
you "mortification and surprise," or been considered as con- 
tainin^t,' "exaij^jcratcd views." I never said, in any shape or 
form, that you had either rebuffed or rebuked either of the 
governments in question, and the collation of my dispatches, as 
published in the Uukvi of j-esterday, exhibits this very plainly, 
but some stran<;e misconception of both the spirit and the lan- 
guage of my dispatches exists at Washington. What I said 
in reference to yourself was a friendly tribute of my personal 
regard, and of my respect, for what I understood to be the 
position which you had assumed. I do not consider that I 
have deserved the strictures which have been made upon me, 
and I am greatly at loss to understand them. 

In regard to the publications themselves, I hold them to be 
eminently proper, and for one I am wholly opposed to this 
system of " State secrets," now so much in vogue, when treaties 
are under negotiation. It is my business to obtain information, 
and I shall continue, as I have heretofore done, to exercise my 
own discretion in regard to the use of all that I may properly 
acquire, despite the small jealousies and petty manoeuvring 
about Washington, in which the Republic has played so doubt- 
ful a part during the last and present administrations. The 
imi)ression which was first made upon the public mind by the 
belief that the administration had acted up to the American 
sentiment, in the correspondence between England and France, 
has been much impaired by the subsequent impression, that it 
desired to treat those governments gingerly. 

Very truly, 

Mr. Crittenden. James E. Harvey. 

(J. J. Crittenden to James E. Harvey.) * 

Washington, November 3, 1851. 

My dear Sir, — I have received your letter of the ist inst., 
and with it the slip you inclose, cut from the New York Daily 
Times, containing a letter from the Washington correspondent 
of that paper, in which reference is made to me, and, as I now 
understand, to you, also, in connection with official transac- 
tions in which I was engaged with certain foreign ministers, 
during the brief period in which I was the acting Secretary of 
State. 

In affairs merely personal to myself I should not hesitate to 
make antl to write any disclosures or explanations that the 
occasion might require. But I was restrained on this occasion 
by the circumstances of the case and by my official relations 
to the subject in question. 

I am not responsible for the letter published in the New 



LETTER TO LESLIE COMBS. 



19 



York Daily Times. I am wholly ignorant who is the author 
of that letter, and its publication is altogether unauthorized 
by me. 

I have said on several occasions, in private conversations, 
that there had occurred nothing at all of a sarcastic or discour- 
teous character — certainly nothing so intended by me — in my 
intercourse or communication with either the English or French 
minister, and that I should be ashamed to be thought guilty of 
any rudeness towards either of those gentlemen in my official 
capacity. I said this to Mr. Seaton, with a request that he 
would say something to the same effect in the Intelligencer for 
the purpose of relieving the feelings of the French minister, 
which had been hurt, as I understood, by a previous article in 
that paper, which, as I conceive, represents him as having been 
disrespectfully or discourteously treated by me. 

This, sir, is about the substance of all I have said in reference 
to the matter in question. I may add that it has so happened 
that I have not read or seen the letter published in the North 
American, which is ascribed to you. 

I had no purpose or object of accusing you of any intentional 
injustice to me, or of any misrepresentation. I had cause to 
regard you as a friend, and did so regard you. 

I have said more, perhaps, than I ought on such a subject. 
My respect for you and for your feelings, which seem to be 
excited more than the occasion, as it seems to me, requires, has 
induced me to say what I have. It must be understood, how- 
ever, as having been written for your personal and private satis- 
faction alone. I cannot consent that any reference even should 
be made to it in any controversy you may have, or any publica- 
tion you may make, on the subject. The reasons for this are 
so obvious that they need not be stated. They will readily 
occur to you, 

I understand you to inquire if I recollect the conversation 
we had in my office. It is only necessary now to say that I do 
perfectly recollect it. 

Very respectfully yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Leslie Combs.) 

Washington, November i, 1851. 
Dear Combs, — I received your kind and friendly letter, for 
v/hich I thank you. My position in respect to the senatorial 
election is just this, no more, no less : At the instance of some 
friends in Kentucky, I consented to their presenting my name 
as a candidate if they thought proper to do so upon the meet- 
ing of the legislature and upon a survey of all the circuni- 



20 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

stances, I thought I might go thus far without presumption 
or giving just cause of offense, and yet I confess that I felt some 
reluctance to do ci>cn that, because it might cross or conflict with 
the hopes and wishes of good friends and cause some dissatis- 
faction on their part. Yet, having yielded my seat in the Senate 
to obey the wishes of the Whigs of Kentucky in becoming, at 
their bidding, a candidate for the office of governor, it seemed 
to nie that I might naturally and reasonably indulge the desire 
of being restored to my former position ; yet I did not make 
mj'self a candidate, — I left that to the discretion and the will of 
others. From what I hear, I suppose they have presented me 
as a candidate. I therefore desire to be elected; it is the situa- 
tion most agreeable to mc, and a re-election would be felt as a 
great honor. Still, I want nothing that cannot be freely awarded 
to me ; I am not to be regarded as a disturber of the party. Dis- 
turbance already existed so far as it could be produced by the 
conflicting pretensions or claims of many candidates, each one 
of whom is, to say the least, as chargeable as I am with causing 
any controversy. But enough of this. I desire, of course, not 
to be beaten, and I thankfully accept your proffered services and 
friendship. I hope that you will go to Frankfort and take such 
part in the contest as you deem proper. I never felt less like 
controversy. Wounded as I have been, I naturally turn away 
from the battle like a bleeding soldier. My friends must act 
for me. 

Your friend, 
Gen. Leslie Combs. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to O. Brown.) 

Washington, Nov, 12, 1S51. 

Dear Orlando, — Before this can reach you, the senatorial 
question will have been disposed of, and, as I anticipate, by 
a postponement. Some few letters, and particularly two re- 
ceived from Morehead, lead me to that conclusion. Such a 
result is not the most gratifying to me, but I can bear it calmly 
and patiently. 

I shall feel some curiosity and interest to know the course of 
some individuals in respect to this election, and will thank you 
for the information. The course of Judge Robertson and of 
Mr. iJixon does not much surprise me, though, as I am in- 
formed, they have displayed a sort of personally hostile oppo- 
sition to mc, for which I never gave either of them cause. 

I understand that my old friend Ben Hardin speaks kindly 
of me, but opposes my election. I confess that in this I have 
been disapj^ointed and mortified. He and I are cotemporaries. 
Wc have been long associated, and have stood together as 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 2 1 

friends through many years. The path which remains for us to 
travel is not very long, and I regret that he has found it neces- 
sary to part from me on this occasion. I do not mean to com- 
plain of him, but only to express my regret. My feelings and 
my memory suggest to me much more on this subject; but I 
will only add that I think if Hardin had considered it in all its 
points of view, his judgment, as well as his friendly feelings, 
I doubt not, would have decided him to take sides with me 
rather than with my opponents. There is not the least un- 
kindness towards him mingled with the regret I feel on this 
occasion, and, as the matter will all be over before this reaches 
you, I am willing he should know. Indeed, I wish you would 
inform him how I feel and what I have here written in regard 
to him. 

What part does our Frankfort senator and representative 
take ? Farewell. 

Your friend, 

Orlando Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

P.S. — To my good friends, and better never were, give a 
hearty shake of the hand from me. 

J. J. C. 



CHAPTER II. 
1851-1852. 

Letters— Daniel Webster to R. P. Letcher— Washington's Birthday— R. C. Win- 
throp to J. J. Crittenden — Letter of Apology from Mr. Crittenden to Mr. Web- 
ster, and Webster's Reply — Hon. Thomas Corvvin to Crittenden— Hon. James 
Buchanan to Crittenden. 

(Orlando Brown to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, December 3, 1851. 

MY DEAR SIR,-;-I propose to say a few words to you 
about the senatorial election. You and your family and 
friends are all greatly indebted to Mr. Thomas F. Marshall for 
his devotion to your interests during this crisis; he has sur- 
passed himself as an orator in presenting your claims to the 
gratitude and love of the people of Kentucky. I read to Mr, 
li. Mardin what you said of him, and the old gentleman's eyes 
filled with tears ; he exclaimed, with vehemence, " My God, sir, 
it is all a mistake ; I Iiave been for him, am for him, mean to 
be for him." And he has been making good his words. Mr. 
Abraham Caldwell, of the Senate, and your old fellow-soldier, 
Cunningham, are the most reliable of your friends. Captain 
Hawcs is at our head, and is as gallant a leader as we could 
have. Neither Bell, nor Helm, nor Breek, nor Davis have come 
near us. The true policy of your friends is to refer the whole 
subject to the people. With the people, thank God, you are 
safe. You will probably be approached by some one before 
long, and may be induced to say, " Rather than embarrass my 
friends any longer, take my name off the list." Let me beg of 
you to say )io such tiling. You are not here ; you do not know 
how tilings are worked. Dixon's election will be a Democratic 
triumph ; he and his friends are afraid to go back to the people. 
If the election is postponed, you will be the means of bringing 
tile Whig party again into line, and with you as our standard- 
bearer we will trium[)h in '53. 

I remain sincerely yours, 

Orlando Brown. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. B.) 

Washington, December 5, 1851. 
Mv DEAR Sir, — You and other friends have been so remiss 
in writing to me that I have been, and am still, to a great ex- 
(22) 



LETTER TO A. B. 



23 



tent, ignorant of the proceedings and incidents of the late 
attempts made in the Kentucky legislature to elect a senator 
to the Congress of the United States. This, however, I do not 
complain of I am, perhaps, fortunate, in that it has saved me 
from some portion of those unpleasant feelings which are un- 
avoidable in such contests, I have learned enough, however, 
to give me uneasiness and pain. The use which my friends 
have thought proper to make of my name seems to have been 
a cause of disturbance and controversy among the Whigs. I 
owe to them too many obligations for favors and honors re- 
ceived in times past to be willing now to be an obstacle in their 
way or to be a cause of dissension among them. If it will 
restore harmony and give them satisfaction, I hope that those 
of them who have desired my election will yield at once and 
withdraw my name from the contest. So far as I am concerned, 
I will be a willing sacrifice to the reunion of the Whigs. Hon- 
orable and desirable as it would be to me to be restored to a 
seat in the Senate, my ambition is not so selfish as to make me 
seek it through discord and alienation among my Whig friends. 
I prefer the good opinion of Kentucky to any office, and I would 
not excite the ill will of any considerable number of Kentuckians 
by any strife or contention for office with political friends. I do 
not see that the mere presentation of my name as a candidate 
ought to have produced any excitement against me, or among 
Whigs. I think I have not deserved this, and that there are 
few who will not agree with me when the passions excited by 
the contest are past. Still, we must look to \hefact, and act 
Upon it accordingly. For my part, I can say that I want no 
office which is not freely and willingly bestowed, and that I 
want no contest in which I am to conquer, or be conquered, by 
my friends. I would rather yield to them than fight them. By 
the first course, harmony might be restored among them for 
their own and the country's good ; in the latter, nothing but 
discord and division could be the result. I am averse to be 
placed in any situation where I could, with any propriety, be re- 
garded as the cause of such evils. I do not mean by this that 
I would feel bound or willing to yield to a competitor, how- 
ever worthy, simply upon the ground that he preferred the 
place for himself, or that his friends preferred it for him. To 
ask such a submission would be illiberal, and to grant it would 
be unmanly. Such differences among friends of the same party 
ought to be settled in a generous and friendly spirit and leave 
no ill feeling behind. In such settlements, my aim would be not 
to be outdone in liberality and concession. I should dislike 
exceedingly to be engaged in Tiny personal or illiberal struggle, 
and sooner than an election, which ought to be made, should 



24 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

be postponed, I would for the public interest and for harmony 
prefer to retire from the contest. There might be some morti- 
fication attending such a course ; but this would be relieved by 
considering that it was done from motives honorable, friendly, 
and patriotic. I have served Kentucky a long time ; I have 
served her faithfully, and, I hope, with no discredit to her; but 
I have no wish to intrude myself upon her for reluctant favors. 
When my services cease to be acceptable to her, to hold office 
under her would no longer be an object of ambition for me. 

Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Washington, December 8, 1851. 

My dear Sir, — I received to-day your letter of the 3d inst. 

You know precisely how much and how little I have had to 
do in the presentation of myself as a candidate for the Senate 
of the United States. I think I may say that it has been the 
action of my friends; and since the contest began, I have looked 
passively upon it. I had left it to my friends, — friends deserv- 
ing all my confidence, — and there I will, as you advise, leave it. 
It would be ungrateful as well as unjust in me now to thwart 
or cross them in the midway of a controversy, in which, for my 
sake, they have involved themselves, and about which I really 
know so little. I know that whatev^er they have done has been 
done in sincerity of friendship for me, and I will abide by it to 
the last. As they pitch the battle so let it be fought. 

But in this contest it is always to be remembered that you 
are contending against friends, who, by accident or circum- 
stances, have been made opponents for the present, and to 
whom a liberal and generous treatment is due. You, who are 
upon the ground, well know how to distinguish between such 
oppoiioits and those who prove themselves to be enemies. I 
wish that all of you who are supporting me will remember, 
also, that you are not supporting an exacting friend, but one 
who would not be outdone in liberality, generosity, or concilia- 
tion ; one who would rather suffer anything himself than see 
his generous friends involved in difficulties or perils on his 
account. I hope that they will act accordingly in this matter. 
But whatever they shall do or determine, that will I abide by, 
that will I maintain as /-/>///, and go to all honorable extremity 
with them in defending and making good. 

I wrote to Mr. T. F. Marshall before the receipt of your letter, 
and before I read his letter in the Louisville yournal. I wrote 
upon the information of his course derived from the newspapers. 



LETTER FROM DANIEL WEBSTER. 



2$ 



Somehow or other I cannot be a man of words on such occa- 
sions, but my whole heart is full almost to bursting at acts of 
free and manly friendship and devotion. I love Tom Marshall. 
Oh, if he will be but true to himself, how I would strive for his 
advancement! How I would love to strive for it! 

I was touched to the heart, too, at what you tell me about 
my old friend (for such I may now call him) Ben Hardin. I 
felt like breaking at the root when I heard that he was against 
me, for in the days of our youth — of our growth — we were to- 
gether, and have passed thus far through life in more of amity 
and good will than falls to the lot of most men occupying our 
position. Upon reading what you wrote me my eyes were not 
dry. Time gives a sort of sacredness to the feelings that arise 
from old associations and friendships. I wish I could live long 
enough, or had the means of repaying, Orlando, all the debts I 
owe my friends. But therein I am a bankrupt indeed. 

Do give my grateful regards to my friends Caldwell and 
Cunningham, and to all the friends that in my absence have 
stood by me ; my heart is full of thankfulness. And I really 
hope and believe that many of those who have taken part 
against me have been influenced to do so by circumstances that 
do not affect their good opinion and kind feelings towards me. 
I bear no ill will to them. 

Your friend, 

Orlando Brown, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Letter from Daniel Webster, Secretary of State, to R. P. Letcher.) 

Washington, December 23, 1851, 

Dear Sir, — I have written you a dispatch principally upon 
the subject of the Tehuantepec Treaty. There is nothing in 
that letter which you may not make known to the Mexican 
government, but in your conversation with the Secretary of Re- 
lations you may give even stronger admonitions. You may 
say that if the treaty is not ratified, or some new one agree-d to 
which shall answer the same purpose, it is certain that very 
serious consequences will result, and Mexico must be persuaded 
to act promptly. Any considerable delay will be ruinous. The 
temper of the people, and the disposition of Congress, are both 
assuming a very decided tone upon this matter, especially since 
the proposition in the Mexican Senate to transfer this right to 
England. We must rely on you, my dear sir, to exert all your 
influence and energy to bring this business to a favorable and 
an immediate termination. 

Yours always truly, 

Hon. R. P. Letcher. Daniel Webster. 



26 LIFE OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Washington, Feb. 6, 1852. 
My dear Sir, — I see the Whigs are to meet in Frankfort on 
the 24th of this month to select delegates to the national con- 
vention for the nomination of a candidate for the Presidency. 
I think that Mr. Fillmore has fairly earned and fully deserves 
the highest favor and confidence of the Whigs, and that he is in 
mere justice entitled to the nomination. I do not z^^/^zc that he 
will be a candidate ; I am sure he will not seek such a position. 
But neither you nor I will think that he therefore deserves it the 
less. I am anxious that your Frankfort convention should 
make some strong expression of its approbation of Mr. Fill- 
more, and its preference for him as their candidate. When 
they shall have done that, and with it their determination to 
support the nominee of the national convention, they will have 
done all that they ought to do. I beg you to do all you can 
to procure such an expression of preference for Mr. F. You 
will gratify and serve me by this. I believe that Fillmore is, as 
he ouglit to be, the favorite candidate of Kentucky. I see that 
in one of your county meetings there has been an expression 
of a preference for me as the candidate for the Presidency. If 
any purpose of that sort should be manifested in the conven- 
tion, I beg you and all my friends to suppress it. It would do 
me 710 good in any event; it would be a prejudice to me in any 
of those cojitiugencies or prospects which my too -sanguine 
friends might anticipate. You know my sentiments on this 
subject. I shall always be proud of any favorable expression 
of the sentiments of Kentuckians to me, but at this juncture 
I should much regret a nomination for the Presidency. Besides 
its other injurious effects, it would furnish a plausible ground 
to doubt the sincerity of my conduct and advice to others who 
are here and expose me to suspicion of contrivance and selfish 
ambition, than which nothing could be more unjust. Reflect 
upon and attend to this. Let me hear by telegraph the first 
expression of preference for Fillmore. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden, 

In 1852 Kossuth was addressing public assemblies throughout 
the United States, and General Washington's farewell advice, to 
avoid entangling alliances with foreign powers, seemed likely to 
be forgotten. The citizens of Philadelphia sent a petition to 
Congress, through Mr. Crittenden, asking for a special celebra- 
tion of General Washington's birthday, hoping in this way to 
counteract the effect of Kossuth's eloquence. 



CELEBRATION OF WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY. 



27 



House of Representatives, Feb. 10, 1S52. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. Speaker, I ask the unanimous consent 
of the House to present a petition of the citizens of Philadel- 
phia. It does not relate to politics ; it proposes a mode of cele- 
brating the birthday of General Washington. It is worthy of 
being heard by the House, and I hope it will be. At the head of 
the list are the names of the present and of two preceding mayors 
of the city of Philadelphia. There are a thousand names to 
this petition, embracing the first men in the city of Philadel- 
phia — Ingersoll, Dallas, and others equally distinguished. They 
pray that in this time of trouble particular attention may be 
paid to the birthday of General Washington, and that it may be 
solemnized in this House ; that both Houses shall meet on the 
22d of Februaiy ; that the Farewell Address of General Wash- 
ington shall be read, and that such parts of the Address as may 
be considered appropriate shall be ordered to be read at the head 
of the regiments of the army of the United States. There is 
still one great name in our country which exercises a great in- 
fluence over the hearts of all true Americans. It is needless to 
say that name is Washington. The name stands alone far above 
all others. In times of trouble and peril all our hearts natu- 
rally turn to him for lessons of patriotism and every public 
virtue. 

The object of this signal commemoration of his birthday is 
to impress his name more deeply on the minds and hearts of 
the American people, to kindle his memory into a flame of pa- 
triotism, and by the noble inspiration of his good and glorious 
name enable ourselves the better to maintain and defend that 
great and free government and Union which, under God, he 
established for us, I hope Congress w^ill concur in the prayer 
of the petitioners, and I ask that it may be read. 

Washington, D. C, Feb. 17, 1S52. 
To Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

My dear Sir, — It is the wish of the committee that the birth- 
night celebration come off at Willard's Hotel on Saturday night, 
and that you should respond to a sentiment in allusion to the 
President and heads of the administration. I intended to call and 
give you notice of the position assigned you in the order of the 
day, but have been too much occupied. You must hold your- 
self in readiness for the call made upon you. 

The dinner is an anti-Kossuth affair, or at least it is intended 
as a demonstration in favor of the neutral policy of W^ashington. 
It is our intention to have the proceedings of the evening, with 
all the speeches, etc., printed in neat pamphlet form for circu- 
lation. Hour of meeting, seven o'clock. 

Yours most respectfully, 

Alexander H. Stevens. 



28 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

CONGRESSIONAL CELEBRATION OF WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY. 

Mr. Crittenden, in answer to loud calls from all parts of the 

hall, rose and said: 

Mr, President, — I regret that in this company, where there 
are so many others more capable, I should have been selected 
and called upon to respond to the toast announcing the Father 
of his Country as its mighty theme. You have met, sir, to 
commemorate the anniversary of his birth. The occasion and 
the associations by which we are surrounded, — here, in the city 
which he founded, at the capital and seat of government which 
he established, in sight of Mount Vernon, his chosen residence 
and the sacred sepulchre of his remains, — the occasion and the 
associations make us feel as though we were almost brought 
into his presence; at least his name is here, — a name which can 
never die, — a living name, before which every head in the civil- 
ized world is bent in reverence, and to w^hich the homage of 
every true American heart is due. [Loud cheers.] I almost 
fear to speak on such a subject. The character of Washington 
has ascended above the ordinary language of eulogy. A Csesar, 
a Napoleon, a Cromwell may excite the noisy applause of the 
world, and inflame the passions of men by the story of their 
fields and their fame; but the name of Washington occupies a 
different, a serener, a calmer, a more celestial sphere. [Great 
applause.] There is not in his character, and there is not about 
his name, any of that turbulence, and excitement, and glare which 
constitute glory in the vulgar and worldly sense of the term. 
His name has sunk deep into the hearts of mankind, and more 
especially has it sunk deep into the mind and heart of America, 
and in that secret and inner temple it will reside without any 
of the forms of ostentatious idolatry. It resides in the inner 
recesses of the hearts of his countrymen; and, like an oracle, 
is continually whispering lessons of patriotism and of virtue. 
[Great cheering.] He never sought or asked for what men call 
glory. He sought to serve his kind and his country by his 
beneficence and his virtues, and he found in that service, and in 
the performance of his duty, that only and that richest reward 
w^hich can recompense the patriot and the statesman. [Re- 
newed and enthusiastic applause.] That was our Washington. 
Let all the rest of the world present anything like his parallel. 
The verdict of mankind has already assigned to him a pre- 
eminent and solitary grandeur. [Applause.] In him all the 
virtues seemed to be combined in the fairest proportions. The 
elements were so mixed in him, and his blood and judgment 
were so commingled, that all the virtues seemed to be the 
natural result, and to flow spontaneously from the combination, 



CELEBRATION OF WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY. 



29 



as water from the purest fountain. In him the exercise of 
the most exalted virtue required no exertion; it was part and 
parcel of his nature, and of the glorious organization "to which 
every god had seemed to set his seal," [Applause.] Where 
was there any error in him? He was a man, and, therefore, in 
all humility, we, who share that humanity, must acknowledge 
that he had his imperfections; but who, through his long and 
eventful life, can point to an error or to a vice committed, or a 
duty omitted? His character was made up and compounded 
of all the virtues that constitute the hero, patriot, statesman, 
and benefactor [cheers], and all his achievements were but the 
practical developments of that character and of those virtues. 
[Applause.] He was the same everywhere, — in the camp, in 
the cabinet, at Mount Vernon. No difference could be distin- 
guished anywhere. His greatness was of that innate and 
majestic character that was present with him everywhere. It 
was that which gave him his dignity, and not the occasional 
situations or offices which he held under the government. He 
dignified office; he elevated the highest rank, military or civil, 
which he ever held. No rank, military or civil, ever raised 
him, or could come up to that majesty of character which the 
God of his nature had implanted in him. [Great cheering.] 
That was our Washington. He was a firm believer in a divine 
Providence, and it belonged to his elevated and majestic mind 
to be so, — a mind that connected itself with the throne of the 
Deity from which it sprung. His heart was purified, and his 
motives were elevated by constant recurrence to that divine 
assistance which he thought was extended to his country, and 
to himself in his service of that country. Our history as a 
people is, to a remarkable extent, a history of providences; and 
among all the benignities of Providence, in a worldly point of 
view, I know no greater gift that she has conferred upon us 
than in the person of Washington himself [Cheers.] She 
raised him up at the appointed time. She raised him up at a 
grand crisis in the affairs of mankind, when the thoughts of 
men were about taking a new direction; when the old things, 
the old despotisms, were about to pass away under the influence 
of a dawning public opinion which was about to reassert the 
long-lost rights of mankind; when you, a new-born people, for 
whom this mighty continent had been reserved as the most 
magnificent land that the Almighty ever prepared for man, 
had grown to an estate to feel your strength, to know your 
rights, and to be willing to struggle for them; Washington was 
raised up to become the great leader of those great popular 
principles of human rights, and to consecrate them, as it were, 
by connecting them in his own person with every personal, 



30 LIFE OF yOHN y. CRITTENDEK. 

moral, private, and public virtue; not leaving us to mere ideal- 
ism, but exhibiting and embodying, in his own venerated and 
beloved person, all those mighty principles which were neces- 
sary to our success and to the establishment of our liberties. 
He led us triumphantly through a seven years' war, and our 
glorious Revolution being successfully accomplished, he applied 
himself, with all his influence and all his wisdom, to secure, by 
free and permanent institutions, all the blessings that liberty 
and independence could confer on his countr}^ Our present 
Constitution and form of government were the grand results of 
his patriotic efforts. A new government being thus established, 
he was by the unanimous voice of his country called to the 
presidential office, that by his wisdom and influence he might 
put into practice and consolidate those new and untried institu- 
tions, by which all the blessings acquired by the Revolution 
and contemplated by that government were to be practically 
secured to the people of the United States. He served till the 
success of the experiment was demonstrated. He retired then 
to his beloved ]\Iount Vernon, and there passed in honored 
privacy the remainder of his life. Where can another such 
character be exhibited on the pages of history ? Providence 
intended him for a model. She has made his character cover 
the whole space of political and of private life. [Applause.] She 
trained him up in the humblest walks of private life. There he 
knew the wants and wishes and condition of the humblest of 
his fellow-citizens. The confidence which he inspired every- 
where spread with every step that he advanced in life. He 
became commander of the army. With all the military des- 
potism that belongs to such a state, he used his power without 
the oppression of a human being. During a seven years' war, 
amid such trials and troubles as no people ever saw, in no exi- 
gency, by no extremity, was he driven to the necessity' of com- 
mitting a trespass or wrong upon any man or any man's property'. 
He needed no act of amnesty afterwards, by the government, 
to protect him against personal responsibility, which acts of 
violence might have rendered necessary to others. He led you 
triumphantly on. He w^as an example to all military men. He 
became President. He has left us an example there, to which 
we look back with filial reverence, and long, long may we 
do so. [Great applause.] 

Before his retirement from office, he made to the people of 
the United States that " Farewell Address" so familiar to the 
thoughts of us all. It contains, as he himself said, the advice 
of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive 
to bias his counsel. It was the gathered wisdom of all his life 
and of all his experience. What a legacy! We rejoice in 



CELEBRATIOX OF WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY. 31 

riches that no nation ever knew before. What are the mines 
of Cah'fornia with their perishing gold to this? You have a 
legacy left you in the wisdom of that man that is above all 
price. The Romans shouted, the Romans exulted, when Mark 
Antony told them that Caesar had left them a few denarii, and 
the privilege of walking in his gardens. That was the imperial 
bequest. How ignoble, how trifling, does the Roman seem to 
you, my countrymen, who exult to-day in the legacy which 
was left you in the Farewell Address of Washington ! [Great 
applause.] That is imperishable. So long as we remember it, 
it will render our government and our liberties imperishable; 
and when we forget it, it will survive in the memor}'-, I trust in 
God, of some other people more worthy of it, even if it be to 
shame this degenerate republic. [Enthusiastic applause.] That 
Farewell Address contains wisdom enough, if we but attend to 
it; contains lessons enough to guide us in all our duties as 
citizens, and in all our public affairs. [Applause.] There are 
two subjects which recent occurrences have turned our atten- 
tion to with particular interest, and which I may be allowed on 
this occasion to advert to, in no spirit of controversy or of un- 
kindness towards any one, but in that spirit which induces me 
to desire to see every lesson of Washington daily, and con- 
stantly, and freshly brought to the mind of every citizen of the 
United States. To my children they were brought as their first 
lessons. There is none too old to profit by them, and they 
cannot be learned too early. You are familiar with that address, 
gentlemen, and I will therefore only ask you to allow me to 
allude to the two subjects upon which he has been peculiarly 
emphatic in his advice. The one is to preserve the union of 
the States [loud cheers]; that, he says, is the main pillar of the 
edifice of our independence and of our liberties ; frown down 
every attempt to bring it into question, much less to subvert it; 
when it is gone all is gone. Let us heed this lesson, and be 
careful. I trust in God we have no grounds to apprehend such 
a degree of oppression as will compel us to raise our suicidal 
arms for the destruction of this great government, and of this 
Union which makes us brethren. [Great applause.] I do not 
allow my mind to look forward to such a disaster. I will look 
upon this Union as indissoluble, and as firmly rooted as the 
mountains of our native land. I will hope so; I will believe 
so. I will so act; and nothing but a necessity, invincible and 
overwhelming, can drive me to disunion. This is the sentiment, 
as I understand it, which Washington inculcates. Thank God, 
we have every hope of the restoration of every kind feeling 
now which made us, in times past, a united band of brothers 
from one end of this land to the other, [Loud cheers.] 



,2 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

But there are external dangers, also, against which Washing- 
ton warns us ; and that is the second subject to which I desire 
to ask your attention. Beware, he says, of the introduction or 
exercise of a foreign influence among you. [Loud and pro- 
longed cheering.] We are Americans. Washington has taught 
us, and we have learned to govern ourselves. [Cheers.] If the 
rest of the world have not yet learned that great lesson, how 
shall they teach us ? Shall they undertake to expound to us 
the Farewell Address of our Washington, or to influence us to 
depart from the policy recommended by him ? [Great cheer- 
ing.] We are the teachers, and they have not, or they will not, 
learn ; and yet they come to teach us. [Here the whole com- 
pany rose, and gave three tremendous cheers.] Be jealous, he 
said, of all foreign influence, and enter into entangling alliances 
with none. Cherish no particular partiality or prejudice for 8Y 
against any people. [Cheers.] Be just to all, — impartial to all 
It is folly to expect disinterested favors from any nation. [Great 
cheering.] That is not the relation or character of nations. 
Favor is a basis too uncertain upon which to place any stead- 
fast or permanent relations. Justice and the interests of the 
parties is the only sound and substantial basis for national re- 
lations. So said General Washington, — so he teaches. He 
asks, "Why quit our own, to stand on foreign ground?" 
[Cheers.] Go not abroad to mingle yourselves in the quarrels 
or wars of other nations. Take care to do them no wrong, but 
avoid the romantic notion of righting the wrongs of all the 
world, and resisting by arms the oppression of all. [Great 
cheering.] 

The sword and the bayonet have been useful in defending the 
rights and liberties of those who used them, but in what other 
hands have they ever contributed to promote the cause of free- 
dom or of human rights ? [Cheers.] The heart must be pre- 
pared for liberty. The understanding must know what it is, 
and how to value it. Then, if you put proper arms into the 
hands of the nation so imbued, I'll warrant you they will obtain 
and sustain their freedom. [Applause.] We have given the 
world an example of that success. But three millions, scat- 
tered over a vast territory, opposed to the most powerful enemy 
on earth, we went triumphantly through our Revolution and 
established our liberties. [Cheers.] But it is said that we 
have a right to interfere in the affairs of other nations, and in the 
quarrels of other nations. Why, certainly we have, — certainly 
we have. Any man has the right, if he pleases, to busy him- 
self in the affairs and quarrels of all his neighbors ; but he will 
not be likely to profit by it, and would be called a busybody for 
his pains. [Laughter and applause.] We, as a nation, have a 



CELEBRATION OF WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY. 33 

right to decide — and it is always a question of expediency — 
whether we will or will not interfere in the affaiis of other na- 
tions. There are cases so connected with our own interests, 
and with the cause of humanity, that interference would be 
proper. But still, it is a question for the sound discretion of 
this people, — a question always of expediency, — whether you 
will or will not interfere; and it is just because it is a question 
of that character, and because our passions and sympathies may 
often tempt us to err upon it, that Washington has made it the 
subject of this emphatic admonition. [Applause.] It is not 
because we have not the right to interfere, but it is because we 
have the right, and because we are surrounded by temptations, — 
by the temptations of generous hearts and noble principles, — 
to transcend the limits of prudence and of policy, and to interfere 
in the affairs of our neighbors, that he has admonished us. [Ap- 
plause.] Washington, with that forecast and that prophetic 
spirit which constituted a part of his character, saw through all 
this. He knew the warm and generous natures of his country- 
men. He knew their susceptibility, and he knew where the 
danger of error was ; and it is there that his wisdom has 
erected, as far as his advice can do it, a bulwark for our protec- 
tion. [Applause.] He tells you, "Stand upon your own ground." 
[Renewed applause.] That is the ground to stand upon. 

What can you do by interference ? Argument is unnecessary. 
The name of Washington ought to be authority, — prophetic, 
oracular authority for us. Is our mission in this world to in- 
terfere by arms? It is but little now, comparatively, of good 
that the bayonet and the sword can do. The plowshare does 
a thousand times more than either. [Great cheering.] The 
time was when arms were powerful instruments of oppression ; 
but they cannot do much now, unless they are aided by the 
mercenary and degenerate spirit of the people over whom they 
are brandished. What could we do by armed interference in 
European politics ? So mighty at home, what could we do 
abroad ? How would our eagles pine and die if carried abroad, 
without the auspices of Washington, and against his advice, to 
engage in foreign wars of intervention, in distant regions of 
despotism, where we could no longer feed them from the plen- 
teous tables of our liberty ! [Enthusiastic applause.] We can 
do nothing there. We can do nothing in that way. I am not 
one of those who shrink from this thing simply because blood 
is to be shed. I have seen war. I have voted for maintaining 
it. I have contributed to maintain it. I pretend to no exqui- 
site sensibility upon the subject of shedding blood where our 
public interest or our public glory call upon my fellow-citizens 
to lay down their lives and shed their blood. [Applause.] But 

VOL. II. — 3 



/ 



34 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

I do not wish to see them depart from those great and sure 
principles of policy which I am certain will lead my country to 
a greatness which will give to her word a power beyond that 
of armies in distant parts of the world. [Cheers.] 

Our mission, so far as it concerns our distant brethren, is not 
a mission of arms. We are here to do what Washington ad- 
vised us to do, — take care of our Union, have a proper respect 
for the Constitution and laws of our country, cultivate peace 
and commerce with all nations, do equal justice to all nations, 
and thereby set an example to them, and show forth in ourselves 
the blessings of self-government to all the world. [Applause.] 
Thus you will best convince mankind. Seeing you prosper, 
they will follow your example, and do likewise. It is by that 
power of opinion, by that power of reformation, that you can 
render the mightiest and greatest service that is in your power 
towards the spread of liberty all over the world. Adopt the 
policy of interference, and what is its consequence ? War, end- 
less war. If one interferes, another will interfere, and another, 
and another, and so this doctrine for the protection of republi- 
can liberty and human rights results in a perpetual, wide- 
spread, and wider-spreading war, until all mankind, overcome 
by slaughter and ruin, shall fall down bleeding and exhausted. 
[Applause.] I can see no other end, or good in it, unless you 
suppose that nations will consent that one alone shall erect 
itself into the arbiter and judge of the conduct of all the other 
nations, and that it alone shall interfere to execute what it alone 
determines to be national law. That alone can prevent wide- 
spread devastation from the adoption of this principle of inter- 
vention. 

I beg pardon for the time I have occupied, but I hope that I 
may be excused for saying that I feel safer, I feel that my coun- 
try is safer, while pursuing the policy of Washington, than in 
making any new experiments in politics, upon any new expo- 
sitions of Washington's legacy and advice to the American 
people. [Great cheering.] I want to stand super antiguas vias, — 
upon the old road that Washington traveled, and that every 
President, from Washington to Fillmore, has traveled. [Great 
cheering.] This policy of non-intervention in the affairs of 
other countries has been maintained and sanctified by all our 
great magistrates. [Renewed cheering.] I may be defective 
in what is called "the spirit of the age," for aught I know; 
but I acknowledge that I feel safer in this ancient and well-tried 
policy than in the novelties of the present day. 

And now, in conclusion, I hope I may be excused for sayihg 
that it has been the effort, and the honest effort, of the present 
administration — I ask no compliment for it — to follow in the 



CELEDRATIOX OF IVASHIXG TON'S BIRTHDAY. 



35 



track that Washington marked out, and, with whatever unequal 
steps, it has endeavored to follow after him. That has been the 
model upon which Mr. Fillmore has endeavored, as it regarded 
all foreign countries, to fashion the course of policy of his ad- 
ministration. [Great applause.] 

(Close of the Congressional Banquet given in memory of General Washington, 22d 
of February, 1852, in Washington City.) 

Mr. Crittenden rose and said : This is the anniversary of the 
battle of Buena Vista. We commemorate it as the birthday 
of our Washington. I have said that Washington is a name 
that cannot die ; it is a living name, and it will be a living name 
until we as a people are dead. It fought with us at the battle 
of Buena Vista. The name passed from soldier to soldier when 
those fearful odds of battle were counted : twenty-five thousand 
to four or fiv^e thousand raw militia ! and the frequent exclama- 
tion heard among our ranks that " This is Washington's birth- 
day" gave strength to ever}^ arm and fortified the courage of 
every heart. The name and spirit of Washington enabled us to 
conquer that day. 

An lionored and venerable gentleman (Mr. Curtis) has said 
"that the grave claims its due." Well, let the old usurer have 
it. What is it at last that is his due ? The poor corporeal 
remnants of this poor humanity. 

The spirit lives after it. The spirit of Washington is im- 
mortal, and still moves and acts upon the hearts of his coun- 
trymen. His form — his visible bodily form — has passed away 
from us, that majestic form " where every god had set his seal 
to give the world assurance of a man." [Cheers.] TJiat is 
buried ! gone beyond our sight ! But his great spirit remains 
with us — that potent, mighty spirit; mighty to save, mighty to 
inspire, mighty to do battle for his countrymen, for whom he 
liv^ed — for whom he died. That spirit did inspire us at Buena 
Vista, and to its influence we owe that memorable victory. It 
lives everj'where, — lives, sir, in us. The judge upon the bench 
partakes it. Presidents and generals acknowledge its power, 
and seek to emulate and follow the example of Washington. 
I know from intimate and long acquaintance that that old sol- 
dier (pointing to General Scott) who has so victoriously com- 
manded our armies and led them to battle and to victory, has 
felt and cultivated the influence of that spirit, that his great 
ambition has been to fashion himself after that model man, 
General Washington. 

But, Mr. President, we cannot well celebrate the 22d of Feb- 
ruary without having our hearts turned, also, to some memory 
of the victory of Buena Vista, — occurring on the same day. 



36 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

and seeming to have emanated from the nativity of our Wash- 
ington to shed, like a bright star, new lustre upon it. 

We cannot think of Buena Vista without a grateful remem- 
brance of that famous old soldier and leader to whom, under 
Providence, we were indebted for that victory — a victory almost 
without a parallel in history. The battles of his life are all 
over, and he sleeps with the mighty dead. 

Allow me to offer you the illustrious name of that brave, 
good, and patriotic man, the hero of Buena Vista, General 
Taylor, the late President of the United States. 

This toast was drunk standing and in silence. 

(Robert C. Winthrop to J. J. Crittenden.) 

> Boston, May 13, 1852. 

My dear Mr. Crittenden, — I received a welcome letter 
from you weeks ago, for which I have often thanked you in 
spirit, and now tender you my cordial acknowledgments in due 
form. I trust that we are going to meet you all again this 
summer. You must come to Newport and resume your red 
republican robes and bathe off the debilities of a long heat at 
Washington. I wish you could be here at Commencement, 
July 22. Between now and then the great question of candi- 
dacy will be settled. How ? How ? Who can say ? How- 
ever it be, this only I pray, — give us a chance in Massachusetts 
to support it effectively. I do believe that we can elect Webster, 
Fillmore, Scott, or Crittenden, if there shall not be an unneces- 
sary forcing of mere sJnbboletJis doivn our throats. There is not an 
agitator in the whole Whig party here — no one who cares to 
disturb anything that has been done. As to the fugitive slave 
law, though I never thought it a wise piece of legislation, nor 
ever believed that it would be very effective, I have not the 
slightest doubt that it will long survive the satisfaction of the 
South and stand on the statute-book after its efficiency has 
become about equal to that of '93. But tests and provisos are 
odious things, whether Wilmot or aiiti-Wihnot. Webster is 
here, and his arrival has been the signal for a grand rally 
among his friends. There is no doubt but Massachusetts would 
work hard for him if he were fairly in the field, and I think 
there will be a general consent that he shall have the votes of 
all our delegates ; but, what are they among so many? Do not 
let anybody imagine, however, that we shall bolt from the regu- 
lar nominee, whoever he be, unless some unimaginably foolish 
action should be adopted by the convention. 

Believe me, my dear sir, always most cordially and faithfully 
your friend and servant, 

R. C. W/NTHROP. 

J. T. Chittenden. 



LETTER FROM J. R. UNDERWOOD. 37 

(J. J. Crittenden to Hon. Daniel Webster.) 

Washington, June 10, 1852. 
There is no duty, sir, that I more readily perform than that 
of making atonement frankly and voluntarily for any impro- 
priety or fault of mine which may have done wrong or given 
offense to others. 

I am sensible that yesterday I was betrayed into the impro- 
priety of addressing you in a manner and with a degree of 
excitement wanting in proper courtesy and respect. 

I regret it, sir, and I hope that this will be received as a satis- 
factory atonement, and that you will properly understand the 
motive which prompts it. 

I am very respectfully yours, 
Hon. Daniel Webster. J, J. Crittenden. 

(Daniel Webster to J. J. Crittenden.) 

W^ASHINGTON, 1 85 2. 

My dear Sir, — Your note of yesterday has given me relief 
and pleasure. It is certainly true that your remarks at the 
President's the day before caused me uneasiness and con- 
cern ; but my heart is, and has always been, full of kindness 
for you, and I dismiss from my mind at once all recollection 
of a painful incident. 

Yours, as ever, truly, 

Mr. Crittenden. Daniel Webster. 

(J. R. Underwood to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, June 19, 1852. 
Dear Sir, — Conversing to-day with Mr. Clay, I gave him a 
brief account of my observations at Baltimore. I told him that 
the division in the Whig Convention might result in withdrawing 
Mr. Fillmore, Mr. Webster, and General Scott, in which event 
I said, from what I had heard, it was not improbable that you 
would receive the nomination. 

. I then ventured to ask him whether a difference between him 
and you, of which I had heard rumors, still existed, and whether 
he would be reconciled to your nomination. He replied to this 
effect : 

" Mr. Crittenden and myself are cordial friends, and if it be 
necessary to bring him forward as the candidate, it will meet 
with my hearty approbation." Supposing it may be agreeable 
to you to retain this evidence of Mr. Clay's good feeling and 
friendship, I take pleasure in placing it in your possession. 
With sincere esteem, your obedient servant, 

J. R. Underwood. 
Hon, J. J. Crittenden. 



3$ LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Hon. Thomas Corwin to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington. 

Dear Crittenden, — If Messrs. Crittenden and Burnley, or 
either of them, want exercise, let them visit the sick. Here I 
am ensconced, like a Hebrew of old, on my back, about to dine, 
but, unlike the Hebrew, with no stomach for dinner. Oh, these 
cursed influenzas, they fatten on Washington patronage alone! 
Hot li'atiT runs out of one eye like sap from a sugar-tree, or 
like /(r-i'a from Vesuvius. The mucous membrane of my nose, 
"os frontis" and "os occipitis," is, of course, in a melting mood. 
Did you ever look into the technology of anatomy? If not, 
this Latin will be above '^ your Juicklcbcrryy Is there no news — 
no lies brought forth to-day? Has the Father of Lies been cel- 
ebrating the 8th of January, and allowed his children a holiday? 
Is Kossuth a candidate for the Presidency? Oh, you should 
have seen Sam Houston last night, with a red handkerchief 
hanging down two feet from the rear pocket of his coat! He 
looked like the devil with a yard of brimstone on fire in his 
rear. All the candidates were there, and acted as if they thought 
themselves second fiddlers to the great leader of the orchestra 
in that JiU7nbug theatre. 

Civilized men are all asses. Your gentleman of God's making, 
nowadays, is only to be found in savage life. God help us! 

Good-night, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Thomas Corwin. 

(Hon. James Buchanan to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Tuesday evening. 

My dear Sir, — Colonel King has just mentioned to me (and 
I am sorry he did not do so before we left the Senate) that you 
felt yourself aggrieved by my remarks on Thursday last, and 
thought they were calculated to injure you. I can assure you 
that you are among the last of living men whom I would desire 
to injure. 

It is not too late yet to suppress all these remarks, except 
my disclaimer of the doctrine imputed to me in the Kentucky 
pamphlet. The debate will not be published in the Globe until 
to-morrow evening; and I am not only willing, but I am anx- 
ious, that it shall ?iei>er appear. If this be your wish, please to 
call and see me this evening, and we can go to Rives and 
arrange the whole matter. I live at Mrs. Miller's, — it is almost 
on your way, — on F Street, where Barnard lived last session. 

Yours sincerely, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. James Buchanan. 



CHAPTER III. 
1852-1853. 

Address on Life and Death of Henry Clay, September 29, 1852 — Letters to Mrs. 
Crittenden, Mrs. Coleman, President Pierce — Letter of Edward Everett. 

MR. CRITTENDEN was invited, by the State of Kentucky, 
to deliver this address in commemoration of Henry 
Clay : 

ADDRESS ON THE LIFE AND DEATH OF HENRY CLAY, DELIVERED 
AT LOUISVILLE, SEPTEMBER 29, 1852. 

Ladies and Gentlemen, — I am very sensible of the difficulty 
and magnitude of the task which I have undertaken. 

I am to address you in commemoration of the public services 
of Henry Clay, and in celebration of his obsequies. His death 
filled his whole country with mourning, and the loss of no 
citizen, save the Father of his Country, has ever produced such 
manifestations of the grief and homage of the public heart. 
His history has indeed been read " in a nation's eyes." A nation's 
tears proclaim, with their silent eloquence, its sense of the na- 
tional loss. Kentucky has more than a common share in this 
national bereavement. To her it is a domestic grief, — to her 
belongs the sad privilege of being the chief mourner. He was 
her favorite son, her pride, and her glory. She mourns for him 
as a mother. But let her not mourn as those who have no 
hope or consolation. She can find the richest and the noblest 
solace in the memory of her son, and of his great and good 
actions; and his fame will come back, like a comforter, from 
his grave, to wipe away her tears. Even while she weeps for 
him, her tears shall be mingled with the proud feelings of tri- 
umph which his name will inspire; and Old Kentucky, from 
the depths of her affectionate and heroic heart, shall exclaim, like 
the Duke of Ormond, when informed that his brave son had 
fallen in battle, " I would not exchange my dead son for any 
living son in Christendom." From these same abundant sources 
we may hope that the widowed partner of his life, who now 
sits in sadness at Ashland, will derive some pleasing consola- 
tions. I presume not to offer any words of comfort of my own. 
Her grief is too sacred to permit me to use that privilege. 

You, sons and daughters of Kentucky, have assembled here 

(39) 



^O LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to commemorate his life and death. How can I address you 
suitably on such a theme? I feel the oppressive consciousness 
that I cannot do it in terms adequate to the subject, or to your 
excited feelings. I am no orator, nor have I come here to at- 
tempt any idle or vainglorious display of words; I come as a 
plain Kentuckian, who, sympathizing in all your feelings, pre- 
sents you with this address, as his poor offering, to be laid upon 
that altar which you are here erecting to the memory of Henry 
Clay. Let it not be judged according to its own value, but 
according to the spirit in which it is offered. It would be no 
difficult task to address you on this occasion in the extravagant 
and rhetorical language that is usual in funeral orations; but 
my subject deserves a different treatment — the monumental 
name of Henry Clay rises above all mere personal favor and 
flattery; it rejects them, and challenges the scrutiny and the judg- 
ment of the world. The noble uses to which his name should 
be applied, are to teach his countr>^, by his example, lessons 
of public virtue and political wisdom; to teach patriots and 
statesmen how to act, how to live, and how to die. I can but 
glance at a subject that spreads out in such bright and bound- 
less expanse before me. 

Henry Clay lived in a most eventful period, and the history 
of his life for forty years has been literally that of his country. 
He was so identified with the government for more than two- 
thirds of its existence, that, during that time, hardly any act 
which has redounded to its honor, its prosperity, its present 
rank among the nations of the earth, can be spoken of without 
calling to mind involuntarily the lineaments of his noble per- 
son. It would be difficult to determine whether in peace or in 
war, in the field of legislation or of diplomacy, in the spring- 
tide of his life, or in its golden ebb, he won the highest honor. 
It can be no disparagement to any one of his contemporaries to 
say that, in all the points of practical statesmanship, he en- 
countered no superior in any of the employments which his 
constituents or his countr\' conferred upon him. 

For the reason that he had been so much and so constantly 
in the public eye, an elaborate review of his life will not be ex- 
pected of me. All that I shall attempt will be to sketch a few 
leading traits, which may serve to give those who ha\'e had 
fewer opportunities of observation than I have had something 
like a just idea of his public character and services. If, in doing 
this, I speak more at large of the earlier than of the later 
periods of his life, it is because, in regard to the former, though 
of vast consequence, intervening years have thrown them some- 
what in the background. 

Passing by, therefore, the prior service of Mr. Clay in the 



COMMEMORATION OF HENRY CLAY. 41 

Senate for brief periods in 1806 and 1810-11, I come at once 
to his Speakership in the House of Representatives, and his 
consequent agency in the war of 18 12. 

To that war our country is indebted for much of the security, 
freedom, prosperity, and reputation which it now enjoys. It has 
been truly said by one of the living actors in that perilous era, 
that the very act of our going to war was heroic* By the su- 
premacy of the naval power of England the fleets of all Europe 
had been swept from the seas ; the banner of the United States 
alone floated in solitary fearlessness. She seemed to encircle 
the earth with her navies, and to be the undisputed mistress of 
the ocean. We went out upon the deep with a sling in our 
hands. When, in all time, were such fearful odds seen as we 
had against us ? 

The events of the war with England, so memorable, and 
even wonderful, are too familiar to all to require any particular 
recital on this occasion. Of that war, — of its causes and conse- 
quences, — of its disasters, its bloody battles, and its glorious 
victories by land and sea, history and our own official records 
have given a faithful narrative. A just national pride has en- 
graven that narrative upon our hearts. But even in the fiercest 
conflicts of that war, there was nothing more truly heroic than 
the declaration of it by Congress. 

Of that declaration, of the incidents, personal influences, and 
anxious deliberations which preceded and led to it, the history 
is not so well or generally known. The more it is known the 
more it will appear how important was the part that Mr. Clay 
acted, and how much we are indebted to him for all the glorious 
and beneficial issues of the declaration of that war, which has 
not inappropriately been called the Second War of Lidcpcndence. 

The public grounds of the war were the injustice, injury, and 
insults inflicted on the United States by the government of Great 
Britain, then engaged in a war of maritime edicts with France, 
of which the commerce of the United States was the victim, 
our merchant ships being captured by British cruisers on every 
sea, and confiscated by her courts, in utter contempt of the 
rights of this nation as an independent power. Added to this, 
and more offensive than even those outrages, was the arroga- 
tion, by the same power, of a right to search American vessels 
for the purpose of impressing seamen from vessels sailing under 
the American flag. These aggressions upon our national rights 
constituted, undoubtedly, justifiable cause of war. With equal 
justice on our part, and on the same grounds (impressment of 
seamen excepted), we should have been warranted in declaring 

* Hon. Mr. Rush. 



42 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

war against France also ; but common sense (not to speak of 
policy) forbade our engaging with two nations at once, and 
dictated the selection, as an adversary, of the one that had 
power, which the other had not, to carry its arbitrary edicts into 
full effect. The war was really, on our part, a war for national 
existence. 

When Congress assembled, in November, iSii, the crisis 
was upon us. But, as may be readily imagined, it could be no 
easy matter to nerve the heart of Congress, all unprepared for 
the dread encounter, to take the step, which there could be no 
retracing, of a declaration of war. 

Nor could that task, in all probability, ever have been accom- 
plished, but for the concurrence, purely accidental, of two 
circumstances : the one, the presence of Henry Clay in the 
chair of the popular branch of the national legislature ; and 
the other, that of James Monroe, as Secretary of State, in the 
executive administration of the government. 

Mr. Monroe had returned but a year or two before from a 
course of public service abroad, in which, as minister plenipo- 
tentiary, he had represented the United States at the several 
courts, in succession, of France, Spain, and Great Britain, 
From the last of these missions he had come home, thoroughly 
disgusted with the contemptuous manner in which the rights 
of the United States were treated by the belligerent powers, 
and especially by England. This treatment, which even ex- 
tended to the personal intercourse between their ministers and 
the representatives of this country, he considered as indicative 
of a settled determination on their part, presuming upon the 
supposed incapacity of this government for war, to reduce to 
system a course of conduct calculated to debase and prostrate 
us in the eyes of the world. Reasoning thus, he had brought 
his mind to a serious and firm conviction that the rights of the 
United States, as a nation, would never be respected by the 
powers of the Old World until this government summoned up 
resolution to resent such usage, not by arguments and protests 
merely, but by an appeal to arms. Full of this sentiment, Mr. 
Monroe was called, upon a casual vacancy, when it was least 
expected by himself or the country, to the head of the Depart- 
ment of State. That sentiment, and the feelings which we have 
thus accounted for, Mr. Monroe soon communicated to his 
associates in the cabinet, and, in some degree it might well be 
supposed, to the great statesman then at the head of the gov- 
ernment. 

The tone of President Madison's first message to Congress 
(November 5, 181 1), a few months only after Mr. Monroe's 
accession to the cabinet, can leave hardly a doubt in any mind 



COMMEMORATION OF HENRY CLAY. 43 

of such having been the case. That message was throughout 
of the gravest cast, reciting the aggressions and aggravations 
of Great Britain, as demanding resistance, and urging upon 
Congress the duty of putting the country " into an armor and 
attitude demanded by the crisis and corresponding with the 
national spirit and expectations." 

It was precisely at this point of time that Mr. Clay, having 
resigned his seat in the Senate, appeared on the floor of the 
House of Representatives, and was chosen, almost by acclama- 
tion. Speaker of that body. From that moment he exercised 
an influence, in a great degree personal, which materially 
affected, if it did not control, the judgment of the House. 
Among the very first acts which devolved upon him by virtue 
of his office was the appointment of the committees raised 
upon the President's message. Upon the select committee of 
nine members to which was referred " so much of the message 
as relates to our foreign relations," he appointed a large propor- 
tion from among the fast friends of the administration, nearly 
all of them being new members and younger than himself, 
though he was not then more than thirty-five years of age. It 
is impossible, at this day, to call to mind the names of which 
this committee was composed (Porter, Calhoun, and Grundy 
being the first named among them), without coming to the con- 
clusion that the committee was constituted with a view to the 
event predetermined in the mind of the Speaker. There can be 
no question that when, quitting the Senate, he entered the rep- 
resentative body, he had become satisfied that, by the continued 
encroachments of Great Britain on our national rights, the choice 
of the country was narrowed down to war or submission. Be- 
tween these there could be no hesitation in such a mind as that 
of Mr. Clay which to choose. In this emergency he acted for 
his country as he would in a like case for himself Desiring 
and cultivating the good will of all, he never shrank from any 
personal responsibility, nor cowered before any danger. More 
than a year before his accession to the House of Representa- 
tives he had, in a debate in the Senate, taken occasion to say 
that "he most sincerely desired peace and amity with England; 
that he even preferred an adjustment of all differences with her 
to one with any other nation ; but, if she persisted in a denial 
of justice to us, he trusted and hoped that all hearts would 
unite in a bold and vigorous vindication of our rights." It was 
in this brave spirit, animated to increased fervency by inter- 
vening aggressions from the same quarter, that Mr. Clay entered 
into the Hotise of Representatives. 

Early in the second month of the session, availing himself of 
the right then freely used by the Speaker to engage in discus- 



44 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

sion while the House was in committee of the whole, he dashed 
into the debates upon the measures of military and naval prep- 
aration recommended by the President and reported upon favor- 
ably by the committee. He avowed, without reserve, that the 
object of this preparation was zvar, and war with Great Britain. 
In these debates he showed his familiarity with all the 
weapons of popular oratory. In a tempest of eloquence, in 
which he wielded alternately argument, persuasion, remon- 
strance, invective, ridicule, and reproach, he swept before him 
all opposition to the high resolve to which he exhorted Con- 
gress. To the argument (for example) against preparing for a 
war with England, founded upon the idea of her being engaged, 
in her conflict with France, in fighting the battles of the world, 
he replied, that such a purpose would be best achieved by a 
scrupulous observance of the rights of others, and by respecting 
that public law which she professed to vindicate. ''Then" said 
he, "she would command the sympathies of the world. But 
what are zvc required to do by those who would engage our 
feelings and wishes in her behalf? To bear the actual cnffs of 
her arrogance, that we ma}' escape a chimerical French subjuga- 
tion. We are called upon to submit to debasement, dishonor, 
and disgrace ; to bow the neck to royal insolence, as a course 
of preparation for manly resistance to Gallic invasion ! What 
nation, what individual, was ever taught, /// the schools of igno- 
ininions submission, these patriotic lessons of freedom and inde- 
pendence ?" And to the argument that this government was 
unfit for any war but a war against invasion, — so signally since 
disproved by actual events, — he exclaimed, with characteristic 
vehemence, "What! is it not equivalent to invasion, if the 
mouths of our outlets and harbors are blocked up, and we are 
denied egress from our own waters? Or, when the burglar is 
at our door, shall we bravely sally forth and repel his felonious en- 
trance, or meanly skulk within the cells of the castle? . 
What ! shall it be said that onr amor patriae is located at these 
desks ? that we pusillaninionsly cling to our seats here, rather than 
vindicate the most inestimable rights of our country?" W'hilst 
in debate upon another occasion, at nearly the same time, he 
showed how well he could reason upon a question which de- 
manded argument rather than declamation. To his able sup- 
port of the proposition of Mr. Cheves to add to our then small 
but gallant navy ten frigates, may be ascribed the success, 
though by a lean majority, of that proposition. Reph'ing to 
the objection, urged with great zeal by certain members, that 
navies were dangerous to liberty, he argued that the source of 
this alarm was /// themselves. " Gentlemen fear," said he, "that 
if we provide a marine it will produce collision with foreign 



COMMEMORATION OF HENRY CLAY. 



45 



I 



nations, plunge us into war, and ultimately overturn the Consti- 
tution of the country. Sir, if you wish to avoid foreign collision, 
you had better abandon the ocean, surrender all your com- 
merce, give up all your prosperity. It is the thing protected, 
not the instrument of protection, that involves you in war. 
Commerce engenders collision, collision war, and war, the argu- 
ment supposes, leads to despotism. Would the counsels of that 
statesman be deemed wise who would recommend that the 
nation should be unarmed; that the art of war, the martial 
spirit, and martial exercises, should be prohibited ; who should 
declare, in a word, that the great body of the people should be 
taught that national happiness was to be found in perpetual 
peace alone?" 

While Mr. Clay, in the capitol, was, with his trumpet-tongue, 
rousing Congress to prepare for war, Mr. Monroe, then Secretary 
of State, gave his powerful co-operation, and lent the Nestor-like 
sanction of his age and experience to the bold measures of his 
young and more ardent compatriot. It was chiefly through 
their fearless influence that Congress was gradually warmed up 
to a war spirit, and to the adoption of some preparator}' measures. 
But no actual declaration of war had yet been proposed. There 
was a strong opposition in Congress, and the President, Mr, 
INIadison, hesitated to recommend it, only because he doubted 
whether Congress was yet sufficiently determined and resolved 
to maintain such a declaration, and to maintain it to all the ex- 
tremities of war. 

The influence and counsel of Mr. Clay again prevailed. He 
waited upon the President, at the head of a deputation of mem- 
bers of Congress, and assured him of the readiness of a majority 
of Congress to vote the war if recommended by him. Upon 
this the President immediately recommended it by his message 
to Congress of the first Monday of June, 1812, A bill declaring 
war with Great Britain soon followed in Congress, and, after a 
discussion in secret session for a few days, became a law. Then 
began the war. 

When the doors of the House of Representatives were opened, 
the debates which had taken place in secret session were spoken 
of and repeated, and it appeared, as must have been expected 
by all, that Mr. Clay had been the great defender and champion 
of the declaration of war. 

Mr, Clay continued in the House of Representatives for some 
time after the commencement of the war, and having assisted 
in doing all that could be done for it in the way of legislation, 
was withdrawn from his position in Congress to share in the 
deliberations of the great conference of American and British 
Commissioners held at Ghent. His part in that convention was 



46 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

such as might have been expected from his course in Congress, 
—high-toned and high-spirited, despairing of nothing. 

I need not add, but for form, that acting in this spirit, Mr. 
Clay, and his patriotic and able associates, succeeded beyond 
all the hopes at that time entertained at home, in making a 
treaty, which, in putting a stop to the war, if it did not accom- 
plish everything contended for, saved and secured, at all points, 
the honor of the United States. 

Thus began and ended the war of 1812. On our part it was 
just and necessary, and, in its results, eminently beneficial and 
honorable. 

The benefits have extended to all the world, for, in vindicat- 
ing our own maritime rights, we established the freedom of the 
seas to all nations, and since then no one of them has arrogated 
any supremacy upon that ocean given by the Almighty as the 
common and equal inheritance of all. 

To Henry Clay, as its chief mover and author, belongs the 
statesman's portion of the glory of that war; and to the same 
Henry Clay, as one of the makers and signers of the treaty by 
which it was terminated, belong the blessings of the peace- 
maker. His crown is made up of the jewels of peace and of 
war. 

Prompt to take up arms to resent our wrongs and vindicate 
our national rights, the return of peace was yet gladly hailed 
by the whole country. And well it might be. Our military 
character, at the lowest point of degradation when we dared 
the fight, had been retrieved. The national honor, insulted at 
all the courts of Europe, had been redeemed; the freedom of 
the seas secured to our flag and all who sail under it; and what 
was most influential in inspiring confidence at home, and assur- 
ing respect abroad, was the demonstration, by the result of the 
late conflict, of the competency of this government for effective 
war, as it had before proved itself for all the duties of a season 
of peace. 

The Congress which succeeded the war, to a seat in which 
Mr. Clay was elected while yet abroad, exhibited a feature of a 
national jubilee, in place of the gravity and almost gloom which 
had settled on the countenance of the same body during the 
latter part of the war and of the conference at Ghent. Joy 
shone on every face. Justly has that period been termed "the 
era of good feeling." Again placed in the chair of the House 
of Representatives, and all important questions being then con- 
sidered as in committee of the whole, in which the Speaker 
descends to the floor of the House, Mr. Clay distinguished 
himself in the debates upon every question of interest that 
came up, and was the author, during that and following Con- 



COMMEMORA TION OF HENR V CLA Y. 



47 



grasses, of more important measures than it has been the for- 
tune of any other member, either then or since, to have his 
name identified with. 

It would exceed the proper hmits of this discourse to partic- 
ularize all those measures. I can do no more than refer to a 
very few of them, which have become landmarks in the history 
of our country. 

First in order of these was his origination of the first propo- 
sition for the recognition of the independence of the states of 
South America, then struggling for liberty. This was on the 
24th of March, 181 8. It was on that day that he first formally 
presented the proposition to the House of Representatives. But 
neither the President nor Congress was then prepared for a 
measure so bold and decisive, and it was rejected by a large 
majority of the House, though advocated and urged by him 
with all the vehemence and power of his unsurpassed ability 
and eloquence. Undaunted by this defeat, he continued to 
pursue the subject with all the inflexible energy of his charac- 
ter. On the 3d of April, 1820, he renewed his proposition for 
the recognition of South American independence, and finally 
succeeded, against strong opposition, not only in passing it 
through the House of Representatives, but in inducing that 
body to adopt the emphatic and extraordinary course of send- 
ing it to the President by a committee especially appointed for 
the purpose. Of that committee Mr. Clay was the chairman, 
and, at its head, performed the duty assigned them. In the 
year 1822 Mr. Clay's noble exertions on this great subject were 
crowned with complete success by the President's formal recog- 
nition of South American independence, with the sanction of 
Congress. 

It requires some little exertiop, at this day, to turn our minds 
back and contemplate the vast importance of the revolutions 
then in progress in South America, as the subject was then 
presented, with all the uncertainties and perils that surrounded 
it. Those revolutions constituted a great movement in the 
moral and political world. By their results great interests and 
great principles throughout the civilized world, and especially 
in our own country, might, and probably would, be materially 
affected. 

Mr. Clay comprehended the crisis. Its magnitude and its 
character were suited to his temper and to his great intellect. 

He saw before him, throughout the vast continent of South 
America, the people of its various states or provinces strug- 
gling to cast off that Spanish oppression and tyranny which for 
three hundred years had weighed them down and seeking to 
reclaim and re-establish their long-lost liberty and independ- 



48 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

cncc. lie saw them not only struggling but succeeding, and 
with their naked hands breaking their chains and driving their 
oppressors before them. But the conflict was not yet over; 
Spain still continued to wage formidable and desperate hostili- 
ties against her colonies to reduce them to submission. They 
were still struggling and bleeding, and the result yet depended 
on the uncertain issues of war. 

What a spectacle was there presented to the contemplation 
of the world ! The prime object of attention and interest there 
to be seen was iiia/i bravely stnigglbig for liberty. That was 
enough for Henry Clay. His generous soul overflowed with 
sympathy. But this was not all ; there were graver and higher 
considerations that belonged to the subject, and these were all 
felt and appreciated by Mr. Clay. 

If South America was resubjugated by Spain, she would in 
effect become European and relapse into the system of European 
policy, — the system of legitimacy, monarchy, and absolutism. 
On the other hand, if she succeeded in establishing her inde- 
pendence, \\\Q. principle of free institutions would be established 
with it, and republics, kindred to our own, would rise up to 
protect, extend, and defend the rights and liberties of mankind. 

It was not, then, a mere struggle between Spain and her col- 
onies. In its consequences, at least, it went much further, and, 
in effect, was a contest between the great antagonist principles 
and systems of arbitrary European governments and of free 
American governments. Whether the millions of people who 
inhabited, or were to inhabit, South America, were to become 
the victims and the instruments of the 7\.x\i\\x2ecy principle, or the 
supporters of the free principle, was a question of momentous 
consequence now and in all time to come. 

With these views, Mr. Cls^y, from sympathy and policy, 
embraced the cause of South American independence. He 
proposed no actual intervention in her behalf, but he wished to 
aid her with all the moral power and encouragement that could 
be given by a welcome recognition of her by the goVernment 
of the United States. 

To him belongs the distinguished honor of being the first 
among the statesmen of the world to espouse and plead the 
cause of South America, and to propose and urge the recogni- 
tion of her independence. And his own country is indebted 
to him for the honor of being the first nation to offer that 
recognition. 

When the magnitude of the subject, and the weighty inter- 
est and consequences attached to it, are considered, it seems to 
me that there is no more palmy day in the life of Mr. Clay than 
that in which, at the head of his committee, he presented to the 



COMMEMORATION OF HENRY CLAY. 



49 



President the resolution of the House of Representatives in 
favor of the recognition of South American independence. 

On that occasion he appears in all the sublimity of his nature, 
and the statesman, invested with all the sympathies and feelings 
of humanity, is enlarged and elevated into the character of the 
friend and guardian of universal liberty. 

How far South America may have been aided or influenced 
in her struggles by the recognition of our government, or by 
the noble appeals which Mr. Clay had previously addressed, in 
her behalf, to Congress and to the world, we cannot say; but it 
is known that those speeches were read at the head of her 
armies, and that grateful thanks were returned. It is not too 
much to suppose that he exercised great and, perhaps, decisive 
influence in her affairs and destinies. 

Years after the first of Mr. Clay's noble exertions in the cause 
of South America, and some time after those exertions had led 
the government of the United States to recognize the new 
States of South America, they were also recognized by the 
government of Great Britain, and Mr. Canning, her minister, 
thereupon took occasion to say, in the House of Commons, 
"there (alluding to South America) I have called a new world 
into existence !" That was a vain boast. If it can be said of 
any man, it must be said of Henry Clay, that he called that 
"new world into existence."* 

Mr. Clay was the father of the policy of internal improve- 
ment by the general government. The expediency of such 
legislation had, indeed, been suggested, in one of his later 
annual messages to Congress, by President Jefferson, and that 
suggestion was revived by President Madison in the last o^ his 
annual messages. The late Bank of the United States having 
been then just established, a bill passed, in supposed conformity 
to Mr. Madison's recommendation, for setting aside the annual 
bonus, to be paid by the bank, as a fund for the purposes of in- 
ternal improvement. This bill Mr. Madison very unexpectedly, 
on the last day of the term of his office, returned to the House 
of Representatives without his signature, assigning the reasons 
for his withholding it, — reasons which related rather to the form 
than the substance, — and recommending an amendment to the 
Constitution to confer upon Congress the necessary power to 
carry out that policy. The bill of course fell through for that 
session. Whilst this bill was on its passage, Mr. Clay had 
spoken in favor of it, declaring his own decided opinion in favor 
of the constitutionality and expediency of the measure. Mr. 
Monroe, immediately succeeding Mr. Madison in the Presidency, 

* See Mr. Rush's letter to Mr. Clay, vol. i. Collins's Life of Henry Clay. 
VOL. II. — 4 



50 LIFE OF JOHN J, CRITTENDEN. 

introduced into his first annual message a declaration, in ad- 
vance of any proposition on the subject, of a settled conviction 
on his mind that Congress did not possess the right to enter 
upon a system of internal improvement. But for this declara- 
tion, it may be doubted that the subject would have been again 
agitated so soon after Mr. Madison's veto. The threat of a 
recurrence to that resort by the new President roused up a 
spirit of defiance in the popular branch of Congress, and espe- 
cially in the lion heart of Mr. Clay; and by his advice and 
counsel a resolution was introduced declaring that Congress //<?.? 
power, under the Constitution, to make appropriations for the 
construction of military roads, post-roads, and canals. Upon 
this proposition, in committee of the whole House, Mr. Clay 
attacked, with all his powers of argument, wit, and raillery, the 
interdiction in the message. 

He considered that the question was now one between the 
executive on the one hand, and the representatives of the peo- 
ple on the other, and that it was so understood by the country; 
that if, by the communication of his opinion to Congress, the 
President intended to prevent discussion, he had "most wofully 
failed;" that in having (Mr. Clay had no doubt the best motives) 
volunteered \\\s opinion upon the subject, he had "inverted the 
order of legislation by beginning where it should end;" and, 
after an able and unanswerable argument on the question of the 
power, concluded by saying, " If ive do nothing this session but 
pass an abstract resolution on the subject, I shall, under all cir- 
cumstances, consider it a triumph for the best interest of the 
country, of which posterity will, if we do not, reap the benefit." 
And the abstract resolution did pass by a vote of 90 to 75 ; and 
a triumpli it was which Mr. Clay had every right to consider 
as his own, and all the more grateful to his feelings because he 
had hardly hoped for it. 

Referring on the final success, at a distance of thirty-five 
years, of the principle thus established, in the recent passage by 
Congress of the act for the improvement of certain of the ports 
and harbors and navigable rivers of the country, let "posterity" 
not forget, on this occasion, to what honored name is undoubt- 
edly due the credit of the first legislative assertion of the power. 
Mr. Clay was, perhaps, the only man since Washington, who 
could have said, with entire truth, as he did, " I had rather be 
right tJian be President." Honor and patriotism were his great 
and distinguishing traits. The first had its spring and support 
in his fearless spirit; the second in his peculiar Americanism 
of sentiment. It was those two principles which ever threw his 
whole soul into every contest where the public interest was 
deeply involved, and above all, into every question which in the 



COMMEMORATION OF HENRY CLAY. 



51 



least menaced the integrity of the Union. This last was, with 
him, tJie Ark of the Covenant; and he was ever as ready to peril 
his own life in its defense as he was to pronounce the doom of 
a traitor on any one who would dare to touch it with hostile 
hands. It was the ardor of this devotion to his country, and to 
the sheet-anchor of its liberty and safety, the union of the 
States, that rendered him so conspicuous in every conflict that 
threatened either the one or the other with harm. All are 
familiar with his more recent, indeed, his last, great struggle for 
his countr}% when the foundations of the Union trembled under 
the fierce sectional agitation, so happily adjusted and pacified 
by the wise measures of compromise which he proposed in the 
Senate, and which were, in the end, in substance adopted. That 
brilliant epoch in his history is fresh in the memory of all who 
hear me, and never will be forgotten by them. An equally 
glorious success, achieved by his patriotism, his resoluteness, 
and the great power of his oratory, was one which few of this 
assembly are old enough vividly to remember; but which, in 
the memory of those who witnessed the effort, and the success 
of that greatest triumph of his master-spirit, will ever live the 
most interesting in the life of the great statesman. I mean the 
Missouri controversy. Then, indeed, did common courage 
quail, and hope seemed to sink before the storm that burst upon 
and threatened to overwhelm the Union. 

Into the history of what is familiarly known as the " Mis- 
souri Question," it is not necessary, if time would allow, that I 
should enter at any length. The subject of the controversy, as 
all my hearers know, was the disposition of the House of Re- 
presentatives, manifested on more than one occasion, and by 
repeated votes, to require — as a condition of the admission of 
the Territory of Missouri into the Union as a State — the per- 
petual prohibition of the introduction of slavery into the Terri- 
tories of the United States west of the Mississippi. During 
the conflict to which this proposition gave rise in 1820, the de- 
bates were from the beginning earnest, prolonged, and excited. 
In the early stages of them Mr. Clay exerted to the utmost his 
powers of argument, conciliation, and persuasion, speaking, on 
one occasion, it is stated, for four and a half hours without in- 
termission. A bill finally passed both houses, authorizing the 
people of the Territory of Missouri to form a constitution of 
State government, with the prohibition of slavery restricted to 
the territory lying north of 36 deg. 30 min. of north latitude. 

This was in the first session of the Sixteenth Congress, Mr. 
Clay still being Speaker of the House. On the approach of 
the second session of this Congress, Mr. Clay, being compelled 
by his private affairs to remain at home, forwarded his resigna- 



52 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tion as Speaker, but retained his scat as a member, In view of 
the pendency of this question. Mr. Taylor, of New York, the 
zealous advocate of the prohibition of slavery in Missouri and 
elsewhere in the West, was chosen Speaker to succeed Mr. 
Clay. This fact, of itself, under all the circumstances, was 
ominous of what was to follow. Alarmed, apparently, at this 
aspect of things, Mr. Clay resumed his seat in the House on 
the 1 6th of January, 1821. The constitution formed by Mis- 
souri and transmitted to Congress, under the authority of the 
act passed in the preceding session, contained a provision 
(superfluous even for its own object) making it the duty of the 
General Assembly, as soon as might be, to pass an act to pre- 
vent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to or settling in 
the State of Missouri " upon any pretext whatever." The re- 
ception of the constitution with this offensive provision in it 
was the signal of discord apparently irreconcilable, when, just 
as it had risen to its height, Mr. Clay, on the i6th of January, 
1 82 1, resumed his seat in the House of Representatives. Less 
than six weeks of the term of Congress then remained. The 
great hold which he had upon the affections, as well as the 
respect, of all parties induced upon his arrival a momentary 
lull in the tempest. He at once engaged earnestly and solicit- 
ously in counsel with all parties in this alarming controversy, 
and on the 2d of February moved the appointment of a com- 
mittee of thirteen members to consider the subject. The report 
of that committee, after four days of conference, in which the 
feelings of all parties had clearly been consulted, notwithstand- 
ing it was most earnestly supported by Mr. Clay in a speech of 
such power and pathos as to draw tears from many hearers, 
was rejected by a vote of 83 nays to 80 yeas. No one, not a 
witness, can conceive the intense excitement which existed at 
this moment within and without the walls of Congress, aggra- 
vated as it was by the arrival of the day for counting the elec- 
toral votes for President and Vice-President, among which 
was tendered the vote of Missouri as a State, though not yet 
admitted as such. Her vote was disposed of by being counted 
hy[)othctically, that is to say, that unth the vote of Missouri, 
the then state of the general vote would be so and so ; zvithoiit 
it, so and so. If her vote, admitted, would have changed the 
result, no one can pretend to say how disastrous the conse- 
quences might not have been. 

On ]\Ir. Clay alone now rested the hopes of all rational and 
dispassionate men for a final adjustment of this question; and 
one week only, with three days of grace, remained of the exist- 
ence of that Congress. On the 2 2d of the month, Mr. Clay 
made a last effort, by moving the appointment of a joint com- 



COMMEMORA TION OF HENR V CLA V. 



53 



mittee of the two houses, to consider and report whether It was 
expedient or not to make provision for the admission of Mis- 
souri into the Union on the same footing of the original States; 
and, if not, whether any other provision, adapted to her actual 
condition, ought to be made by law. The motion was agreed 
to, and a committee of twenty-three members appointed by bal- 
lot under it. The report by that committee (a modification of 
the previously rejected report) was ratified by the House, but by 
the close vote of 87 to 8 1. The Senate concurred, and so this 
distracting question was at last settled, with an acquiescence in 
it by all parties, which has never been since disturbed. 

I have already spoken of this as the great triumph of Mr. 
Clay ; I might have said, the greatest civil triumph ever achieved 
by mortal man. It was one towards which the combination of 
the highest ability and the most commanding eloquence would 
have labored in vain. There would still have been wanting the 
ardor, the vehemence, the impetuousness of character of Henry 
Clay, under the influence of which he sometimes overleaped all 
barriers, and carried his point literally by storm. One incident 
of this kind is well remembered in connection with the Missouri 
question. It was in an evening sitting, whilst this question was 
yet in suspense. Mr. Clay had made a motion to allow one or 
two members to vote who had been absent when their names 
were called. The Speaker (Mr. Taylor), who, to a naturally 
equable temperament, added a most provoking calmness of 
manner when all around him was excitement, blandly stated, 
for the information of the gentleman, that the motion " was not 
in order." Mr. Clay then moved to suspend the rule forbidding 
it, so as to allow him to make the motion ; but the Speaker, 
with 'imperturbable serenity, informed him that, according to 
the rules and orders, such a motion could not be received 
without the unanimous consent of the House. "77/r;/," said 
Mr. Clay, exerting his voice even beyond its highest wont, "/ 
move to suspend all tJie rules of the House ! Azvay zvith tlieni ! 
Is it to be endured, that we shall be trammeled in our action 
by mere forms and technicalities at a moment like this, when 
the peace, and perhaps the existence, of this Union is at stake ?" 

Besides those to which I have alluded, Mr. Clay performed 
many other signal public services, which would have Illustrated 
the character of any other American statesman. Among these 
we cannot refrain from mentioning his measures for the protec- 
tion of American Industry, and his compromise measure of 1833, 
by which the country was relieved from the dangers and agita- 
tions produced by the doctrine and spirit of "nullification." 
Indeed, his name is identified with all the great measures of 
government during the long period of his public life. But the 



54 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

occasion does not permit me to proceed further with this review 
of his public services. History will record them to his honor, 

Henry Clay was indebted to no adventitious circumstances 
for the success and glory of his life. Sprung from an humble 
stock, "he was fashioned to much honor from his cradle;" and 
he achieved it by the noble use of the means which tjod and 
nature had given him. He was no scholar, and had none of 
the advantages of collegiate education. But there was a 
"divinity that stirred within him." He was a man of a genius 
mighty enough to supply all the defects of education. By its 
keen, penetrating obseivation, its quick apprehension, its com- 
prehensive and clear conception, he gathered knowledge without 
the study of books ; he could draw it from the fountain-head, — 
pure and undefiled ; it was unborrowed ; the acquisition of his 
own observation, reflection, and experience ; and all his own. 
It entered into the composition of the man, forming part of his 
mind, and strengthening and preparing him for all those great 
scenes of intellectual exertion or controversy in which his life 
was spent. His armor was always on, and he was ever ready 
for the battle. 

This mighty genius was accompanied, in him, by all the 
qualities necessary to sustain its action, and to make it most 
irresistible. His person was tall and commanding, and his de- 
meanor — 

" Lofty nnd sour to them that loved him not ; 
But to those men tliat sought him sweet as summer." 

He was direct and honest, ardent and fearless, prompt to form 
his opinions, always bold in their avowal, and sometimes im- 
petuous or even rash in their vindication. In the performance 
of his duties he feared no responsibility. He scorned all eva- 
sion of untruth. No pale thoughts ever troubled his decisive 
mind. 

" Be just and fear not" was the sentiment of his heart and 
the principle of his action. It regulated his conduct in private 
and public life ; all the ends he aimed at were his country's, his 
God's, and truth's. 

Such was Henry Clay, and such were his talents, qualities, 
and objects. Nothing but success and honor could attend such 
a character. We have adverted briefly to some portions of his 
public life. For nearly half a century he was an informing 
spirit, brilliant and heroic figure in our political sphere, mar- 
shaling our country in the way she ought to go. The "bright 
track of his fiery car" may be traced through the whole space 
over which in his day his country and its government have 
passed in the way to greatness and renown. It will still point 
the way to further greatness and renown. 



COMMEMORA TION OF HENR V CLA V. 



55 



The great objects of his public life were to preserve and 
strengthen the Union, to maintain the Constitution and laws 
of the United States, to cherish industry, to protect labor, and 
to facilitate, by all proper national improvements, the communi- 
cation between all the parts of our widely-extended country. 
This was his American system of policy. With inflexible pa- 
triotism he pursued and advocated it to his end. He was every 
inch an American. His heart and all that there was of him were 
devoted to his country, to its liberty, and its free institutions. 
He inherited the spirit of the Revolution in the midst of which 
he was born ; and the love of liberty and the pride of freedom 
were in him principles of action. 

A remarkable trait in the character of Mr. Clay was his in- 
flexibility in defending the public interest against all schemes 
for its detriment. His exertions were, indeed, so steadily 
employed and so often successful in protecting the public 
against the injurious designs of visionary politicians or party 
demagogues, that he may be almost said to have been, during 
forty years, the guardian angel of the country. He never would 
compromise the public interest for anybody, or for any personal 
advantage to himself 

He was the advocate of liberty throughout the world, and 
his voice of cheering was raised in behalf of every people who 
struggled for freedom. Greece, awakened from a long sleep 
of servitude, heard his voice, and was reminded of her own 
Demosthenes. South America, too, in her struggle for inde- 
pendence, heard his brave words of encouragement, and her 
fainting heart was animated and her arm made strong. 

Henry Clay is the fair representative of the age in which he 
lived, — an age which forms the greatest and brightest era in 
the histor}'- of man, — an age teeming with new discoveries and 
developments, extending in all directions the limits of human 
knowledge, exploring the agencies and elements of the physical 
world and turning and subjugating them to the uses of man, 
unfolding and establishing practically the great principles of 
popular rigJits and free governments, and which, nothing doubt- 
ing, nothing fearing, still advances in majesty, aspiring to, and 
demanding further improvement and further amelioration of the 
condition of mankind. 

With the chivalrous and benignant spirit of this great era 
Henry Clay was thoroughly imbued. He was, indeed, moulded 
by it and made in its own image. That spirit, be it remem- 
bered, was not one of licentiousness, or turbulence, or blind 
innovation. It was a wise spirit, good and honest as it was 
resolute and brave; and truth and justice were its companions 
and guides. 



56 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

These noble qualities of truth and justice were conspicuous in 
the whole public life of Henry Clay. On that solid foundation 
he stood erect and fearless ; and when the storms of state beat 
around and threatened to overwhelm him, his exclamation was 
still heard, " truth is mighty and public justice certain." What 
a magnificent and heroic figure does Henry Clay here present 
to the world ! We can but stand before and look upon it in 
silent reverence. His appeal was not in vain; the passions of 
party subsided; truth and justice resumed their sway, and his 
generous countrymen repaid him for all the wrong they had 
done him with gratitude, affection, and admiration in his life 
and tears for his death. 

It has been objected to Henry Clay that he was ambitious. 
So he was. But in him ambition was virtue. It sought only 
the proper, fair objects of honorable ambit-ion, and it sought 
these by honorable means only, — by so serving the country as 
to deserve its favors and its honors. If he sought office, it was 
for the purpose of enabling him by the power it would give, to 
serve his country more effectually and pre-eminently ; and, if 
he expected and desired thereby to advance his own fame, who 
will say that was a fault ? Who will say that it was a fault to 
seek and desire office for any of the personal gratifications it 
may afford, so long as those gratifications arc made subordinate 
to the public good ? 

That Henry Clay's object in desiring office was to serve his' 
country, and that he would have made all other considerations 
subservient, I have no doubt. I knew him well ; I had full op- 
portunity of observing him in his most unguarded moments and 
conversations, and I can say that I have never known a more 
unselfish, a more faithful or intrepid representative ofthe/'r<3/'/^,of 
the people's rights, and the people's interests, than Henry Clay. 

It was most fortunate for Kentucky to have such a representa- 
tive, and most fortunate for him to have such a constituent as 
Kentucky, — fortunate for him to have been thrown, in the early 
and susceptible period of his life, into the primitive society of 
her bold and free people. As one of her children, 1 am pleased 
to think that from that source he derived some of that magna- 
nimity and energy which his after-life so signally displayed. I 
am pleased to think, that, mingling with all his great qualities, 
there was a sort o{ KLiitiickyisDi (I shall not undertake to define 
it) which, though it may not have polished or refined, gave to 
them additional point and power, and free scope of action. 

Mr. Clay was a man of profound judgment and strong will. 
He never doubted or faltered ; all his qualities were positive 
and peremptory, and to his convictions of public duty he sacri- 
ficed every personal consideration. 



LETTER TO MRS. A. M. COLEMAN. 



57 



With but little knowledge of the rules of logic, or of rhetoric, 
he was a great debater and orator. There was no art in his 
eloquence, — no studied contrivances of language. It was the 
natural outpouring of a great and ardent intellect. In his 
speeches there were none of the trifles of mere fancy and imagi- 
nation ; all was to the subject in hand, and to the purpose ; and 
they may be regarded as great actions of the mind, rather than 
fine displays of words. I doubt whether the eloquence of De- 
mosthenes or Cicero ever exercised a greater influence over the 
minds or passions of the people of Athens and of Rome, than 
did Mr. Clay's over the minds and passions of the people of the 
United States. 

You all knew Mr. Clay; your knowledge and recollection 
of him will present him more vividly to your minds than any 
picture I can draw of him. This I will add : He was, in the 
highest, truest sense of the term, a great man, and we ne'er 
shall look upon his like again. He has gone to join the mighty 
dead in another and better world. How little is there of such 
a man that can die ? His fame, the memory of his benefactions, 
the lessons of his wisdom, all remain with us; over these death 
has no power. 

How few of the great of this world have been so fortunate as 
he? How few of them have lived to see their labors so rewarded? 
He lived to see the country that he loved and served advanced 
to great prosperity and renown, and still advancing. He lived 
till every prejudice which, at any period of his life had existed 
against him, was removed ; and until he had become the object 
of the reverence, love, and gratitude of his whole country. 
His work seemed then to be completed, and fate could not have 
selected a happier moment to remove him from the troubles and 
vicissitudes of this life. 

Glorious as his life was, there was nothing that became him 
like the leaving of it. I saw him frequently during the slow 
and lingering disease which terminated his life. He was con- 
scious of his approaching end, and prepared to meet it with all 
the resignation and fortitude of a Christian hero. He was all 
patience, meekness, and gentleness ; these shone round him like 
a mild, celestial light, breaking upon him from another world, 

" And, to add greater honors to his age 
Than man could give, he died fearing God." 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter Mrs, A. M. Coleman.) 

Washington, January 24, 1853. 
My dear Daughter, — I received, a few days ago, your letter 
from New York, and was pleased to hear of your safe arrival at 
that place. We are all awaiting with some anxiety to see you 



c8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

here, and I hope your stay in New York will not be prolonged 
be}'ond the period you have fixed, — this day week. That would 
not allow you more than time to get here and rest for Mrs. 
Burnley's great party, at which she wishes Florence and your- 
self to be present, and which she has postponed for that purpose 
to the 3d. This will be a much more agreeable place for you, 
at this time, than New York, excepting only the society of Mrs. 
Starling, and I presume, from >'our wdl-knozvu gifts, that you 
and she in less than a week might, in sailor phrase, " have spun 
all your yarns," long as they may be. As soon as that work is 
done, I think you had better come at once to Washington. I 
send a check for a hundred dollars as a present for Florry, and 
as an acceptable addition, I hope, to her outfit for her present 
mission. ]3urnleys are well and impatiently expecting you. 

Your father, 
Mrs. Ann Mary Coleman. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Hon. Edward Everett to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Department of State, February 26, 1853 
My dear Colleague, — I informed General Pierce that you 
propose to tender your resignation on the 4th of March, but 
that if he desires it, you are willing to continue to act till your 
successor is appointed. He stated in reply that he would be 
gratified to have you pursue this course. 

Having been requested to prepare a form of resignation to be 
used by all the members of President Fillmore's cabinet, I trans- 
mit you the inclosed. If it meets your approbation, please sign 
and return it to mc. I will see that it is placed in General 
Pierce's hands at the proper time. 

I remain with much regard, sincerely yours, 

Edward Everett. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Franklin Pierce to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Executive Mansion, March 4, 1853. 
Sir, — I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your 
letter of this date, tendering to me the resignation of your office 
as Attorney-General, and expressing your readiness to continue 
in the disciiarge of your official duties until a successor shall 
have been appointed. 

I highly appreciate the considerations of courtesy and of 
public duty which induced this act, and with great satisfaction 
avail myself of your proffered service. 

I am very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Franklin Pierce. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden, 

Attorney-General, 



LETTERS TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 



59 



(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Indianapolis, November 29, 1853. 

My dear Wife, — I wrote to you last night, and without re- 
membering exactly the contents, I fear it was too much of a 
love letter. I must avoid such transgressions as far as possible. 
Indeed, I am not now in the melting mood, but rather out of 
humor. The case in court, which delays mine, and was ex- 
pected to be concluded to-day, has been conducted so tediously 
that it is still under trial, and will consume to-morrow. In 
addition to this I learn to-night that the adversary lawyers will 
continue my case when it is called, and so I may have to return 
without doing anything. My spirit is vexed with all this, 
though, as you know, I am a very pleasant and amiable man. 
Am i not ? I must wait till to-morrow to see if my cause is 
continued. If it is, I will be with you the next day, if not, I 
shall be detained till Saturday. In the mean time enjoy your- 
self and be happy, — happy as a gay young widow can be. I 
am well, but feel solitary without you. Believe me that I love 
)"ou with all my heart. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. Elizabeth Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Indianapolis, December 2, 1853. 

My dear Wife, — This evening I am without a letter from 
you. Something has prevented your writing. I mean no chid- 
ing about it, but only that I have lost that greatest pleasure 
which is now my daily anticipation, — a letter from you. I have 
been all day, from half-past eight o'clock till dark, engaged in 
my case, and we are not yet through with the evidence on the 
part of the plaintiff Be patient ; the delay will only add to the 
pleasure of our meeting. I will be back as soon as possible, 
and, I hope, with a good fee. In the mean time be cheerful and 
happy. God bless and preserve my own dear wife. 

Your husband, 

Mrs. Elizabeth Crittenden. J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER IV. 
1853-1854. 

Letters — Moses Grinnell — Archibald Dixon — Reply of Mr. Crittenden— Critters- 
den to Presley Ewing — Tom Corwin— R. J. Ward — General Scott — Crittenden 
to his Wife. 

(Moses Grinnell to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, February 22, 1854. 

MY DEAR SIR, — I was delighted this morning on taking 
up the Eiiqiiinr to see that you have taken a bold stand 
on the right side in reference to the Nebraska bill. You know 
that I am no abolitionist; but I do think this scheme of Doug- 
las the most villainous one ever presented to Congress. In my 
opinion any man who votes for the bill will be politically used 
up at the North. I rejoice (and I have heard the same senti- 
ment from many others to-day) that you adhere to the same 
principles so long sustained by Clay and Webster. The great 
American public will sustain you in the support of principles 
so sound and just. Excuse the liberty I have taken in saying 
this. It is just what I feel, and I am like ninety in a hundred 
on this subject in this community. 

Yours truly, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. M. H. Grinnell. 

(Hon. Archibald Dixon to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, February 7, 1854. 
Dear Sir, — The bill to organize the Territories of Nebraska 
and Kansas, with a provision to repeal the Missouri Compro- 
mise act, will pass the Senate by a very large majority. Every 
Whig senator, I believe, from the slaveholding States will vote 
for it, and from all I can learn it will receive the unanimous 
vote of all the Whigs from the slave States in the other branch 
of Congress, and will doubtless become a law. There is a feel- 
ing here among the Whigs to run you for the Presidency. In 
this desire I fully participate, and write this to beg you. in the 
speech you make on the i6th, not to commit yourself particu- 
larly on this question. I do not wish you to embarrass your- 
self either North or South. 

Believe me your friend, 

Archibald Dixon. 
(60) 



LETTER TO ARCHIBALD DIXON, 6 1 

t 

(J. J. Crittenden to Archibald Dixon.) 

Frankfort, March 7, 1854. 

My dear Sir, — I am much obliged by your letter of 7th of 
February, and thank you for the information and kind sugges- 
tions it contains. I fully appreciate the frank and friendly 
spirit in which it was written. 

You tell me there is a feeling among the Whigs at Washing- 
ton " to run me for the Presidency, and that you fully partici- 
pate in that feeling." I am grateful and proud to be held in 
such estimation by my friends ; but I beg you to be assured 
that I entertain no expectation and no aspiration to become a 
candidate for the Presidency. No ambition for that high office 
troubles me. In the speech which I made on the i6th of last 
month I did not allude to the Nebraska bill. The festive occa- 
sion — a public dinner — on which it was made did not require 
me to speak on that subject. Besides, I had no inclination to 
make any public parade of my opinions, as though they were 
of consequence. On the other hand, I had no motive or wish 
to conceal them. I have not, therefore, hesitated here, in private 
circles, when it happened to become the subject of conversa- 
tion, to express my views without reserve. I stated these Views 
to the Hon. Presley Ewing, now at Washington, in a tele- 
graphic reply to an inquiry which he had addressed to me 
from that place a few days ago. I will now, with the same 
readiness and frankness, state them briefly to you, without pro- 
longing this letter by explanations and arguments. 

Considering the question as an open one, it seems to me 
clear that Congress ought to leave it to the people of the Terri- 
tories, preparing to enter the Union as States, to form their 
constitutions in respect to slavery as they may please, and 
ought to admit them into the Union whether they have ad- 
mitted or excluded slavery ; but that question, it seems to me, 
can scarcely be considered as an open one. 

The country has long rested in the belief that it is settled by 
the Missouri Compromise, so far as it respects all the territory 
embraced by it, and of which Nebraska and Kansas are parts. 
I hope, however, that the North may consent to yield that com- 
promise, and concur in substituting the principle of the Ne- 
braska bill for the rule fixed by the Missouri Compromise. But 
without such a concurrence of Northern representatives as 
would fairly manifest the assent of the North to such substitu- 
tion, I do not think the South ought to disregard or urge the 
repeal of that compromise to which she was a party. 

The Missouri Compromise has long been considered as a sort 
of landmark in our political progress. It does not appear to 
me that it has ever been superseded or abrogated ; and I think 



62 LIFE, OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



it is to be apprehended that its repeal, without sincere concur- 
rence of the North, will be productive of serious agitations and 
disturbances. 

That concurrence will relieve the subject from difficulty, as 
the parties to compromise have an undoubted right to set it 
aside at their pleasure. By such a course it seems to me the 
North would lose nothing, and would but afford another evi- 
dence of her wisdom and her patriotism. This, however, is a 
subject for her own consideration. 

The great interest of the country requires that we should 
avoid, as far as possible, all agitation of the slavery question. 

To use the language of Mr. Jefferson, " it sounds like a fire- 
bell at midnight." I am now, as I always have been, disposed 
to abide and stand by any past or future compromise or settle- 
ment of that question, provided it be only tolerably just and 
equal, not dishonorable, rather than to hazard the mischiefs of 
continued and corroding agitation. For these reasons I was 
content with the present compromises and regretted their dis- 
turbance. For the same reason I would maintain, for the sake 
of quiet, any different compromise or settlement that may be 
now or hereafter made, if not dishonorable or grossly unfair. 
This course, it seems to me, is demanded no less by the interest 
of the slaveholding States than for the tranquillity of the Union 
and its safety. 

I have thus, sir, endeavored to give you an imperfect sketch of 
my views on the subject of the Nebraska bill. It will enable 
you to discover by comparison how far I differ in opinion with 
you and our other friends in Washington. Whatever these dif- 
ferences may be, they shall on my part be only differences of 
opinion. They will never disturb my general relations, per- 
sonal or political, to you or to them. I will only add, sir, that 
if the Nebraska bill, with its repeal of the " Missouri Couipro- 
viise" shall pass, my hope and wish is that it may prove by its 
consequences the correctness of your views, and its results may 
be as beneficial to the country as your purposes and intentions, 
I am sure, have been upright and patriotic. 

I am your friend, 

Hon. Archibald Dixon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Presley Ewing.) 

Frankfort, March 6, 1S54. 
In reply to telegraph, I am clear that Congress ought to 
leave it to the States preparing for admission into the Union to 
form their constitutions in respect to slavery as they please. 

Hope the North may concur in substituting this principle for 
the rule fixed by the Missouri Compromise. But without such 



• 



LETTER FROM HON. TOM COR WIN. 63 

numerical concurrence of Northern representatives as would 
fairly indicate the assent of the North to such substitution, / 
don't think the South ought to disregard that compromise, to 
which it was a party. 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Hon. Presley Ewing, Washington City. 

(Hon. Tom Corwin to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lebanon, March 10, 1854. 
Dear Sir, — I received a letter a few days since from Mr. 
Hodge, of Washington City, in which he requested me to ad- 
dress you on the subject of politics. I thought this absurd, but 
nevertheless I am about to comply. I know nothing about 
politics as they now exist. I do not even understand the pres- 
ent position of those with whom I had for twenty years been 
intimately associated in public life. Do you ? Do you really 
know your own status in regard to some dogmas recently put 
forward as tests of political orthodoxy ? Indeed, this last is all 
I am requested by Mr. Hodge to ascertain. He, Hodge, insists 
(and says that he has so written to you) that the next President 
must of necessity be some Southern man who opposes the ex- 
pressed or implied repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Yo7i 
have been gazetted as opposed to Douglas's Nebraska bill. I 
have no right to suppose this to be upon your authority, b2it 
had rather inferred from my knowledge of your general opin- 
ions on such subjects that you would choose to consider the 
compromise of 1850 as _/f;/(^/ and as not having affected in any 
way the act admitting Missouri into the Union. / have not 
examined the subject, and therefore do not pretend to any 
opinion which ought to regulate my own judgment, and I do 
not intend to examine it or think ten minutes about it. I only 
wish to say that I should think, if the people of the North do 
really care about this matter, that any man in your position 
who might agree with them would be very likely to be their 
choice for the office of President. You will not infer, my dear sir, 
from what I have here written that I intend to insult your judg- 
ment or sensibilities by the supposition that you desire to be a 
cajididate for that once dignified and really important station. 
I could not advise any friend whom I love and respect to take 
such a position, even if he were certain he would succeed with- 
out the usual struggle, committals, etc. But other and better 
men differ with me on this subject, and you know that many — 
very majiy — desire you to allow yourself to be made President 
of this model republic, /should rejoice to see it. For this 
reason alone I have complied with the request of Hodge to 



• 



64 LIFE OF yOHN % CRITTENDEN. 

question you on this most vexatious subject. I do not wish 
your opinion on the Nebraska business to be made known to 
me ; but I suppose Hodge wants you, iii some ivay, to proclaim 
your opposition to it, with a view to make it subserve the pur- 
pose of your election in '56. I cannot advise you on this point, 
for I have no well-considered opinions concerning it myself. 
Of one thing only I am certain, — tJiat is, whether you zxo. pro or 
con, candidate or not, I shall always honormyselfhy claiming to 
be one among those who are your sincere friends. 

Tom Corwin. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. J. Ward to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Louisville, March 18, 1854. 

My dear Sir, — I write to thank you most gratefully for your 
kind letter to Matt. It had been sent to him at Elizabethtown 
before I reached home, but I learn its contents from Mrs. Ward, 
and she begs me to say that no words can express the feeling 
with which she read it. In behalf of my son I accept your 
generous offer, and I shall expect you to be in Hardin on the 
third Monday in April, the i6th day of the month. In the 
mean time my son will send you an abstract of the testimony, 
that you may be prepared for one of your greatest efforts. You 
were the first person I thought of to defend my son. For 
reasons perhaps already explained to you, I postponed the ap- 
plication till my return from New Orleans. I am glad I did so, 
because it has given another proof of that noble, warm, and 
abiding friendship which has distinguished you through life. 

I can never forget your kindness, nor will any member of 
my family. 

Faithfully yours, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. J. Ward. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, March 21, 1S54. 
Dear Crittenden, — In a long life, not without some pleasing 
incidents, I have very rarely been so much gratified as at the 
receipt of your letter, inclosing the resolution of the Kentucky 
legislature (adopted unanimously) recommending the passage 
by Congress of the pending bill for giving me the rank of lieu- 
tenant-gcncral. The source of this compliment, and the chan- 
nel of communication under it, render it very dear to me. In- 
deed, it is probable that the resolution may, as was intended, 
prove to be more than an empty compliment, by stimulating 
the branch of Congress that has yet to act, before I can receive 



LETTER FROM GEAERAL SCOTT. 65 

the additional rank, pay, and emoluments. Not a Kentuckian 
(and not a Whig) in the present Congress has voted against 
me ; but, on the test-question to lay the dill on the table, Gray, 
Boyd, Chrisman, and Elliot were silent or absent. Dining with 
a large party the day that I received your letter, I chanced to 
mention to a leading Whig the Kentucky compliment, when it 
instantly occurred to him that the legislature of New York 
might follow that noble lead. He asked me for the resolution, 
and some notes, and I have no doubt that my friend (your po- 
litical friend), Benjamin D. Sillima-n, followed up his good inten- 
tions.^ The legislature of New York has bestowed upon me 
two signal compliments, with exactly an interval of a third of 
a century between them. My bill is held back, that it may not 
be swamped in the whirlpool of passion created by the Ne- 
braska question. God grant that the revival of the slavery 
question may not dissolve the Union. The excitement caused 
by the coiuproinise measures had nearly died out, and I was in 
favor of letting well enough alone. When you return to the 
Senate I shall begin to regret having left Washington. Oh, for 
the old times of Letcher, Crittenden, Preston, Barrow, etc.! I 
saw Preston in October ; he talked much about you. Kind re- 
gards to friends. Wishing you all happiness. 

Your friend, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, April 3, 1854. 

Dear Crittenden, — Herewith I inclose you a copy of Gen- 
eral Smith's letter that you supposed would soon reach me. I 
have sent the original to Washington, with my indorsement, 
notwithstanding the refusal of the Secretary of War in the case 
of Major Crittenden, which came to hand since I last wrote to 
you. Whether the secretary will yield to the second applica- 
tion I think very doubtful. Lieutenant Bonaparte now applies 
for the first time, and as the French minister will privately sup- 
port his request, it may give success to both applications. The 
Nebraska bill stops all business in the House, and the Maine 
liquor law (with the governor's veto) operates the same way at 
Albany upon the Kentucky resolutions introduced there. Alt 
signs fail in a drottght, and /am in a perpetual drought, by 
being thrown (to borrow a metaphor from Bunyan) into that 
" slough of despond," the committee of the whole House on the 
state of the Union. With Mrs. Crittenden within-doors. and 
Letcher next-door neighbor, I suppose you to be beyond the 
reach of cares and vexations. Happy man ! and may you long 
continue so. Just received a letter from Coombs, spoiling to 

VOL. II. — 5 



66 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

get his money, and disgusted with Washington. Your imme- 
diate representative (Breckinridge) and mine (Cutting) have 
agreed to let each other die in the regular course of nature. I 
heartily rejoice. B. always votes for my bill, and Cutting will, 
at the next trial, change to the same side. I am called to din- 
ner ; never have a good one without thinking of you. 

Always, as heretofore, yours, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Elizabethtown, April 17, 1854. 

My dear Wife, — I have been separated from )'ou for four 
days, and have not written till now. I have been constantly 
engaged about my case,* in intercourse with my clients, in con- 
sultations with lawyers, examinations of books, etc. To-mor- 
row morning the trial begins ; it will be tedious. I care nothing 
about the labor and fatigue, but much about being kept azvay 
from you. The prosecution is carried on with the greatest ac- 
tivity, and, as I am told, bitterness. It is said that there is much 
excitement and prejudice in the country against Ward. He has, 
however, many warm friends here. I have several times visited 
the jail, and it is, indeed, a moving sight to see the interesting 
and mourning group assembled there of father, hiother, wife ; 
and they all seemed ready to embrace me on my arrival, and 
grew cheerful, as though my presence were an assurance of se- 
curity and relief to them. They rely on me much more than 
I could wish or than they ought. I can scarcely hope to be able 
to fulfill their expectations ; but I will try. All my friends here 
seem to be highly gratified at meeting me; indeed, I could not 
have asked a more agreeable or flattering reception. I will 
write to you daily hereafter. I am at my friend Thomas's, with 
Carneal and Mr. Thomas Marshall. Mr. Burnley is expected 
here with Thomas. We are delightfully situated. Give my 
love to all, to Mary, and her children, and tell Anna she must 
not forget me. Though we are separated, you are ever present 
in my thoughts. Take care of yourself; be cheerful and happy, 
and be assured of the constant love and affection of 

Your husband, 

Mrs. E. Crittenden. J. J. Crittenden. 

* Trial of Matt. Ward. 



LETTERS TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 67 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Elizabethtown, April 19, 1854. 
My dearest Wife, — My time is constantly occupied. We 
go to court at eight o'clock in the morning and adjourn at night 
Then comes company and consulation. I am now stealing a 
moment from the court. This labor seems to agree with me. 
I was never better in health or spirits. 

Burnley and Thomas have not yet reached here. 
I have received your two letters. They were delightful little 
visitants, and I cherish them as fresh from your hand and heart. 
My love to all. I have not another moment. 

Farewell, my dear, dear wife. 
Mrs. E. Crittenden. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Elizabethtown, April 26, 1854. 

My dear Wife, — I received your letter of the 23d inst. to- 
day. Thronged as my heart was with other matters, it drove 
them all away for the moment, and took supreme and sole com- 
mand there, as it had a right to do. 

I am to speak to-morrow, and to-morrow the case will go to 
the jury. I feel quite certain the verdict cannot be against Mr. 
Ward, and I believe it will be in his favor. As soon as it is 
rendered I will start home. I think it best to go there before 
we leave for St. Louis ; but if you prefer to accompany Mary 
to Louisville, do so, and we can then determine what further 
to do. 

]\Iy dearest wife, I have not another moment to write. Fare- 
well. 

Your husband, 

Mrs. Elizabeth Crittenden. J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER V. 
1854-1855. 

Ward Trial, Speech of Mr. Crittenden — Letter from the Bar of the Court of Ap- 
peals of Kentucky, and Mr. Crittenden's Reply — Crittenden to L. Hunton — 
R. C. Winthrop to J. J. Crittenden— J. J. Crittenden to R. J. Ward. 

THE WARD TRIAL. 

SPEECH OF MR. CRITTENDEN 

GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY,— I agree with the counsel 
who have spoken on behalf of the prosecution as to the 
importance of this case. Its magnitude can scarcely be over- 
rated. The State has an interest in it. It is not a desire for 
vengeance ; the State seeks no vengeance against its own citi- 
zens. But its interest is a paternal one, like that of a father in 
the midst of his family. Its interest is that its laws may be 
administered, and that its citizens shall receive from that ad- 
ministration a just and merciful protection. 

The defendant has an interest in it. He has everything at 
stake— his life, his liberty, his character, and the feelings and 
sympathies of those who by ties of friendship or of nature are 
associated and allied with him. All these are at stake ; and 
you are the men who have been selected to arbitrate and decide 
this mighty issue. 

Gentlemen, we have all cause to rejoice that we live under a 
government which guarantees to every man the right of trial 
by jury. Without it, no freeman can be touched in life or lib- 
erty. For ages this right has been the inheritance of our race. 
Our progenitors established it in the Old World ; and our fathers 
have struggled for it as a thing indispensable to the security of 
their lives and their liberties. 

You may wonder why it is they have been thus solicitous to 
preserve this right of trial by jury. You may inquire why they 
have not rather left it to the courts to try men who are charged 
with crime. The judges on the bench are usually able and 
honest men— men of superior wisdom to those who ordinarily 
compose a jury; men with greater knowledge of law, and men 
of undoubted integrity. 

It is not so much from any distrust of the judges, or fears 

(6S) 



THE WARD TRIAL, 69 

that they might be swayed improperly, that this right has been 
preserved ; but from a deeper and wiser motive. It is not 
because the people are equally learned with them, but because 
they are less learned. It is because the law desires no man to 
be molested in his life or libert)' until the popular sanction has 
been given to his sentence, and his cause pronounced upon by 
a jury of his peers. The court is expected to render all neces- 
sary assistance in stating the law; but his cause, in passing 
through the minds and hearts of his equals who are trying it, 
will be divested of all nice technicalities and subtle analogies, 
and decided on its simple merits, and according to the dictates 
of reason. 

The life of a man should be taken on no other judgment 
You may lay down the law like a problem in Euclid ; you may 
take one fact here and another there ; connect this principle and 
that proposition, and then from one to the other reason plausi- 
bly and even logically that a man should receive sentence of 
death. But it was to avoid all -this that this glorious right has 
been kept inviolate. It was to bring the accused face to face 
with his accusers, and to suffer only a jury of his equals, with 
their warm hearts and honest minds, to pronounce upon a 
cause involving his life or his liberty. This, gentlemen, as I 
understand it, is the object of jury trials. Were cases left to 
the judgment of the courts, a man's destiny might depend on 
some subtle and difficult question of law ; but now it is differ- 
ent. When you consider a case, it is divested of all such ques- 
tions, and appeals to you as able to judge of the facts — as 
familiar with the passions and motives of men — as those who 
will rest it on its simple merits alone, and will only condemn 
for reasons that are sure, and solid, and satisfactory to your 
own understandings. 

You are a jury of Kentuckians ; and I have too much respect 
for you, too much respect for myself, in this important case, to 
deal with you by means of entreaty or flatter}-. But I may say 
that I have confidence in you, and that I look forward with 
sanguine hopes to the verdict you are to render. I expect you 
to do your duty manfully and firmly ; and I expect you to do 
it, notwithstanding all that has been said to the contrary, 
mercifully. I expect you to do it on principles compatible 
with public security, and it is my duty to show you that you 
may acquit the prisoner at the bar on such principles. 

The accused is before you in a house of Kentucky justice, 
and all vengeance must cease to pursue him at this threshold. 
This is his sanctuar>^ — here the sway of the law is potent. 
Here the voice of justice — justice tempered with mercy- -is 
heard— that voice which falls in sounds of terror on the guilty 



;o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

heart, but whispers, in songs of seraphs, peace and joy to the 
innocent. 

The case, gentlemen, is one that demands all your attention. 
Thus far it has engrossed it; for I never have had the honor 
of addressing a jury in any case who have given, during its 
whole progress, evidence of more patient and unwearied atten- 
tion. I am consoled by the belief that you know the evidence 
as well or better than I do, and I only ask that you will weigh 
it carefully in all its bearings and influence, making the proper 
discriminations, earnestly striving to ascertain the real motive 
of this accused, and then render that verdict which is demanded 
by your oaths and the laws of your land. 

I will first proceed to an examination of the evidence, and 
will then endeavor to bring to your attention the law I believe 
applicable to it. And I hope to satisfy you that the law when 
applied to the facts entitles the defendant to a verdict of ac- 
quittal, — a verdict which, under all the circumstances of the 
case, would cause Mercy herself to rejoice. 

What, then, is the case briefly stated ? William Ward, a boy 
of fifteen years and a scholar in the Louisville High School, 
returns home during the absence of his parents and informs his 
elder brother that he has been unjustly and severely whipped 
by Mr. Butler, the principal. "And though I could have borne 
that, brother," he says, " I could not well bear to be called a 
liar before the whole school — my companions and my equals. 
I wish you would go and see Mr. Butler about it." It is four 
o'clock in the evening when he gives his brother information 
of the chastisement he deemed so cruel and unjust, accompanied 
by such an appeal. That brother — the prisoner at the bar — 
determined to go around at once and ask an explanation ; but 
supposing the school to be dismissed and the teacher not present 
at that hour, he concludes to wait until the following- morning. 
Then the parents have reached home ; but, as the occurrence 
took place during their absence, he obtains the consent of the 
father to go round and ascertain the reason of it. He goes, 
and in a conflict in which he becomes involved, the death of 
Mr. Butler ensues. This is a general view of the case ; but it 
is necessary for us to examine it more particularly. 

The purpose for which he went to the school-house was un- 
doubtedly a lawful one. If a child is whipped, particularly^ 
when tiie chastisement is so severe as to leave marks upon the 
limbs, I ask if it is not only lawful but in fact a paternal duty 
to go and inquire the cause and learn why such punishment 
was administered? Certainly it is. And it is equally lawful 
and proper for the brother to go, especially when, as in this 
case, he has the consent and sanction of the father. The ac- 



THE WARD TRIAL. 7 1 

cused then stood in the place of the father, and had the paternal 
right to go on the errand that took him to the school-house. 
This point I consider settled. 

Why, then, are we to infer a malicious and wicked motive on 
his part for doing that which is clearly lawful and justifiable and 
proper ? The correct presumption would certainly be that the 
motive was as good and lawful as the act itself It is contended 
that he went with malice ; but you have heard the testimony on 
this point — you have heard that of Mrs. Robert J. Ward — given 
in a tone and manner that must have carried conviction to your 
hearts ; and you know what inducements and reasons there 
were for the defendant to seek an interview with Prof Butler, 
You have heard that the parents had just returned from Cin- 
cinnati, when the watchful eye of the mother observed Willie 
at home, and she asked why he was not at school. The little 
fellow, still mortified at the memory of his own shame, burst 
into tears and replied, " Brother Matt, will tell you." And that 
brother did tell her, adding, " I designed to have gone around to 
seek an explanation last night, but the hour was so late that the 
school was not in session ; so I postponed it until this morning." 
When the father proposed that Jie should go, the accused replied, 
" This occurred while you were away, and I was here, and I 
think, father, you ought to let me go." And in fact, during the 
absence of the father, the accused was the head of the family. 

It was decided that he should go ; and then Mrs. Ward in- 
dulged in one of those maternal anxieties and apprehensions 
that so often rise in the heart of the mother. He endeavored 
to quiet them, but when he was at the door she suggested that 
Robert should go with him. He had made no request of the 
kind ; he was not desirous of the company or assistance of his 
brother; but on the contrary', when it was urged upon him, re- 
plied, " I apprehend no difficulty; Mr. Butler is a gentleman; 
and as I only ask what justice demands, I am sure he will do 
all I desire." Gentlemen, I think this is no unimportant fact in 
tracing the motives of the prisoner. Even, at last, when he 
submitted to the proposition that his brother should go it was 
with impatience. He was reminded that Sturgus was his 
enemy, yet he went, knowing the justice of his intentions, and 
fearing neither Sturgus nor any one else, only acceding to the 
request of his mother to quiet her own apprehensions. 

This, I think, is a fair statement of the case. I desire to learn 
why and wherefore he went to the school-house, and what were 
the motives that actuated him. And I think every circumstance 
speaks out that there was no wickedness in his heart; that he 
not only went to do what was proper and lawful, but to perform 
a duty that devolved upon him. Did Mr. Robert Ward appre- 



n 



LIFE OF yOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 



hend difficulty? Certainly not; he knew Butler— knew the 
object and feelings of the accused ; he swears to you that if he 
had even conjectured difficulty might ensue he would have gone 
himself And that mother — can >-ou believe that when she 
parted with him at the door she thought she was sending her 
son on an errand of blood, a mission of revenge ? The idea is 
too horrible to contemplate. Neither the father nor mother 
expected the least difficulty with Butler, though the prudent 
apprehensions of the latter suggested that there might possibly 
be some interference on the part of Sturgus. But Ward and 
Butler were friends — they had mutual respect for each other. 

Well, they left the house— Willie going along to get his 
books, and Robert, at the instance of his mother. What was 
the conversation on the way? It may tend to throw some light 
on the question at issue. The testimony of Robert Ward, 
gentlemen, may require hereafter more attention than I can give 
it at this point. But for the present, it is sufficient to state that 
he did not know that his brother was armed, and that he had 
not the least expectation of difficulty. On the way Matt, tells 
him, — it was not all detailed here, but this was evidently the 
burden of the conversation, — "I am going to seek explanation 
and apology for an injury done to brother Willie. I did not 
want you with me; you are young and hasty; you do not know 
the circumstances of the case, and you might act indiscreetly. 
I apprehend no difficulty — Butler is a gentleman and will do 
what is right; and I desire you not to have a word to say." It 
was as much as to say, "I would you were at home, Robert, 
but now you are here, do not interfere by word or deed." But 
httle Willie, who has heard this objection, says: "Ah, brother, 
but Mr. Sturgus is there!" — not Butler, but Sturgus, — "and 
you know he has a big stick!" Matt, replies: "Why, I shall 
have nothing to do with Sturgus, — my application is to Butler." 
Then he turns to Robert, and adds: "If, however, Sturgus and 
Butler both attack me, you may interfere." He conjectured the 
possibility of this only to soothe the feelings of the little boy. 
He had already made Robert passive; but listening to the sug- 
gestion, must excite his anxious and brotherly apprehension; 
therefore he said: "If such a thing does occur — which I do not 
expect — you mny keep off Sturgus." 

Does this look like an intention to commit murder? On the 
contrary, do not all these circumstances go to exclude the idea 
of any hostile feeling, any malignant purpose, or any design to 
attack or do an unlawful act on the part of the accused? Further, 
to prove that there is no possibility of malice, we have shown 
you how he had been making preparations for several days, and 
even on that very morning, to depart for his plantation in Ar- 



THE WARD TRIAL. 73 

kansas. His mind was not bent on mischief, but engaged in a 
legitimate and proper channel. All the facts go to negative 
the presumption of malice or of any wicked purpose. 

But he had been told, and he knew before, that Sturgus was 
his enemy. He knew that by some remote possibility the visit 
might lead to a collision and combat with him. He was very 
weak, — utterly unable to resist any attack that might be made 
upon him; and therefore it was right for him to arm himself. 
Is it to be inferred, because a man purchases a pistol, and puts 
it in his pocket, that he intends to commit murder, unless it is 
indicated by some subsequent act ? You are often in town, 
perhaps, and if you purchase a rifle there, will that fact subject 
you to any suspicion? But in town the procuring of pistols is 
neither more remarkable nor more improper. It is true that 
when he buys pistols, a man viay do it with an intention to 
commit murder; yet when he does an act which may be ac- 
counted for lawfully in a thousand ways, but by a possibility 
may be improper and unlawful, is it right for us to conclude 
that he must be actuated by the worst possible motives that can 
be conjectured? In such a case we would be accusing spirits 
indeed. What would be the condition of human society, what 
the relations of man to man, were this doctrine carried out? 

A man may arm himself for a case of probable danger; he 
may do it with a view to no specific occurrence, and he may do it 
in self-defense. Who can object to it? The Constitution guar- 
antees to every man the right to bear arms. No law takes it 
away, and none ever can. The right of self-defense is an inhe- 
rent one, given by God, to man. It is our own natural right, 
and, as Blackstone says, no human legislation can ever take it 
from us. But how nugatory and vain you render this right, if, 
when in pursuance of the laws of his country, a man arms him- 
self for any possible contingency and remote danger, you im- 
pute to him unlawful motives, and subject him to every sort of 
imputation of murderous intent ! 

This precaution on the part of my client indicated no inten- 
tion of violence. It may have indicated a purpose to defend 
himself in case of attack, but nothing more. Will you cast 
aside the thousand other natural constructions, and adhere to 
that irrational and unsupported one which makes him criminal? 
That were alike unreasonable and inhuman. But take all the 
circumstances, and weigh them carefully, and you will see the 
motive as clearly as you see the act itself; and you will see no 
design to take life, or to violate the laws of the land. 

Then, what was the remainder of the conversation on the 
way? They met a young lady in Bloomer costume, and talked 
of the peculiar nature and fashion of that dress. What a sub- 



74 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ject for the conversation of a man within a few steps of the 
point where he intends to commit a malicious and cold-blooded 
murder! 

One of the gentlemen who addressed you for the prosecution 
announced, in the course of his argument, his disbelief that the 
accused purchased the pistols with the design to commit mur- 
der, or went to the school-house for that purpose. If he did 
not, he had no criminal intentions. But within half an hour 
after, the gentleman, becoming more deeply engaged, says, with 
violent gesticulations, "Ward purchased those pistols with the 
intent to murder Butler." Thus he assumes contrary positions, 
and as both of these declarations are made by the same author, 
I suppose I have a right to receive which I please. I will 
choose the one, then, that I believe takes the only reasonable 
and truthful ground, — that he had no such intent. But I will 
go no further on this point. I think it is fully established that 
the purpose for which my client visited the school-house was a 
proper and lawful one. So far, then, we find no offense; when 
he entered the door he was free from all malice and all crimi- 
nality. Did anything occur there which made him a murderer? 
This is the next question for you to consider. 

You have heard the testimony as to what transpired at the 
school-house. No one was there except Matt., Robert, and the 
pupils. Willie was in the room, but so engaged that he knew 
nothing of the interview. To prove the nature of that interview 
thirteen boys have been introduced here by the Commonwealth. 
Now, gentlemen, before I say a word as to the testimony of 
these pupils, I wish to have my position clearly understood. 
The counsel on the other side, with a triumphant air, have come 
forward and volunteered a defense of the truthfulness and 
veracity of these boys. But their services have been in advance 
of any occasion for them — they have only defended what is not 
attacked at all. Not one of the counsel for the defense has ever 
intended, or sought to impeach the character of these witnesses. 
It may be asked, then, what circumstances justify us in the 
ground we assume as to their testimony? It must be remem- 
bered they are but a set of boys, and that they are testifying in 
regard to a circumstance in which their teacher was killed. 
They must have been under the influence of excitement and 
fright. The time which the accused spent in the school-room 
was at most not more than five or ten minutes. When he 
entered, they were engaged in their studies, and it was contrary 
to an explicit regulation of the school to turn around and look 
up when strangers came in. And when, so unexpectedly, like 
a flame from the earth, this fearful occurrence broke out in the 
stillness of that school-room, what must have been the panic of 



THE WARD TRIAL. 75 

these boys ! You can imagine as well as I. It would have 
startled men — the calmest and firmest in this jury-box, or this 
court-room. Benedict, I think, gives a very just idea of the 
condition of all of them. He says : "I was so much frightened 
that I couldn't think of anything, or see anything hardly." 
And whatever the gentlemen may contend, I believe this was 
the state of all the boys in the room. They may have seen 
Butler and Ward during the conversation in the early part of 
the interview ; but this was all they saw clearly. One fact alone 
is sufficient to diminish the weight of their testimony. Not one 
of them heard all the conversation perfectly. Though one or 
two are confident that they did, they are contradicted by the 
others, who heard words and sentences which never reached 
their ears. No two of them give the same account of it ; but, 
on the contrary, there is much inconsistency and contradiction. 
It is evident that no one of them saw all the acts, or heard all 
the conversation, that passed ; and this, in addition to the gen- 
eral panic that agitated their minds and confused their recollec- 
tions, renders it impossible for them to give a fair and perfect 
history' of the occurrence. 

"Ah," say the gentlemen, "but the panic was all after the 
firing of the pistol. Before this, up to the very moment when 
it took place, they can remember distinctly all that occurred." 
Is this rational ? Is it according to the philosophy of the human 
mind? Was not the whole mind agitated and stirred, so that 
the things both immediately preceding and immediately suc- 
ceeding were thrown into one mass of chaotic confusion ? 
There is no other reasonable inference from the facts. Here, then, 
a parcel of school-boys are brought up under these circum- 
stances, to testify in a case of life and death, — to testify in regard 
to a conversation partly heard and acts partly seen. It becomes 
important that you should know with just how much confidence 
and with just how much allowance to receive their testimony. 
Suppose an affray were to occur here now, in this crowded 
court-room, and the life of one of the parties to be suddenly 
taken. How many of the men who were present and witnessed 
it could give a correct and faithful account of the occurrence 
five minutes after it transpired ? You know the character of the 
human mind, and you know that very few could do it. Transfer 
it in your minds, then, to the presence only of a parcel of fright- 
ened school-boys ; and after months have passed, do you 
believe they are capable of giving a full history of the affair, 
detailing all the events in the precise order in which they oc- 
curred, and even descending to the minutize of the position of the 
hands ? The mind, and particularly the youthful mind, under 
such circumstances, is in a state of chaos, and the memory and 



-6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the imagination combine, until it is impossible to unravel the 
tangled web and come at the simple truth. I believe these boys 
to be intelligent, and honest, and high-minded, and incapable of 
any intentional misrepresentation. But I believe at the same time 
that they are incapable of narrating the simple, uncolored cir- 
cumstances of the case, and of giving testimony on which the 
life of a man ought to depend. 

Another thing : these boys, from eleven to eighteen years of 
age, since the occurrence of the principal fact we are investigating, 
have been the scholars, and under the tuition and training, of Mr. 
Sturgus. With all their natural sympathies on the side of their 
teacher, — with all these other circumstances tending to give their 
minds a bias, — they have been from that day to this under the 
authority and instruction of Sturgus, the enemy of Mr. Ward, — 
the pursuer of this prisoner. You, who understand the affairs 
of men, will see the impossibility of a fair and faithful narration 
of the event from them under such circumstances. You well 
understand how this man — they not knowing it — by a word 
properly thrown in, or a statement repeated until they were 
familiar with it and received it without question, may have ex- 
ercised great influence and control over the feelings and recol- 
lection of these boys. He is their teacher and guardian, — they 
are under his charge, — and though he was sworn here as a wit- 
ness for the Commonwealth, he was not introduced upon the 
stand. Put all these facts together, — and it is your business 
where the facts are not all known, but a few of potent character 
are established, to infer the others, — weigh them carefully in your 
own minds, and then judge for yourselves if the probabilities 
in regard to the character of the testimony of these boys are 
not all in favor of the assumption I have made. 

Now let us examine the testimony. After the able manner in 
which it has already been reviewed and considered, it would 
consume too much of your time to enter into a minute repeti- 
tion of its details ; but I think that I may safely say that from 
beginning to end no two of these witnesses have perfectly 
agreed ; that their statements contain numerous discrepancies 
and contradictions ; that the account of no one of them is 
probable and satisfactory, and that they all show, from their 
disjointed nature, they only contain portions and fragments of 
the facts that occurred. 

If there be any one thing in which there is more concurrence 
than on other points, it is in the statement that when the parties 
had exchanged salutations Ward immediately asked, " Which 
is the more to blame ?" etc. Now, would not this be a most 
extraordinary manner for one gentleman to commence a con- 
versation with another? But four or five of them agree on 



THE WARD TRIAL. yj 

this point, and, if you receive their testimony, you must con- 
clude there was no other introduction of the subject, but that 
these were the first words uttered by the prisoner. Is it reason- 
able? Does not the very awkwardness of the question, asked 
in such a manner, indicate a chasm here, — something which did 
not reach their ears, — some preliminary, if not for the sake of 
ordinary courtesy, at least to give a comprehensible explanation 
of the business ? And what says Robert Ward on this point ? 
He tells you that Matt, first informed Butler he desired some 
conversation with him, and, after declining to enter the priv^ate 
room, giving as a reason that the event of which he wished to 
speak had occurred there, went on to inquire what were his 
ideas of justice, and tJicn propounded the question mentioned, 
which in that connection came naturally enough. Thus, in the 
very commencement, Robert Ward gives you the only natural 
and satisfactory account of the conversation ; and this fact alone 
is sufficient to show you the fragmentary character of the in- 
formation possessed by the other boys. I know Robert stands 
here in a position which, by the law, exposes him to imputa- 
tion ; and it is your duty to weigh his testimony carefully, and 
not to receive it unless you perceive in it intrinsic indications 
of truth, or it is corroborated by other witnesses of whose 
veracity you can entertain no doubt. In this case we call the 
witnesses ofour enemy to corroborate him, and contend that even 
by them he is so fully sustained as to be entitled to your belief 
One of the largest of these boys, and one who heard more 
of the conversation than any other witness who deposed for 
the Commonwealth, was Worthington. Yet he did not hear 
Ward make use of the term " liar" at all, and thus he corrob- 
orates the statements of Robert. Again, Robert tells you that 
the accused introduced the conversation in a natural and reason- 
able manner, by asking, " Mr. Butler, what are your ideas of 
justice?" Now, how is it that of these thirteen boys twelve 
leave this entirely out in their history of the conversation ? 
How is it that, if their opportunities for hearing and seeing 
were as good, and their recollections as perfect as you are 
asked to believe, they all disclaim any knowledge of this lan- 
guage ? But let us turn for a moment to the testimony of little 
Pirtle, Avho frankly confesses he did not hear all that was said, 
and who was one of the finest and most intelligent boys in the 
whole school. He tells you that the first words he heard from 
the accused were something about " ideas of justice" and chest- 
nuts. You must observe that the connection of subjects is a 
very singular one — one that would not be likely to be sug- 
gested to the mind of a school-boy or any one else, unless he 
had distinctly heard it. The minuteness with which this trivial 



78 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

point is recollected seems to give it more weight, and to indi- 
cate in no unimportant degree the truthfulness of the testimony 
given you by Robert Ward. 

Crawford corroborates him by the fact that he did not hear 
the lie given, Benedict states that when interrogating Butler, 
Matt, asked, " Which is the worse, the boy ?" etc., though all 
the other scholars state that he used the term "puppy." Now 
Robert tells }-ou that when he asked the question the first time 
he did so in the words detailed by Benedict ; but that when no 
answer was given, he repeated it in some irritation, and then 
changed the phraseology to " the contemptible little puppy." 
Though the particular may seem trivial, yet I think all these 
minute facts combined will enable you to form a correct opin- 
ion as to the general character of his testimony. 

Quigley confirms him. He tells you that Ward was forced 
back by IButler, before the pistol was fired, against the wall and 
the door. Is not this a corroboration on a most important 
point? And he further says, in corroboration, that when Sturgus 
came out of his room Robert told him to stand back, — not that 
he told him to come on, as related by some of the other boys. 
The statement of Quigley as to the condition to which Butler 
had reduced Ward agrees exactly with that of Robert word for 
word, 

Campbell, however, contradicts Quigley in regard to the lan- 
guage used by Robert to Sturgus; and there are other contra- 
dictions between the boys on various points. I might pursue 
the subject further, but I believe it is unnecessary. I think I 
have demonstrated that but little reliance can be placed on the 
testimony of these school-boys: because they do not agree; 
because of their numerous contradictions; because, however 
pure their minds may be, it comes to you through all these cir- 
cumstances of diminished credit, combined with the fact that 
they have been so long under the care of Sturgus, the enemy 
of Ward; and by that enmity, as I verily believe, the cause of 
the unfortunate event which occurred. 

Let us look at the testimony of Robert Ward; and, after 
what has been shown you, I think it is not asking or saying too 
much to claim that this is the only testimony which has brought 
order out of disorder, — given the only connected and reasona- 
ble account of the whole affair, — a consistent history of the 
events that transpired, — natural in their course, and leading 
directly to the results that actually occurred. 

You have been told that, according to the testimony of this 
^yitness, the accused told Butler he desired a /nz/^/^ conversa- 
tion with him; but no such word was used, as your own recol- 
lection of his language will readily assure you. It was a public 



THE WARD TRIAL. yg 

investigation he desired, and when invited into the recitation- 
room, he decHned, saying, "No, Mr. Butler, the occurrence of 
which I wish to speak transpired here, and this is the proper 
place to talk of it." Could there be anything more natural or 
more proper than this? There the boy was whipped; there he 
had been called a liar; and there were all his companions who 
had witnessed the whole transaction. 

Butler might have said, "Here are the boys; they witnessed 
the occurrence, they know all the facts of it, and they shall be 
called up and the truth of the matter ascertained to your satis- 
faction." What was it they wished to ascertain ? Merely 
whether Willie gave the chestnuts before or after the recitation 
order. If before, he had done no wrong and deserved no pun- 
ishment ; if after, he had violated the regulations of the school 
and was culpable. So upon that fact the whole question de- 
pended. What remained, then, for Butler to do but to call up 
the boys, investigate the matter thoroughly, and, if he had done 
wrong, make that atonement which was due the injured feel- 
ings of the little boy? Would not a father have done the same? 
If, in a moment of unreflecting haste and anger, he had whipped 
his son and called him a liar, and the boy had afterwards come 
to him, asserting that he had done him a wrong, and desiring 
him to examine the evidence carefully and satisfy himself that 
this was the case, would he not have done it ? With an over- 
flow of paternal feeling and love, would he not readily go into 
the investigation, and gladly learn that even though he had 
acted hastily and wrong, his opinion of his son was unjust and 
incorrect? 

If the request had been preferred to a stranger even, he should 
have acceded to it as an act of simple justice. And in view of 
the paternal relations of the teacher, — in view, too, of the inti- 
mate and friendly relations of this teacher, — when the proper 
person came to ask it, there should have been no assumption 
of dignity, no buttoning of the coat and haughty refusal to be 
interrogated. Would it not have been more in accordance with 
reason and justice, more in accordance with the real character 
of the excellent Mr. Butler, even if the question was propounded 
in a manner not exactly agreeable to his feelings, to have re- 
plied, " I will gladly do as you desire, and if I prove to have 
been in the wrong, no man living shall be more prompt to make 
the necessary atonement?" 

Suppose he did see a little irritation in the manner of Mr. 
Ward, and suppose the method of propounding the question 
was not exactly compatible with his taste and feelings, as a 
good man, as a just man, as a prudent man, ought he not to 
have said, "I see you are irritated, I know your feelings are 



8o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEaWDEN. 

aroused, but let us fairly examine the case, and then, if we find 
I have been in error, I shall be proud to repair the wrong I 
have done" ? Would that have misbecome Prof Butler ? Would 
it have impaired in any degree the proper and healthful disci- 
pline of the school? Not according to my conception of the 
matter. 

But, unfortunately, he did not take this course. When his 
attention is first called to the matter, he buttons up his coat and 
replies, " I am not to be interrogated, sir." Ward insists upon 
it: "Mr. Butler, I ask a civil question, and I expect a civil an- 
swer. Which is the worse, the contemptible little puppy who 
begs chestnuts and then lies about it, or my brother William 
who gives them to him?" There may be some objection, per- 
haps, to the language used here; the phraseology of the first 
question was better, but an answer was refused to it, and repeat- 
ing it in a stronger form does not increase the criminality of 
Mr. Ward. He is assured that no such boy is there. "Then 
that matter is settled; but why did you call my brother a liar? 
For that I must have an apology." As if to say, " I have a 
just right to an apology; under the circumstances it is my due." 
"I have no apology to make." "Is your mind made up on 
that point ?" " It is, — I have no apology whatever to make." 
" Then you must hear my opinion of you, — you are a scoundrel 
and a coward." 

And here let us pause for a moment to examine the relative 
position of the parties at this point. The accused had gone to 
the school-house, for an explanation which was his due; it was 
utterly refused him, and thus that question was closed. He 
had then sought an apology ; but that was denied him in terms 
equally emphatic, and that matter also was settled by the reiter- 
ated assurance that no apology whatever would be made. Then 
he used the language he did ; and there, as I apprehend, the 
demonstration closed on the part of Ward; that was all he in- 
tended. He felt that his brother had been abused, insulted, and 
outraged, and when all other redress was superciliously denied, 
he took the only satisfaction that was left him, by applying these 
terms to Butler. Do the circumstances indicate that he intended 
to follow it up further? I think not, in the natural course of 
events. He had retaliated ; and there the matter must conclude, 
— there he would have left it to rest forever. 

The next step was taken by Butler. They tell you he was 
an amiable gentleman, and there is no doubt of the fact; but 
they tell you also that he was a man of spirit. The facts show 
that he commenced the combat. Ward had reached a point 
where there was nothing more for him to do. But he was 
seized by Butler, whose hand grasped his collar or cravat — 



THE WARD TRIAL. 8 1 

crushed back against the wall — bent down towards the earth — 
struck twice in the face to the certain knowledge of the only 
witness who saw the whole transaction ; and then, but not till 
tlien, he fired the pistol to free himself from his assailant. This 
account of the transaction is perfectly corroborated by Quigley 
as well as related by Robert Ward. Do you not believe it ? 
Do you not see how it would occur in the reasonable and 
natural order of things? Even their own witnesses tell you 
that they kneiv Butler would not take such language, — that 
when they heard it applied to him they expected a difficulty. 

This is the case proved by a portion of the testimony, and I 
think fully established by the better portion of it. I believe, 
then, we have clearly settled it, that the first assault was made 
by Butler, — that he promptly and fiercely pursued it until he 
had placed this defendant in a position where he had good reason 
to apprehend the most serious bodily harm, — in a position of 
extreme suffering and extreme danger. 

Again : does any one doubt that this was a sudden and 
casual affray, unexpected by either of the parties five minutes 
before it occurred? After some conversation, in which, it is 
true, harsh language was used, — but it is a settled principle that 
no language whatever can justify an assault, — Ward was sud- 
denly assaulted and attacked ; and then, at a time when he was 
in great peril and suffering, he fired the shot, — fired it, as we 
contend, in self-defense. The only means of protection he used 
were the pistol ; it is not in proof that he struck a single blow. 
You see his form, — and you can perceive there the most pal- 
pable indications of the truth of what you have been told by so 
many witnesses, — his extreme weakness and delicacy. Do you 
think it probable that one with such a form — in so feeble a con- 
dition — would engage hand to hand in conflict with a man of 
ordinary strength ? And, according to the testimony of Mr. 
Joyes, you will remember that Mr. Butler was a man of unusual 
muscular power in the arms. 

The only pretense of a blow from the prisoner is founded on 
the testimony of one of the boys who saw him bring his left 
hand down with a gesture, and thought he struck, because he 
then saw Butler move from him. I do not speak of this to im- 
pair the testimony of the boy, but merely to show you another 
indication of the existence of those circumstances and influences 
that render it impossible for these school-boys to give a faithful 
and perfect account of the transaction. Can you believe for a 
moment that a man in the physical condition of this prisoner, 
in his sober senses, would attempt to combat with any one ? 
Even with his right hand it would be the most perfect folly for 
him to attempt to give a blow that would injure a child, — and 

VOL. II. — 6 



82 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

do you believe that with his left he could give one that would 
cause a man in his full strcnj^h and vigor to fall back? It is 
utterly impossible. And with this fanciful exception, not one 
of those thirteen boys saw a blow given on either side. That 
there were blows cannot be doubted. Butler himself stated it 
distinctly to every one with whom he conversed in regard to 
the affray, before his death. And on such conflicting and un- 
corroborated testimony as this, you arc asked to take the life 
of a fellow-being. 

Gentlemen, I think I have stated the case fairly. I have cer- 
tainly endeavored to do so. I have spoken of the testimony as 
it was given, according to the best of my recollection, and I be- 
lieve it clearly establishes the fact that this prisoner was reduced 
to a condition where it was right and lawful for him to avail 
himself of any means of defense and protection that were within 
his reach. 

Now, what is the law that applies to the case ? I shall not 
trouble you with much of it, and I will endeavor only to call 
your attention to that which is strictly applicable. Many cases 
have been cited for your consideration, some of them involving 
nice distinctions and subtle questions of law, in regard to which 
even lawyers and judges have hardly been able to satisfy them- 
selves. Is it to be expected, then, that, from sources such as 
these, you must reason and analyze and deduce the law it is 
your duty to act upon in a case of such magnitude as this? I 
think not. I think no conscientious man will desire to do it; 
and I am quite sure that you prefer to know something of the 
simple principles on which this great crime of murder is founded, 
antl the circumstances and elements that go to make up its 
different degrees. 

I contend that, according to all principles of law, the facts 
which have been developed in this case prove the act for which 
the [)risoner at the bar is arraigned to be neither murder nor 
manslaughter, but justifiable homicide. Though the words of 
the law may not be known to every man, yet the statutes thereof 
are written in his heart. You know what malicious killing is, 
what killing in the heat of blood is, and what killing in self- 
defense is. and your own judgments, as well as your hearts, tell 
you that there is a wide difference between them. In morals 
and in law, the criminality of men's conduct depends on the 
circumstances under which they act, and the motives by which 
they are actuated. 

There is nothing more simple than the principle of Common 
Law on the crime of murder. Malice is the essential ingredient. 
It may be caused by some difficulty and grudge, but it must be 
indicated in that wicked state of mind— that distempered and 



THE WARD TRIAL. 



83 



depraved condition of heart — which show them to be bent 
on mischief. When a man kills another under such circum- 
stances and from such instigation, that is murder. But had 
this accused any such grudge or mahce towards Prof Butler? 
None. If he had ill feeling towards any one, it was towards 
Sturgus, his enemy; for Butler he had no sentiments but those 
of friendship and respect. In his own language, he had always 
found him "a gentleman and a just man." The act cannot be 
murder. 

But manslaughter — this is another gradation of the crime. 
When in an unpremeditated difficulty, without malice afore- 
thought, in the heat of passion, one man kills another it is 
called manslaughter. The crime is not so aggravated as that 
of murder, as the malice does not exist; yet it is not excusable, 
for the heat of passion is no justification for trifling with human 
life. But the law, making allowance for the weakness and in- 
firmities of our nature, considers this an extenuation, and re- 
duces the offense to manslaughter. Where parties are engaged 
in combat on equal terms, and there being no occasion to resort 
to such means for self-defense and protection, one kills the other, 
he is guilty of this crime. 

But where a man in sudden affray is beaten or assaulted in 
such a manner as to peril his life, or place him in danger of great 
bodily harm, when there is no other way of escape, he has a 
right to kill his adversary, and the law calls it justifiable homi- 
cide, — killing in self-defense. The law is very tender of human 
life, and therefore homicide, even in self-defense, is spoken of 
by the English authorities as "excusable rather than justifiable," 
And thus the definition of it given by Lord Bacon is "a blama- 
ble necessity." Yet though blamable, it is a necessity, and it 
excuses and acquits the party. It is described as "that whereby 
in a sudden broil or quarrel a man may protect himself from 
assaults or the like by killing the one who assaults him." But 
it must not be used as a cloak for a revengeful and wicked 
heart, for we are explicitly told that we may " not exercise it 
but in cases where sudden and violent suffering would be caused 
by waiting for the intervention of the law." 

Language cannot be plainer than that of this distinguished 
author. Judge Blackstone. " And this," he says, " is the doc- 
trine of universal justice as well as municipal law." It is 
another principle equally well established, that except in cases 
of extraordinary violence, where it cannot be done without sub 
jecting him to enormous peril, a man must " retreat to the 
wall," or to some other impediment which he cannot pass, 
before he may take the life of his adversary. 

Gentlemen, I shall trouble you with but few more extracts 



8, LIFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

from this or any other author. You sec in what justifiable 
homicide consists — you see that you have a right to kill when 
you cannot otherwise escape death, or severe bodily harm ; but 
tiiat you must exercise this right only in a case of extremity — 
on!>- in sudden affray — only when subjected to a condition 
where you can no longer defend yourself but by killing. It is 
not every blow that necessarily gives the right to take life; if 
the person be not injured, the blows not severe, and the parties 
not unequal in physical strength, or the one who is assaulted 
may retreat without further harm, the homicide is not justifiable. 

Cases have been read to you that if a man provoke a contest 
himself, for the sake of obtaining a pretext to carry out the 
malignant and wicked purpose of his heart, and, during it, kill 
his opponent, it is not excusable, but is murder. I think you 
readily perceive, however, that this principle is totally inap- 
plicable here. If A pursue B with malice, seeking an oppor- 
tunity to kill, and, provoking a quarrel that he may do so, 
carries out his purpose, the act is murder. Mr. Gibson read 
to you yesterda)' a case of this kind ; but here the defendant 
sought no quarrel — no combat — no difficulty; he sought a recon- 
ciliation. With what propriety, then, do the gentlemen attempt 
to confound in your minds cases where men are seeking to 
exercise the malice of a wicked and revengeful heart, with 
such a one as this ? They have no connection whatever. 

It is a well-established principle (Wharton's American Crim- 
inal I^aw, p. 311), that "no words will amount to an assault;" 
and (do. 313), that " no words will justify an assault." Mr. Ward 
had made no assault ; it is true he applied opprobrious words, 
but they neither constituted nor justified one. The gentlemen 
liave told you here, antl their own witnesses have testified to it, 
that Mr. Butler was a man of courage, who would not receive 
such language without giving a blow in return. I do not com- 
plain of them for showing that he was a man of spirit; but I do 
contend that they had no reason to look to the law for any jus- 
tification of his conduct. He had no right under the circum- 
stances to take redress into his own hands — the principle is laid 
down in so many words. He was first in fault — he made the 
first assault — Ward was forced back until he could retreat no 
further — in the literal language of the law he had "been driven 
to the wall ;" and there, pressed back, and bent down and beaten 
in the face by his adversary, he shot him. 

Now, gentlemen, have I not brought this case, not only within 
the principles, Init within the exact words of the law relating to 
ju.stifiable homicide? And I have not done it by relying on 
subtleties and technicalities, but I have proved it on the natural 
and eternal principles of Self-Defense. 



THE WARD TRIAL. 85 

We are told that where there is any other probable mode of 
escape, without losing life or receiving serious injury, a man is 
not justifiable in killing. True ; but I am not aware that any 
such possibility existed here. The prisoner was confined, and 
beaten, as you have heard, — Campbell was just taking the tongs, 
to give his assistance if necessary, and Sturgus also was in mo- 
tion. I will say no more about the extreme debility and feeble- 
ness of the accused, for you know it, and can perceive it. You 
also know — notwithstanding the assumption of the prosecution 
— that Butler was a man of more than ordinary muscular power; 
that he had been for years in the habit of practicing, both in the 
gymnasium and out of it, those exercises that tend as directly to 
develop and strengthen the muscles of the arm as the habitual 
wielding of the blacksmith's hammer. 

The many excellent qualities of the deceased, and his virtu- 
ous character, I freely admit, — I deplore his death. The ill-fated 
circumstances that led to it are all before you. That death has 
been the effect of circumstances, — unfortunate circumstances, — 
but without any premeditation or malice on the part of the ac- 
cused. The same circumstances which show that his hand in- 
flicted the fatal blow, show, from the nature and suddenness of 
the occasion, that there was none of that malice or wickedness 
which alone could make it a crime. His character, too, pleads 
like an angel's voice against such an imputation upon him. 

In his state of feebleness or irritation, he may have naturally 
overrated the violence and injury with which he was threatened, 
and the necessity of protecting and defending himself by shoot- 
ing the deceased. But surely a man, in such a condition, is 
not to be sacrificed for a misjudgment of the exact degree of 
the necessity which warrants him in such a defense. 

You will make all just and humane allowances on this sub- 
ject. You, sitting here in quiet, solemn consideration, must 
yourselves feel some difficulty in deciding the exact degree of 
violence with which he was threatened, and the lawful extent 
of he defense which it justified. How, then, are you to expect 
him to decide those questions in the strife and passion of the 
moment ? 

The decision in Tennessee, to which your attention has been 
called, establishes the principle that if a man, from good reasons, 
believes his life or his person to be in danger, he has the right 
to kill. He must act upon the instant, or not at all, — in the 
heat of passion and conflict, and when his means for observa- 
tion are limited. The real question here is. Whether Matt. 
Ward, in his feeble and reduced condition, did not apprehend, 
and that from good reasons, that he was in danger? If he did, 
there was no guilt, no criminality, and he deserves an acquittal. 



85 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

The gentlemen for the prosecution have spoken of the decla- 
rations*of Mr. Butler on his dying-bed. Now the inquiries of 
Dr. Thomson were made for the purpose of ascertaining a medi- 
cal fact. He desired to learn what was the position of Butler 
when he received the shot; and Butler replied to him that they 
were clinched. The arm of Prof Butler was raised, and it was 
then found that the probe followed the wound, at least for a 
short distance, when before it did not penetrate at all. This 
demonstrates anatomically, naturally, necessarily, that Butler 
and Ward mu.st have been engaged in combat when the fatal 
event occurred. Why was the hand of Butler raised if he was 
not engaged in a struggle ? This is the legitimate inference 
from the testimony given by Dr. Thomson. 

But Barlow was present at the same time, and while Dr. 
Thomson was engaged in taking out his instruments and pre- 
paring to attend to his professional duties, he, with a curiosity 
perfectly natural, inquired how this had happened. A man had 
been shot down under peculiar circumstances, and it was not 
strange that Barlow should follow him to Colonel Harney's resi- 
dence and ask how it had been brought about. Butler replied: 
" He gave me the lie and I struck him for it; then he shot me." 
According to this, Butler admitted that he struck the first blow. 
It is true he was provoked by the language used ; but you have 
been reminded that neither those nor any other words justify a 
blow. 

But the counsel for the Commonwealth contended that Butler 
could never have made those statements, simply because Dr. 
Thomson did not hear them. The doctor himself, however, has 
told you that there were five or six persons in the room; and 
you can judge for yourselves whether a physician under such 
circumstances, when his mind was engaged with his professional 
duties, would be likely to recollect very accurately. Barlow 
states that he was there; and he zvas there. He has minutely 
described the position and clothing of Butler, spoken of the 
brandy sent for by the physician; and by relating many other 
facts trivial in themselves, has demonstrated, be}-ond a doubt, 
that he was present. The conversation Butler held with him 
was in answer to a direct question to ascertain the history of the 
occurrencej his reply to Dr. Thomson was' to state the scientific 
fact of the position of his hand. 

Well, Barlow has been spoken of in strong terms here; he 
lias been terribly denounced; and if any words could justif)' an 
assault, the language that has been applied to him would cer- 
tainly do so. But it cannot; lawyers, as well as other men, 
have their own peculiar pri\ileges, and I am sure I have no 
desire to see them diminished. Of the course of the counsel 



THE WARD TRIAL. 



87 



for the prosecution, I admire the most that of Mr. Gibson. Mr. 
Carpenter's abuse of this witness seemed to be spontaneous. 
He rejoiced at an opportunity to exercise the peculiar talent he 
possesses for that style of argument. But Mr. Gibson tells you 
that he considers it out of place; that he will not indulge in it; 
and maintaining that the witness is perfectly annihilated, mag- 
nanimously informs us that he will not trample on the dead ! 

I never saw this Barlow before ; but how does he appear to 
you ? What impression has this man left whom the lawyers, — 
not the law, — not the court, — but a few lawyers, have so earn- 
estly attempted to degrade in your estimation; have cast a ban 
upon, and excommunicated so peremptorily from the society 
of all good men? I care very little for his testimony; we had 
other evidence sufficient to establish the facts he has proved ; 
but I believe all these attacks to be gratuitous and unjust. He 
may, in some respects, have acted foolishly; he may have been 
imprudent, but we have every reason to believe that he is not 
dishonest. Within half an hour after it occurred, he told Mays 
and Sullivan of his visit to Col. Harney's, and the conversation 
with Butler; and soon after this he related the same fact to Mr. 
and Mrs. Crenshaw. Yet Mr. Carpenter tells you that he fabri- 
cated the story because he was fascinated with the idea of asso- 
ciating in a wealthy and aristocratic family; because he sought 
to obtain a view of the interior of the house of Mr. Robert J. 
Ward. How do they reconcile this with the fact that he then 
made the same statements which he has made here to three 
witnesses of the highest intelligence and respectability ? He 
stands confirmed, as far as a witness can be confirmed ; and if 
any stain has been cast upon him here, it has only been done 
by the lawyers who have made him the subject of their abuse. 
He has proved the most unexceptionable character by the 
Mayor of Louisville and other gentlemen, who are above im- 
putation ; in the eye of the law and of his fellow-citizens he is 
perfectly credible, and so far as any testimony he has given in 
this case is concerned, he may be relied on by you as safely as 
any other witness who has testified in it. 

These statements of Butler to which Barlow has deposed, 
accord perfectly with the testimony of Robert Ward. You 
could expect no details from a man under such circumstances 
and in such a situation as Butler, — he only gave a general de- 
scription of the occurrence; but Robert has given you the 
details. And Prof Yandell, who was present at the same time, 
does not tell you, like Dr. Thomson, that Ward came to the 
school-house, cursed him, struck him, and shot him ; but gives 
quite another account of his statements. He speaks of him 
raising his hand, as he thought, to indicate that the accused had 



88 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

elevated his in a threatening manner; but you all know how 
common the habit of raising the hand in conversation is with 
some men. Dr. Thomson, it seems, heard no word of those 
statements which were made to Prof. Yandell ; and the discrep- 
ancy between them is not surprising, for, as they were engaged 
at that moment, the cause of the occurrence was a matter of 
secondary importance, — not one of peculiar interest to them. 

Here, gentlemen, I beg leave to recur for a moment to a cir- 
cumstance which, I must confess, has surprised me. It was the 
general evidence of the school-boys that Ward entered the 
house with his right hand in his pocket, and gesticulated with 
the fingers of his left. Is it not wonderful that a fact so imma- 
terial, so little likely to attract attention, as the circumstance 
that a gentleman had his hand in his pocket, and which of the 
hands he had there, should be remembered with so much accu- 
racy by so many of these witnesses, so long after its occurrence? 
But you perceive that it has been made a matter of considerable 
magnitude here. No doubt Sturgus thought it was important 
to show that the right hand was on the pistol all the time, as if 
in a sort of conspiracy with it, to act jointly at precisely the 
proper moment ; and rather than destroy this hypothesis they 
would have you believe that if the accused struck a blow, it 
was witii his left hand. Now, you can readily perceive why 
they would like to keep the right hand of Matt. Ward on that 
pistol during the whole time; and I have no doubt that these 
boys have ever and anon heard the statement made in so many 
conversations, held for the purpose of assisting their memories, 
that they are now convinced the hand really was in that posi- 
tion, and that they saw it there. 

Again, they contend that Butler struck, if he struck at all, 
with the left hand, and therefore that the blows could have in- 
flicted no injury. Now, if his right hand had been so long and 
so utterly crippled, as they have attempted to show, it must cer- 
tainly have been a non-combatant, and the left hand must have 
learned, years before, to perform all the offices of the right. 
Thus their presumption is effectually destroyed. 

You have been sitting here, gentlemen, for eight days. Can 
you tell whether your hands were in your pocket when you 
came in this morning, or on any other morning? Can )-ou tell 
the position of the hands of any of the counsel, as they rose up 
to address you, face to face ? As you have been seated at home, 
in your own house, and visitors have entered, can you recollect 
the j^osition of their hands ? Yet a fact so trivial and unim- 
portant at the time — one which could then be of no possible 
interest — for no difficulty was apprehended until Butler had 
collared Ward — is related with this minuteness ! I would sup- 



THE WARD TRIAL. 89 

pose that not another human being in the form of a man ever 
entered that school-room, in regard to whom so many boys can 
recollect distinctly the position of his hands. Whether the hand 
was in his breeches or his coat pocket is not a matter of so 
much importance, and therefore not remembered so well ! Gen- 
tlemen, you must be convinced that the recollection of such a 
fact, under such circumstances, is utterly impossible. 

And he gesticulated, they say, with his left. Why should 
he not let the right hand do the right hand's work ? — why 
should it be kept on that pistol ? The idea is absurd. All the 
circumstances show that he at first expected no difficulty. Who 
believes this ? Who does not know that, however unconscious 
of it the boys may be, this is the work of a strained imagination, 
supplying the place of a strained memory ? 

Sturgus, as you have heard, had administered a whipping to 
the boy on a former occasion, the facts of which we desired to 
introduce here, but we were not allowed to do so. Is it not 
probable that, instigated by his enmity towards the Wards, when 
he heard of this punishment, he advised Butler to refuse all ex- 
planation and investigation ? The circumstances of the case — 
the position of Butler and Ward — their friendly relations — the 
just and reasonable demand that was made — all show the refusal 
to have been inconsistent with his character and his heart. Is 
it not a rational inference, then, that he may have been prompted 
by the sinister, subterranean motives of another man, who de- 
sired to minister to his own anger and ill feeling? I think it 
was not like Butler, when he was asked such a question, by a 
man he knew so well, and esteemed so highly, to button up his 
coat and answer, haughtily, " I am not to be interrogated, sir." 
But it zvas like Sturgus. 

Gentlemen, I am consuming much of your time, but I believe 
the case is clearly comprehended by you. I think I have made 
up the facts and made out the law. I think you are satisfied 
that the pistol was not fired, so far as we can judge, until there 
was no other way of rescue for the prisoner from the peril of 
his life or of great bodily harm. I think you understand the 
principle that the law holds all such bloodshed justifiable, — 
though blamable, yet excusable. This, then, is the condition 
in which the prisoner stands ; and upon these plain facts and 
these great principles I think I may base my argument. 

But there are other points in this case to which I feel it my 
duty to refer. Notwithstanding the circumstances we have 
made out, this young man has been persecuted and denounced 
from the first as one of the vilest of men, and of murderers. 
He has been held up to the world as the perpetrator of a de- 
liberate and diabolical outrage, — an act of fiendish malignity, 



90 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



for which there was no particle of mitigation. For months and 
months he has been thus pursued with misrepresentations and 
reviUngs. This version of his case has been spread upon the 
wings of the wind through the columns of the press. Now, it 
matters not in effect whether these publications were made from 
the basest of motives, or in all sincerity and truth, by those who 
were deceived by his persecutors — they zuere made. These 
rumors have gone abroad, anticipating the result of this trial ; 
but you see how little his real case is like the one that has been 
represented to the world. 

His only refuge is in your verdict. Through all this perse- 
cution and these revilings he has passed ; now, thank God, he 
waits the decision of your calm judgment. I said his persecu- 
tion was over ; but through those associated in the prosecution 
of this case with my friend Mr. Allen, it all seems to have been 
concentrated here. The first of them, Mr. Carpenter, was elo- 
quent in denunciation of the prisoner. What necessity was 
there for this ? It is his duty to convict, upon the law and the 
testimony; but what right has he to turn from you to the ac- 
cused and assure him, if you do not feel warranted by the facts 
of the case in finding him guilty, he will be pursued, through 
all time, by some horrible monster the speaker's own imagina- 
tion has conjured up? What unsolicited and perfect insolence 
to prosecute a man, and in case the prosecution cannot be sus- 
tained, to threaten him with a fate as cruel as any verdict you 
can bring ! Is this practicing law according to its spirit ? Is it 
necessary, when a prisoner is in the custody of the law, his 
hands and his tongue tied, for a prosecutor to feed his little 
vengeance in such a manner as this ? Sir, it is intolerable, — it 
was never equaled ! 

Let us come to a later instance, from our brother and our 
friend, Mr. Gibson. Was such language ever heard before? 
Should a man, when on trial for his life, be denounced as a 
damned villain, and his act as a damnable crime? Is not this a 
singular, an improper course to pursue towards an unfortunate 
prisoner? Is it not alike cruel to him and disrespectful to the 
jury? Your duty, gentlemen, is too responsible to suffer you 
to think of the subject in such terms. There is no congruity 
between your solemn thoughts and such language as this; and 
I have no fears that you will allow it to influence them. 

My friend Mr. Gibson is a man of great impulses, and when 
not excited, of generous impulses. In an early stage of his 
argument he tells you, more in accordance with the facts, more 
in accordance with the love of justice existing in his own manly 
heart, that he believes the accused sought the school-house of 
Prof Hutler without an intention to do violence. But after- 



THE WARD TRIAL. gi 

wards, when his feehng's are more excited, when his impulses 
are brought up to the prosecuting point, he declared, in tones 
that vibrated through this court-room, his belief that he went 
there to play the part of an Italian assassin. Is not this a little 
inconsistent ? At one time he tells you he shall be glad to see 
it done, if you can find any satisfactory grounds for his acquittal ; 
and again, that if you do acquit him, he shall believe all the 
tales he has ever heard, that justice has fled from the borders 
of old Kentucky. Furthermore, he would have the bereaved 
mother train the child of the deceased to follow the track of 
this prisoner, like a bloodhound, and never rest until his hands 
were red with his blood ! 

What ! would he have that mother, with her heart softened 
by premature sorrows, instill into the tender mind of the child 
such horrible instincts as these ? Did he really mean this ? I 
am sure he did not ; and I only allude to the fact to show with 
what fierceness and ardor this prosecution has been pursued. 
It has been carried on with a precipitancy and passion that 
would not even allow its conductors to keep within the bounds 
of propriety or consistency. 

I now remember another of those flights of Mr. Carpenter, to 
which, as it involves something more than mere words, I would 
call your attention. Not satisfied with urging you to do it, in 
pursuance of what he deems your duty to yourselves and to 
society, the gentleman asks you to convict this man that it may 
be an event of joyful remembrance to you when you appear be- 
fore your Maker. He assures you it will be a great solace and 
consolation to recollect that, when a fellow-man was brought 
before you and his fate consigned to your hands, you convicted 
him. 

He would have you tell the Judge of quick and dead, when 
you stand at his tribunal, how manfully you performed your 
duty, by sending your fellow-man to the gallows ! He appre- 
hends that it will go a great way to insure your acquittal there 
and your entrance to the regions of eternal bliss, if you are able 
to state that you regarded no extenuating plea, — took no cog 
nizance of the passions and infirmities of our common nature, — 
showed no mercy, but sternly pronounced his irrevocable doom. 
I understand that it would be more likely to send you in a con- 
trary direction. I understand that a lack of all compassion 
during life will hardly be a recommendation there. I under- 
stand that your own plea will then be for mercy ; none, we are 
taught, can find salvation without it, — none can be saved on 
their merits. But according to Mr. Carpenter's idea, you are to 
rely there — not upon that mercy for which we all hope, but on 
your own merits in convicting Matt. Ward ! Don't you think 



g2 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the gentleman rather failed in the argumentative portion of his 
point ? It. seems to me he would have done better to take you 
somewhere else for trial. 

I have somewhere heard or read a story from one of those 
transcendental German writers, which tells us that when the 
Almighty designed to create man, the various angels of his attri- 
butes came in their order before Him and spoke of his purpose. 
Truth said, " Create him not, Father. He will deny the right, 
deny his obligations to Thee, and deny the sacred and inviolate 
truth ; therefore create him not." Justice said, " Create him not, 
Father. He will fill the world with injustice and wrong, he 
will desecrate thy holy temple, do deeds of violence and of 
blood, and in the very first generation he will wantonly slay 
his brother; therefore create him not." But gentle Mercy knelt 
by the throne and whispered, " Create him. Father. I will be 
with him in all his wanderings, I will follow his wayward steps, 
and by the lessons he shall learn from the experience of his 
own errors, I will bring him back to Thee." "And thus," con- 
cludes the writer, "learn, oh, man, mercy to thy fellow-man, if 
thou wouldst bring him back to thee and to God." 

Gentlemen, these lawyers have endeavored to induce you to 
believe that it is a duty you owe even to Mercy herself to con- 
vict this prisoner. That you have nothing to do with mercy, — 
that there is a governor somewhere, a good, kind-hearted man, 
who may exercise it if he chooses, — but that you have no right 
to show mercy. And pray, what are you ? Yesterday you 
were but men, — ^just men, kind men, and merciful men. To- 
morrow, when you have left this jury-box, you will be the same 
again ; but according to the ideas that have been advanced, you 
must divest yourself of this attribute when you enter here, and 
become men of stone, — mere mathematical jurors, with no more 
feelings and sympathies than if you were marble statues. Is 
this the right of trial by jury ? Is this the principle our fathers 
contended for, fought for, died for? If it be, I can only say, it 
is not worth the struggles that have been made for it. 

It is a merciful law, gentlemen, you are called upon to ad- 
minister. I desire to see you do your duty; I desire that the 
law should be obeyed and enforced; but in the matter of the 
facts you have the exclusive right to judge. I agree with the 
gentlemen that >-ou have no right to show mercy where the 
facts will not warrant it; but it is your duty alone to consider 
these facts, put them together, and upon them found >our ver- 
dict. In examining these facts, may not one judge' of them 
more kindly, and hence ascribe better motives than another? 
The consideration of the facts and the causes that produced 
them is the proper place for mercy to be applied. The law 



THE WARD TRIAL. 



93 



says the murderer shall be punished ; but it is your province to 
ascertain what constitutes the murderer. 

You have a solemn duty to perform, and I want you to per- 
form it. I want you to perform it like men — like honest men. 
I ask your sober judgment on the case, but it is right for that 
judgment to be tempered with mercy. It is according to the 
principles of law, one of whose maxims tells you it were better 
for one hundred guilty men to escape than for an innocent one 
to be punished. Is not here your commission for mercy ? It 
is alike your honest minds and your warm hearts that constitute 
you the glorious tribunals you are, — that make this jury of peers 
one of the noblest institutions of our country and our age. But 
the gentlemen would make you a set of legal logicians — calcu- 
lators, who are to come to your conclusion by the same steps a 
shopkeeper takes to ascertain the quantity of coffee he has sold 
by the pound. That may be a jury in name, but it is in nothing 
else. 

But I wish to call your attention to another fact that figures 
in this case. Mr. Carpenter, with more adroitness than Mr. 
Gibson, but with less scrupulousness, has attempted to create a 
prejudice against this prisoner by speaking of his family as aris- 
tocratic, — as believing themselves better than ordinary mortals. 
I suppose I feel no personal offense at this, for I have always 
belonged to that class usually called poor men. But in this 
country no man can be above a freeman, and we are truthfully 
told that " poor and content is rich enough." 

Do you not see the object of all this when the gentleman 
speaks in his peculiar tone of " Ward House," and tells you 
that "a Ward had been insulted — a Ward had been whipped — 
and therefore the stain must be wiped out with blood"? Do 
you not detect the low, unjust, unrepublican attempt to create a 
prejudice against this prisoner? What right have they to do 
this? The charge is personally an outrage upon him — the 
assumption is false. And we all know that before our laws 
every man, whether he come from the cabin or parlor, — whether 
he be rich or poor, — holds the same position, has the same 
rights and the same liabilities with all other men. Why, then, 
attempt to excite this low, vulgar feeling towards Mr. Ward ? 
Why seek thus to prejudice your minds against him and his? 
I am sure that if the gentleman expected any response to such 
low, envious sentiments in your hearts, he made a grave mis- 
take. There may be those who hate all men they are unable to 
imitate ; but you, I presume, are willing to see all your coun- 
trymen enjoy any position they have honorably obtained in 
whatever manner they please. 

In conclusion, gentlemen, I beg leave to call your attention 



^ LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to an important consideration bearing on the whole case, and 
affording a key, I think, to the heart of this young man. I 
allutle to his general character and disposition through life. I 
need not recall your attention to what we have shown it ; it is 
all perfect in your recollection. I have no occasion to exag- 
gerate ; he has shown, in the clearest and most conclusive man- 
ner, a character of which you or I, or any man living, might be 
proud. As in boyhood, so in manhood. His riper years only 
exhibited to the world the amiable and lovely and genial traits 
of the boy, more illustriously developed in the man. 

I am one of those who believe in blood and in consistency 
of character. Show me a man that for twenty or thirty years 
has been kind and honest and faithful in all the relations of 
life, and it will require a great deal of evidence to induce me to 
believe him guilty in any instance of a gross and outrageous 
wrong. You have s^^(^x\. the character of this man from his 
earliest boj'hood — so kind, so gentle, so amiable — ever the 
same, at school and at college, in the city or in the country, 
among friends or strangers, at home or in foreign lands. There 
was no affected superiority. You see how many mechanics 
and artisans have been his constant associates and friends. 
With health impaired and with literary habits — never seen in 
drinking-saioons or gaming-houses — his associations with men 
of all classes — he has ever been the same mild, frank, and un- 
offending gentleman, respecting the rights of others and only 
maintaining his own. This is the man you are called upon to 
convict. His act was an unfortunate one, but it was one he was 
compelled to do. And though he has been misrepresented and 
reviled and wronged, I trust it will be your happy privilege by 
a verdict of acquittal to vindicate his character in the eyes of 
all good men, and restore him to that family whose peace, hap- 
piness, and honor are at stake on your verdict. Your decision 
must cover them with sorrow and shame or restore them to 
happiness that shall send up to Heaven, on your behalf, the 
warmest gratitude of full and overflowing hearts. 

Gentlemen, my task is done ; the decision of this case — the 
fate of this prisoner — is in your hands. Guilty or innocent — 
life or death— whether the captive shall joyfully go free, or be 
consigned to a disgraceful and ignominious death— all depend 
on a \^\\ words from you. Is there anything in this world more 
like Omnipotence, more like the power of the Eternal, than 
that you now possess? 

Yes, you are to decide ; and, as I leave the case with you, 
I implore you to consider it well and mercifully before you 
pronounce a verdict of guilty,— a verdict which is to cut asunder 
all the tender cords that bind heart to heart, and to consign 



THE WARD TRIAL, 



95 



this young man, in the flower of his days and in the midst of 
his hopes, to shame and to death. Such a verdict must often 
come up in your recollections — must live forever in your 
minds. 

And in after-days, when the wild voice of clamor that now 
fills the air is hushed — when memory shall review this busy 
scene, should her accusing voice tell you you have dealt hardly 
with a brother's life, — that you have sent him to death, when 
you have a doubt whether it is not your duty to restore him 
to life, — oh, what a moment that must be — how like a cancer 
will that remembrance prey upon your hearts ! 

But if, on the other hand, having rendered a contrary verdict, 
you feel that there should have been a conviction, — tJiat senti- 
ment will be easily satisfied ; you will say, " If I erred, it was 
on the side of mercy ; thank God, I incurred no hazard by 
condemning a man I thought innocent." How different the 
memory from that which may come in any calm moment, by 
day or by night, knocking at the door of your hearts, and re- 
minding you that in a case where you were doubtful, by your 
verdict you sent an innocent man to disgrace and to death ! 

Oh, gentlemen, pronounce no such, I beseech you, but on 
the most certain, clear, and solid grounds! If you err, for your 
own sake, as well as his, keep on the side of humanity, and 
save him from so dishonorable a fate — -preserve yourselves 
from so bitter a memory. It will not do then to plead to your 
consciences any subtle technicalities and nice logic, — such 
cunning of the mind will never satisfy the heart of an honest 
man. The case must be one that speaks for itself — that requires 
no reasoning — that without argument appeals to the under- 
standing and strikes conviction into the very heart. Unless it 
does this, you abuse yourselves — abuse your own consciences, 
and irrevocably wrong your fellow-man by pronouncing him 
guilty. It is life — it is blood with which you are to deal ; and 
beware that you peril not your own peace. 

I am no advocate, gentlemen, of any criminal licentiousness, 
— I desire that society may be protected, that the laws of my 
country may be obeyed and enforced. Any other state of things 
I should deplore; but I have examined this case, I think, care- 
fully and calmly ; I see much to regret — much that I wish had 
never happened ; but I see no evil intentions and motives — no 
wicked malignity, and, therefore, no murder — no felony. 

There is another consideration of which we should not be 
unmindful. We are all conscious of the infirmities of our 
nature — we are all subject to them. The law makes an allow- 
ance for such infirmities. The Author of our being has been 
pleased to fashion us out of great and mighty elements, which 



96 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

make us but a little lower than the angels ; but He has mingled 
in our composition weakness and passions. Will He punish 
us for frailties which nature has stamped upon us, or for their 
necessary results ? The distinction between these and acts 
that proceed from a wicked and malignant heart is founded 
on eternal justice; and in the words of the Psalmist, "He 
knowcth our frame — He remembcrcth that we are dust." Shall 
not the rule He has established be good enough for us to 
judge by ? 

Gentlemen, the case is closed. Again I ask you to consider 
it well, before you pronounce a verdict which shall consign 
this prisoner to a grave of ignominy and dishonor. These are 
no idle words you have heard so often. This is your fellow- 
citizen — a youth of promise — the rose of his family — the pos- 
sessor of all kind, and virtuous, and manly qualities. It is the 
blood of a Kcntuckian you are called upon to shed. The blood 
that flows in his veins has come down from those noble pioneers 
who laid the foundations for the greatness and glory of our 
State ; it is the blood of a race who have never spared it when 
demanded by their country's cause. It is his fate you are to 
decide. I excite no poor, unmanly sympathy — I appeal to no 
low, groveling spirit. He is a man — you are men — and I only 
want that sympathy which man can give to man. 

I will not detain you longer. But you know, and it is right 
you should, the terrible suspense in which some of these hearts 
must beat during your absence. It is proper for you to consider 
this, for, in such a case, all the feelings of the mind and heart 
should sit in council together. Your duty is yet to be done ; 
perform it as you are ready to answer for it, here and hereafter. 
Perform it calmly and dispassionately, remembering that ven- 
geance can give no satisfaction to any human being. But if 
you exercise it in this case, it will spread black midnight and 
despair over many aching hearts. May the God of all mercy 
be with you in your deliberations, assist you in the perform- 
ance of your duty, and teach you to judge your fellow-being 
as you hope to be judged hereafter ! 

Another word, gentlemen, and I have done. My services in 
this case were volunteered. I had hardly expected that so 
unimportant a fact could excite attention or subject me to re- 
proach. What! shall all the friends of this young man be driven 
from him at such an hour? I had known him from his boy- 
hood — I had known his family from mine. And if, in the recol- 
lections of the past — in the memory of our early intercourse 
— in the tics that bound us toirether. I thousfht there was sufifi- 
cient cause to render it proper, whose business is it ? Whom 
docs it concern but my client and myself? I am a volunteer 



THE WARD TRIAL. 



97 



— I offered my services — they were accepted, and I have given 
them in this feeble way. 

I thank you kindly for your attention during my long and 
uninteresting discourse. I only ask that you will examine this 
case carefully and impartially, for in your justice and your 
understanding I have deep and abiding confidence. 

The conclusion of Mr. Crittenden's argument elicited lively 
applause from the listeners with which the room was crowded. 
It was promptly checked, however, by the court, with the 
request that no such demonstrations should be repeated. 

There was no act of Mr. Crittenden's life which brought upon 
him so much bitter censure and actual abuse as his volunteer- 
ing- as counsel in the case of the trial for murder of Matt. Ward. 
The following letter was addressed to him by the members of 
the bar practicing before the Court of Appeals of Kentucky: 

Frankfort, September 12, 1854. 

To Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

Dear Sir, — The undersigned, members of the bar, practicing 
before the Court of Appeals of Kentucky, have witnessed with 
regret and mortification the newspaper attacks upon you for 
appearing as counsel on the trial of Matt. F. Ward, and feeling 
that it is not less an act of justice to the profession to which 
they belong than to yourself, one of its most distinguished or- 
naments, beg leave, without entering into details, to express to 
you their conviction that there has been nothing, either in the 
manner of your appearing or in the conduct of the case on your 
part, inconsistent with the highest /'r^'i-^/<?wrt;/ propriety, and that 
your entire conduct has met their full and cordial approbation. 
We have the honor to be, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servants, 



Garrett Davis, 
Thomas P. Porter, 
W. K. Smith, 
J. C. Herndon, 
W. L. Callender, 
Thomas Turner, 
James Harlan, 
D. Breck, 
J. B. Husbands, 
W. B. Kinkead, 
J. M. Stevenson, 



Mason Brown, 

B. Monroe, 
John Rodman, 

C. S. Morehead, 

D. Howard Smith, 
M. C. Johnson, 
Thos. N. Lindsey, 
S. Flood, 

W. L. Harlan, 
J. E. Spellman, 
P. S. Cabel, 



J. M. Hewitt, 
Geo. W. Craddock, 
T. p. Atticus Bibb, 
S. S. Nicholas, 
H. T. Allison, 
John M. Harlan, 

F. K. Hunt, 
Rich'd a. Buckner, 
J. C. Breckinridge, 

G. W. DUNLAP, 

James Monroe. 



The following reply of Mr. Crittenden to the members of the 

VOL. II. — 7 



q8 life of JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 

bar will fully explain the feelings and principles upon which 

he acted in the Ward trial :* 

Frankfort, Ky., December 30, 1854. 

Gentlemen, — Your letter of September 12th, owing to acci- 
dental causes, did not reach me until a few days ago. I thank 
you for it with my whole heart. I have read it with proud 
.satisfaction. It conveys to me the voluntary expression of your 
full a[)probation of my conduct in appearing as counsel for Matt. 
V . Ward, and defending him upon his recent trial. It is a 
tribute honorable to yourselves, honorable to me. Do not think 
me less grateful, however, when I say that I feel myself entitled 
to it, as one who has been aspersed, and rudely called in ques- 
tion, for exercising the common right of our noble profession, — 
the right to appear for and defend the accused in trouble and 
peril, — and, cvoi if they be guilty, to say for them all that law or 
humanity will allow in extenuation or excuse of their offenses. 
This can be no offense against God or man. Our profession 
affords us the opportunity of performing it, and the lawyer who 
refuses to perform that duty, upon proper occasions, neglects 
his professional obligations ; and he who shrinks from it from 
any fear or favor, or having undertaken it, shall, from any fear 
or favor, diminish the force of the defense, by any softening or 
omission, is unworthy of his profession. 

It has so happened that, in the course of a long professional 
life, I have never appeared as counsel against any man upon his 
trial for any criminal offense. Others, better than me, have done 
it ; but I never did. I have feared to do it, lest in the spirit of 
controversy, and pride for professional victory, I might be in- 
strumental in bringing down unj.ust judgment on the head of 
some unfortunate fellow-creature. The accused, whether guilty 
or innocent, are always wretched, and my sympathies incline me 
to their side ; not because I favor or approve the guilty, but be- 
cause I hope they may be innocent, or not so guilty as charged 
to be. The law, in its justice and humanity, presumes every 
man to be innocent until pronounced to be guilty by the ver- 
dict of a jury, or by the judge, upon his own open confession in 
court. I have acted upon this humane presumption of the law ; 
and I do not recollect that, in any instance, I ever refused to 
appear for any accused person, whoever sought my assistance, 
if consistently with my convenience or other engagements I 
could do so. I have defended many such, \t^ithout distinction 
of rich or poor. Whether I should do so, with or without a fee, 
was a question which I have supposed concerned nobody but 
myself and my client. I have often appeared for the humble and 



* This reply to the bar was never published. 



THE WARD TRIAL. 



99 



poor, particularly if they were my acquaintances and friends, 
without fee or the hope of any other reward than that which 
follows the recollection of duty performed. In the retrospect of 
these things I find satisfaction and pleasure : nor is that satisfac- 
tion disturbed by the probability that some of those clients who, 
perhaps, were not innocent, may have escaped the rigors of the 
law. After all, it is only one more poor, offending child of hu- 
manity who, escaping the punishment and vengeance of man, 
is left to the mercy and justice of his God. 

The excitement which existed against Mr. Ward was turned 
blindly and fiercely against his counsel, whose only offense was 
that they had defended him on his trial. For this I, especially, 
have been made the subject of exasperated abuse and aspersion; 
but these attacks have not shaken my inward confidence in the 
rectitude of my conduct. I know that I have done right ; that 
I have done but that which was due to my own self-respect and 
to the honor of my profession. That consciousness of duty per- 
formed, you would not, I am sure, if my case was yours, ex- 
change for all the applause that could be bestowed upon you by 
deluded men for any act of conscious dishonor. It has enabled 
me to bear, with some equanimity, the unmerited reproaches 
that have been uttered against me. To those I have made no 
response. It did not become me to rail with those who chose 
to rail at me, and I had no excuses or apologies to make. I 
am too old for that, and the people of Kentucky have more 
solid grounds upon which to judge me than wanton denuncia- 
tions on the one side, or apologies or excuses on the other. I 
was willing in silence to abide their judgment, trusting in their 
justice and their knowledge of me, and leaving my character 
alone to speak for me against all accusers. 

But, whatever may have been the most proper course in the 
past, you, gentlemen (thanks to you for it), have relieved me, 
by your letter, from all necessity for any self-vindication. You, 
able, experienced, and distinguished members of the profession, 
and not less eminent as citizens than as jurists, have put the 
seal of your approbation to my whole conduct in appearing for 
and defending Mr. Ward, and I want no better shield than that. 

Although it may seem to be unnecessary and superfluous, I 
desire to avail myself of this occasion to state in substance my 
whole connection with the case and the trial of Mr. Ward. 

Some days after the tragical event which led to that trial, I 
was in Louisville, and happened to meet with Mr. Robert J. 
Ward on the street. We were old acquaintances, and for thirty 
years there had been a constant social and friendly intercourse 
between us. He seemed to be full of grief at our meeting, and 
spoke to me at once, in tones of the deepest distress, about the 



,00 LIFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

case of his >ons, then in prison, charged with the murder of Mr. 
Butler, and scarcely protected by that prison from the violent 
poi)ular excitement that existed aL,fainst them. He deplored the 
death of liutler, but did not believe that his sons were guilty of 
murder, and represented to me, in effect, that if they could have 
a fair trial, and the whole truth developed, it would afford a 
good ground of defense. Me proceeded to say, that imme- 
diately on the occurrence of the case he wrote to me to engage 
my ser\'ices as counsel for his sons ; but that after consulting with 
the elder of them (Matt. F. Ward), the letter was suppressed, 
from their api)rehension that it might involve me in all the 
prejudice and burning excitement that existed against them. 
He went on to say much more that manifested his own anxious 
desire, and that of his sons, to have my professional services in 
their defense. He made then no formal or direct application to 
employ me as their counsel. I appreciated the delicacy and 
magnanimity of his course towards me, and felt more strongly 
the touching appeal that was made to me. I at once replied 
that I would appear as counsel for his sons if nothing occurred 
in the mean time to prevent it, — that no prejudice ought to 
attach to me from that cause, and that I feared none in the per- 
formance of my duty. 

I do not pretend to give the particulars or language of our 
conversation, but the above is its substance, and here the matter 
rested. Mr. Robert J. Ward, the father, went to New Orleans, 
where he was engaged in business as a merchant. He being 
absent, and the court for the trial of his sons having approached 
so nearly that it was time to make final preparation, I wrote to 
the eldest of them, Mr. Matt. F. Ward, offering gratuitously my 
professional services, if he thought they could be useful, but re- 
questing him to feel no diffidence in declining them if their 
acceptance would at all disturb the arrangements made with the 
other counsel already engaged for him, and adding the expres- 
sion of my confidence that they were, at least, as capable as I 
was of defending him. This, as well as I can recollect, was 
about the substance of my letter. I wrote it for no other pur- 
pose, from no other motive, but to fulfill and redeem the promise 
I had made to the fither. 

In the conversation, above stated, with Mr. Robert J. Ward, 
there was not one word said about a fee. That was, in com- 
parison, a trifling matter. There were other considerations in 
the case much more interesting to us both. I believe that if 
the subject of my fee had been mentioned then, or afterwards, 
Mr. Ward's generosity and his anxiety would have at once 
•subniitted the amount entirel}- to my own discretion. In the 
relations which I bore to him. I felt some recoilintr from the 



THE WARD TRIAL. 10 1 

idea of bargaining with him about the money I was to receive 
for my services. I regarded him rather as a friend than as an 
ordinary client, and was unwilling to, or appear to, be a specu- 
lator on his distresses. I resolved, therefore, to take no fee, and 
to put an end to all question about it by writing, as I did, to 
Mr. Matt. F. Ward, and tendering my services gratuitously. 
This was the first communication, written or verbal, that I had 
with him in relation to his case. He immediately replied to it 
from his prison in Hardin County, to which county his case had 
been removed for trial, accepting my offer, and thanking me for 
it in the warmest and most grateful manner. Not long after , 
that, I received another letter from him, asking, as well as I 
recollect, not now having that letter, if I had any objection to 
his making known, or perhaps publishing, that I was to appear 
for him on his trial. Supposing that he was fully warranted by 
my first to make known, as he pleased, the fact of my engage- 
ment to appear for him, I felt some little surprise that he should 
think it necessary to ask if I had any objection. It occurred to 
me, however, that he might think I wished it concealed as long 
as possible. I did not fear the responsibility of appearing for 
him, and I desired no concealment. I wrote to him, therefore, 
that I had no objection to his making it known as he pleased, 
but advised him to be prudent in all he said on the subject. 

Soon after the probable receipt of this letter, there appeared 
in a newspaper, published in EHzabethtown, where Ward was 
confined, an announcement of the fact of my engagement to 
appear as counsel for him, accompanied with some remarks 
more laudatory of me, no doubt, than I deserved. I regretted 
the publication of these remarks, and thought it injudicious 
under the circumstances of the case, but not thinking it a matter 
of sufficient importance, I forbore to take any notice of the 
editorial article. I may also mention that shortly after my cor- 
respondence, or the commencement of it,* with his son, Mr. 
Robert J. Ward returned from New Orleans, and addressed me 
a letter, thanking me for what I had previously written to his 
son, and stating but for that he had intended, immediately on 
his arrival, to have applied for my professional services in behalf 
of his sons. I will further add, that from about the commence- 
ment of this prosecution I was frequently addressed on the 
subject by one or more of the common friends of Mr. Robert 
J. Ward and myself, — was told of his anxiety that I should 
appear as counsel for his sons, and was urged to do so. 

I have now, I believe, stated all the facts and circumstances 
that led to my employment in the Ward case. The statement 
may well appear to you to be as superfluous as tedious, but I 
have made it because the subject has been so much misunder 



102 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

stood .ukI misrepresented, and because my desire is that all may 
be truly known. 

Was it not, under these circumstances, my clear right and 
duty as a lawyer and as a dudi to appear as counsel in this 
case ? You have answered by approving of my conduct. If I 
had shrunk from the performance of that duty from any fear 
of the great and widespread excitement that prevailed against 
the accused, or from any merely selfish calculations, I should 
then, indeed, have felt myself degraded, unworthy the name of 
FKiKNi) — unworth}' of my profession — unworthy of the respect 
of honorable men — unworthy of old Kentucky. I could have 
no motive to aj)pear in the case of Ward but a sense of duty. 
It was not avarice that tempted me, for I declined to take a fee; 
it was not party or political interest, for the prisoners, their 
father, and a numerous connection of influential men were op- 
posed to me in politics. I certainly could not have indulged 
the expectation of acquiring popularity by it, as all know that 
the accused were objects of the most violent and angry excite- 
ment, exasperated and spread far and wide by newspaper de- 
nunciation. No improper motive sullied my determination ; 
nor has any such been imputed to me so far as I know. 

I have stated my relations with the father and family of the 
accused, and the peculiar circumstances of the case that seemed 
to impose on me a personal obligation to appear in it as counsel. 
I have stated them because they are part of the history of the 
transaction, and because they had in fact an influence upon me. 
I hope that my heart will never fail to feel such influences or 
be slow in recognizing the duties they impose. If to stick to 
one's friends be a frailty, may that frailty be mine. But I do 
not mean out of these peculiar circumstances and relations to 
frame for myself an)' excuse or special plea. I throw m)'self 
on the great principle oi criminal Justice, th^it ever}' man, no 
matter with what crimes he is charged, has the right to appear 
and defend himself by counsel, and to select whatever counsel 
he may choose and be able to employ. This is a right secured 
to every man by the Constitution, and is one of the great se- 
curities for life and liberty. I stand on this great principle, and 
the vindication of it is my vindication. This principle no one 
would venture to dispute, and with as little reason could the 
conse(iuence be disputed that the counsel selected and employed 
by the accused had the ri^^ht, if it was his dutj to appear, to 
ai)pear as his defender. As exceedingly appropriate to this 
subject, I cannot forbear to quote at some length a passage full 
of beauty and in.struction from a sermon delivered in England 
by the celebrated and Rev. Sydney Smith before some of the 
judges and lawyers of that countr}-. It is thus expressed: 



THE WARD TRIAL. iq 



J 



" Upon those who are engaged in studying the laws of their 
country devolves the honorable and Christian task of defending 
the accused, — a sacred duty never to be yielded up, never to be 
influenced by any vehemence nor intensity of public opinion. 
In these times of profound peace and unexampled prosperity, 
there is little danger in executing this duty, and little temptation 
to violate it ; but human affairs change like the clouds of 
heaven ; another year may find us or may leave us in all the 
perils and bitterness of internal dissension, and' upon one of 
you may devolve the defense of some accused person, the ob- 
ject of men's hopes and fears, the single point on which the eyes 
of a whole people are bent. These are the occasions which try 
a man's inward heart, and separate the dross of human nature 
from the gold of human nature. On these occasions never 
mind being mixed up for a moment with the criminal and the 
crime; fling yourself back upon great principles; fling your- 
self back upon God ; yield not one atom to violence ; suffer not 
the slightest encroachments of injustice; retire not one step 
before the frowns of power; tremble not, for a single instant, at 
the dread of misrepresentation. The great interests of man- 
kind are placed in your hands. It is not so much the individ- 
ual you are defending; it is not so much a matter of conse- 
quence whether this or that is proved to be a crime ; but, on 
such occasions, you are often called upon to defend the occu- 
pation of a defender, — to take care that the sacred rights belong- 
ing to that character are not destroyed ; that that best privilege 
of your profession, which so much secures our regard, and so 
much redounds to your credit, is never soothed by flattery, never 
corrupted by favor, never chilled by fear. You may practice 
this wickedness secretly, as you may any other wickedness ; 
you may suppress a topic of defense or soften an attack upon 
opponents, or weaken your own argument and sacrifice the man 
who has put his trust in you, rather than provoke the powerful 
by the triumphant establishment of unwelcomed innocence; 
but if you do this, you are a guilty man before God." 

Let any sensible or Christian man read that, and then say if 
I have not performed a duty — a praiseworthy duty — in defend- 
ing Matt. F. Ward, as his counsel. 

But it has been said that his guilt was so enormous and well 
known that I was blamable for appearing in his behalf This 
is an absurdity. The law considers him innocent till legally 
convicted ; but guilty or innocent, he is legally entitled to coun- 
sel, and it is the duty of that counsel to see that he is regularly 
and legally tried, and that he be not condemned without due 
proof his guilt. It is not upon what is heard out-of-doors, or 
upon mere hearsay. The judge and jury can know nothing of 



,04 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the case but what appears from the sworn evidence in court; so 
it is with the lawyer; and he has no right to presume him to 
be, and treat him as, a guilty man merely because he is charged 
and rumored to be so. But suppose it would be improper and 
immoral in a lawyer, to appear as counsel for one known to 
be guilty. I did not know that Matt. F. Ward was guilty of 
murder in killing Mr. Butler; I knew that rumor proclaimed 
him to be so ; but rumor is not a very reliable or accurate wit- 
ness. Whether killing was a murder depended on circum- 
stances that might mitigate, or even excuse, the offense ; and 
before any engagement was made by me in his case I was as- 
sured, in his behalf, that such circumstances did exist. When I 
met and communicated with him, just before his trial, he himself 
stated to me facts and circumstances that amounted to the same 
assurance ; and all this was so far proved upon the trial that the 
jur\', upon that ground, I presume, acquitted him. 

I had, therefore, before the trial, and before any engagement in 
the case, cause to hope and believe that he was not guilty. In that 
hope and belief I appeared as his counsel. This much I can 
say, without undertaking to define the limits of professional 
proprieties and obligations, that I would not appear as counsel 
for any man known to me to be guilty of murder by his own 
confession or by my own personal knowledge. 

In the clamor raised against Ward's counsel, it was consid- 
ered as quite a reproach to me that I had appeared for him 
icithoHt a fee. If I had chosen, then, to exact a fee, all would 
have been right. The demerit of my conduct^ according to 
this exception, was owing to my not having pocketed a fee ; 
and this, at first, and for a long time, was vociferated and pub- 
lished as the chief, and I believe only, complaint made. against 
me. What folly ! 

It has also been quite seriously urged, that it was improper 
for mc to throw " my name" and my official " dignit}-" (that is, 
my " dignity" as senator elect to a seat about two years after) 
in the scales of justice in favor of W^ard. I did not throw my 
" name" or "dignity" (whether they be much or little) into the 
.scales of justice in his favor any otherwise than by simply ap- 
j)earing as his counsel in the ordinary mode of practice. I 
could not be so arrogant as to suppose that my " name" or 
"official dignity" would control the proceedings of a court of 
justice, or have any undue influence there. Would it not have 
been (juite preposterous and ridiculous for me to have urged 
my " name" and "dignity" as an excuse for not appearing? I 
would have been ashamed to do it. 

In the passage above quoted from the sermon of the Rev. 
Sydney Smith, he says that it is an " honorable and Christian 



THE WARD TRIAL. 1 05 

task" to defend the accused. I have done so, and I am not so 
vainglorious as to imagine that my poor " name" and " dignity" 
have raised me above, or can excuse me for, the performance of 
any " honorable" and " Christian" duties. Such a pretension 
would justly have subjected me to reproach. But when these 
and other like senseless topics of abuse, as various as passion 
and folly could make them, were exhausted, my speech in de- 
fense of Ward, and the evidence in the case, were published 
from the report of a stenographer, who attended the trial for 
the purpose, — this published report furnished occasion for a 
new series of criticisms and animadversions. In these I am 
charged with various offenses in the management and argu- 
ment of the case. I cannot go through all these articles of 
impeachment. These are some of them : 

1st. That the counsel for Ward offered a witness on his part 
who was indicted as an accomplice, and argued in favor of his 
competency, when it was plain and must have been known to 
them that the witness was not competent, although the judge 
thought differently and admitted the witness to testify. 

The author of this censure may know more law than we or 
our judges do; but it would have seemed more decent and 
professional to have expressed himself a little less dictatorially 
on the subject. The legal question as to the competency of 
such witnesses, I believe, is quite a vexed question, and has 
been variously decided in different States and by different 
judges. By the same judge who presided on the trial of Ward, 
and by his predecessor, it had been judicially settled that they 
were competent. Therefore, I say, that whatever Ward's coun- 
sel may have knozvji, or rather thought, they would have been 
treacherous to their duty and to their client, who had trusted 
his life to them, if, believing the witness to be important to him, 
they had refused or neglected to introduce him. Of what con- 
sequence was the thinkings or the opinions of his lawyers ? It 
was on the opinions and decisions of the judge that the life of 
the accused depended. The lawyer who should undertake to 
decide points of law against his client, without submitting them 
to the judgment of the court, would so far make himself the 
judge instead of the advocate. His duty as advocate is to 
present them to the court, and perhaps the judge might differ 
with the lawyer and decide in favor of the prisoner ; and not 
only is it his duty to present them to the court, but to say 
whatever can be said in their support. It results, therefore, as 
I think, that the censure passed on the counsel of Ward for 
introducing the witness who has been alluded to, is unjust 
and illiberal. 

But, secondly, it is further, in substance, charged against me 



I06 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

that, in my address to the jury, I assumed facts of which there 
was no proof, — used arguments, drew inferences, and presented 
views that were not fairly warranted by the evidence. These 
allegations have not been made so much as criticisms upon the 
speech as criminal charges against me. These charges are 
founded, as I understand, upon the report of the speeches of 
counsel and of the evidence in the Ward case, made by a 
stenographer, since published. Such reports are proverbial for 
defectiveness and inaccuracy. I have never read the report of 
the evidence ; but I have hastily glanced over the report of my 
address to the jury. I must say that it is a meagre report, and 
has many inaccuracies. I do not mean to complain of the 
stenographer, for defects, omissions, and errors were unavoid- 
able and excusable in this instance, where he, for eight days or 
more, in a crowded court-house, was constantly confined to his 
seat and his task. 

Uj^on such authority alone are these last-mentioned charges 
made. The accuser finds in my speech, as reported, some 
statement of facts, and then turning to the same stenographer's 
report of the evidence, he, as he says, can find there no evi- 
dence in support of my statement, and his conclusion is that I 
have been guilty of misstatement, and guilty intentionally, as 
otherwise he would hardly have thought it so grave an offense, 
or deserving such severe animadversion as he has bestowed 
upon it. But his view of the subject is totally unjust and in- 
correct ; for if there really be any difference or discrepancy 
between the reporter's notes of the evidence and my statements 
of it in argument, the latter, without involving any question of 
veracity, ought to be regarded as more reliable than the notes 
of the stenographer. My statements or assumptions of facts, 
or of the evidence upon which they rested, were made in open 
court, and ought to be, and would have been, corrected at the 
moment, if erroneous, by the judge, the juiy, or the opposing 
counsel. The failure of all these to attempt any such correction 
is such a sanction as ought to place my statement beyond ques- 
tion, or, at least, to give it higher credit than can be given to 
the notes of any stenographer. I have only to add here that I 
am entirely unconscious of having made any misstatement of 
evidence or of facts, as proved, when there was no such proof 

As to the other charges, that the views and inferences that I 
presented to the ]\\xy were stronger and more favorable than 
the evidence warranted, I have but little to say. These objec- 
tions, at most, onl}' imply a difference of opinion between the 
counsel for Ward and the critic who wanted him hung. All 
such would very naturally think every argument unsound which 
tended to his acquittal. I am not conscious of having made 



THE WARD TRIAL. 



107 



myself at all liable to such imputations. I argued the case 
with all the ability I could, and endeavored to present to the 
court and jury all the views I could (both as to the law and the 
evidence) most favorable to my client. In all these views and 
arguments I, perhaps, had not equal confidence ; nor were all 
of them, perhaps, equally sustained by law or evidence. But, 
as counsel, I ought not to have withheld any views or argu- 
ments that might help my client from any want of my confi- 
dence in them ; although unsatisfactory to my mind, they might 
have been quite satisfactory to the judge and jury; and those 
in which I had confidence might have proved unsatisfactory to 
the court and jury. It was the plain course of my duty to pre- 
sent all the views favorable to my client that by any influences 
or presumptions, weak or strong, might apply to the case. The 
prosecuting attorneys did the like on the other side, — presented 
all the arguments and views that could be presented against the 
accused. It was all before the court and jury, and they were 
to judge the case after hearing all that could be said on either 
side. 

The duties of a prisoner's counsel in such cases do not seem 
to me to be rightly understood by those who have undertaken 
to animadvert upon the counsel of Ward. I do not intend to 
discuss the subject here, but I hope I may be excused for 
making a further reference to what the learned and Rev. Syd- 
ney Smith thought and wrote about it. In an article written 
by him and published in the Edinbtirgli Review in 1826, in favor 
of the allowance of " Counsel for Prisoners" (the law of Eng- 
land not then allowing it in all cases), says, " The counsel has 
(after all the evidence has been given) a bad opinion of his 
client's case ; but he suppresses that opinion, and it is his duty 
to do so. He is not to decide; that is the province of the jury; 
and, in spite of his own opinion, his client may be innocent. 
He is brought there (or would be brought there, if the privi- 
lege of speech were allowed) for the express purpose of sayiJig 
all that could be said on one side of the question. He is a weight 
in one scale, and some one else holds the balance." 

In conclusion, I will declare that in the trial of the Ward 
case I neither said nor did anything that was not, according to 
my judgment, within the strictest and most honorable limits of 
professional duty. I argued the case with all the ability I could; 
but no artifice or trick was used. I intended to argue the case 
fairly, and I did so, whatever may be said to the contrary. 

I have been reviled for performing an act of duty, — a duty 
devolved on me by circumstances and by my profession. These 
attacks upon me have been the result of a great public excite- 
ment, — such an excitement as blinds and misleads, for the 



I08 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

time, even good and wise men. But this excitement, and with 
it its delusions,. have passed, or are passing, away. In silence I 
have borne and forborne, in the confidence that when time and 
reflection had dispelled their passion, even those men who have 
most misjudged and wronged me would feel a deep regret for 
their course of injustice towards me. 

I am not indifferent to public opinion. I could wish to make 
my conduct agreeable to all. It would grieve me to lose the 
good opinion of any good man. I have done nothing to for- 
feit the regard of any such man ; and such, I trust, will be the 
judgment of all the dispassionate and candid when my conduct 
shall be fairly and justly considered. For myself, I am satisfied 
that what I have done is right, and I can make no apologies for 
it. I should be insincere and dishonest if I did. 

Begging you, gentlemen, to excuse me for having availed 
myself of the occasion which your letter afforded me, and this 
tedious communication, 

I remain, respectfully and gratefully yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 



(J. J. Crittenden to Mr. Hunton.) 

St. Louis, May 14, 1854. 
De.\r Hunton, — Your letter of the 2d inst. was received a 
few days since, and you may be assured that the motives which 
dictated it arc properly understood and appreciated. You de- 
sire information in relation to my appearance as counsel in the 
late trial of young Ward, in order that you may be better able 
to vindicate my conduct from the unjust censure which, without 
reflection, has been cast upon it. I have had nothing to do 
with that case e.xcept professionally as counsel for the accused. 
My connection with it may be stated in a few words, — details 
are unnecessary and immaterial. Relations of private friendship 
had, from my earliest manhood, existed between me and many 
of tile members of the family to which Robert J. Ward, the 



LETTER TO LOGAN HUNTON. 109 

father of the accused, belonged. Ward and myself had long 
been personal friends, and he was a friend to be loved and 
cherished. When he was in the deepest distress and agony it 
was made known to me that he desired I should appear as 
counsel for his sons, then imprisoned and awaiting their trial 
under a heavy load of prejudice and excitement. Could I, as 
a professional man, could I, as a friend, have refused to do this? 
No, I would not refuse ! The very responsibility of appearing 
in the case, under the existing excitement, made it necessary 
for me to volunteer, or appear a timid lawyer and worthless 
friend. After considering the matter and the repeated solicita- 
tions of mutual friends, I determined not to reject the appeals 
made to me, but to appear in the case, and render the accused 
such professional services as were in my power. I resolved, 
also, to receive no fee for my services. I believed that I might 
exact almost any amount of compensation, — this was felt by 
me to be a reason for accepting none. I shrank from the idea 
or appearance of bargaining with a distressed friend or specu- 
lating upon his misfortunes or his generosity. Having come 
to these conclusions, I informed Mr. Matt. F. Ward of them by 
a note addressed to him some few weeks before his trial, and 
received from him a letter of grateful acknowledgments. His 
father was then, I supposed, absent in New Orleans. I did ap- 
pear for Matt. Ward, and defended him with what ability I 
could, but I neither did nor said anything which was not within 
the strictest limits of an honest and honorable discharge of 
professional duty. The trial took place at Elizabethtown, the 
seat of justice of Hardin County, about eighty or a hundred 
miles from my residence in Frankfort. I had nothing to do 
with the preparation of the case, or the selection of the jury. 
These professional duties were performed by other counsel, 
better acquainted with the facts of the case and the persons 
presented as jurors. I have no reason to doubt but that these 
duties were performed in a manner becoming the profession 
and the honorable character of the counsel on whom they de- 
volved. I may say that I had nothing to do with the case but 
to argue it before the court and jury. The trial, so far as I 
know or could observe, was in all respects fairly conducted. As 
to the accusations or denunciations that have since been made 
against the jury, I know nothing of their truth or justice. At 
the time I engaged to appear in the case, I knew nothing of it 
but what might have been gathered from common rumor. To 
give you a full view of all the circumstances in the case, I must 
add that I had previously, and from his boyhood, had some 
acquai7itanu with the accused. Matt. Ward. That acquaint- 
ance, limited as it was, had made a most favorable impression 



no ^^FE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

on me, and prepared me to sympathize with him, and to believe 
that there were circumstances of more mitigation and excuse in 
hi.s case than rumor seemed to allow. I have prolonged this 
letter more than I intended. My object was simply to state 
facts. I have done nothing in this case but what my judgment 
and my feelings approve. I have in the exercise of my pro- 
fession appeared as counsel for a friend, — the son of a friend ; for 
this I have no defense to make. I did not intrude myself into 
the case; I appeared in it because they wished it. I do not de- 
sire this letter to be published; it is too crudely and hastily 
written, and I shall not take the trouble to read it over. I have, 
besides, other objections to its publication. 

Judge Walker, of the Delta, is now, I suppose, in New Or- 
leans ; he was present during the trial, and can give full infor- 
mation about it. 

I am your friend, 

LoG.\N HuNTON, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Robert C. Winthrop to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, June 25, 1854. 

My dear Sir, — Why should the Attorney-General stay at 
home while all the rest of the cabinet are traveling? I hear 
confidentially that o/d Harvard is going to make him an LL.D. 
at her approaching commencement. Why can you not come 
on and take it in person? You shall have three days of most 
agreeable festival. On the 15th of July the law-school hold 
their anniversary celebration, and have an oration from Mr. 
Choate, followed by a dinner. On the i6th, the commence- 
ment exercises take place; and on the 17th, the principal lit- 
erary society, ^ B K, have an oration and poem, followed by 
a very quiet free-and-easy sort of dinner. I want you especially 
at this \:\st frolic, as I am president of the fraternity. You shall 
meet all our cleverest people and see old Harvard with all her 
bravery on. Such a trip would " renew your youth like the 
eagle's." I have written to Sir H. Bulwer to come along, and 
perhaps you can make a party together. We should be most 
truly glad to see you, and then you could go off to Newport 
or where you like. 

I am, dear sir, very faithfully yours, 

Robert C. Winthrop. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. J. Ward to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New Orleans, March 27, 1855. 
Mv dear Sir, — My admiration of your character for forty 
years past would have made it extremely gratifying to me to 



LETTER TO ROBERT J. WARD. m 

place in your hands some memorial to inform those who come 
after us that j^?^ and /had h^Q^a friends. Recent events furnish 
me with an ample apology for doing so, and must remove any 
feeling of delicacy on your part in accepting it. This letter will 
reach you with a box containing a few articles made by my 
order expressly for your use, which I ask the favor of you to 
accept as a token of my sincere and grateful regard. Were the 
gift worthy of the feelings which prompt it or the merit of the 
person for whom it is intended, it would be something to last 
forever ; but this cannot be. I ask as a favor to me that when 
you cease to use this silver on your table, you will leave it to 
one of your descendants bearing your family name, with a like 
request to him. Your late noble conduct, though in strict ac- 
cordance with every act of your long and useful life, gives you 
claims on my gratitude never to be forgotten, and which I can 
never hope to repay. Your reward will surely come, though it 
will not be here. You have always been the warm friend of all 
who were unfortunate, and we have the highest authority for 
saying that those who have been merciful will themselves be 
judged in mercy. 

Renewing my assurances of most affectionate regard, I am 
faithfully and fully your friend, 

R. J. Ward. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Robert J. Ward.) 

Frankfort, May 5, 1855. 

My dear Sir, — Your beautiful present of silver has been re- 
ceived, and with it your letter of the 27th of March last, request- 
ing in terms of great delicacy my acceptance of it as a memo- 
rial of our friendship. My habits and circumstances of life 
have not accustomed me to the use of such rich table furniture; 
but it is not on that account accepted with the less gratification. 
I receive and welcome it in the same cordial spirit with which 
it is given, and it shall be preserved and valued as the token of 
an ancient friendship and as a testimony that I did not forsake 
my friend in the day of his adversity. When I cease to use it, 
it shall be disposed of as you have requested, and I will make 
it the duty of that one of my descendants who receives it from 
me to have your letter engraved upon it for a lasting remem- 
brance. For me to have it so inscribed would seem like vanity; 
for my son, it will be a filial and honorable duty. 

I am your friend, 

Robert J. Ward. J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER VI. 
1856. 

Returned to the Senate in 1855— Naval Retiring Board— Clayton-Bulwer Treaty 
—Letter to his Children— British Enlistments— Notice to Denmark— Letter to 
Mrs. Coleman— General Scott to Crittenden — Memorial of Kansas Senators — 
Letter of James M. Truman and Lewellyn Pratt— Veto of the Mississippi River 
Bill. 

MR. CRITTENDEN left the cabinet at the close of Mr. 
Filhnore's administration, and returned to the Senate in 
1855, where he remained till 1861. 

On the subject of the Naval Retiring Board Mr. Crittenden 
took the greatest interest. He thought there was, perhaps, 
.some occasion for reform in the navy. The bill had been de- 
signed to accomplish that reform, but it had operated to a 
greater extent than the country or the Senate had ever antici- 
pated. He thought the senators could not sit still and close 
their ears to the complaints of two hundred American citizens, 
officers of the navy, who had been cut down, and who appealed 
to the Senate against a wrong they declared to have been done 
them. Mr. Crittenden thought it due to the honor of the 
country, and to the brave men who had so gloriously main- 
tained our flag, to look into the matter. For himself, he could 
not consent to confirm all that had been done summarily. He 
would like to retain all the good that had been done by the 
Board, but sooner than one honorable and faithful officer should 
be dishonored and displaced, as far as his vote could go, he 
would take the responsibility of utterly abrogating all that had 
been done. There was a constitutional remedy, and the Presi- 
dent of the United States was invested with the power to apply 
it Mr. Crittenden proposed to make an appeal to the Secre- 
tary of the Navy, that he would take the initiative, and send 
back to the Senate the names of such officers as he might 
deem wortiiy of restoration. If the executive was disposed to 
(112) 



THE CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY. 113 

co-operate, justice might in this way be done to the country by 
the exclusion of incompetent persons, and justice to individuals 
who had been dishonored. In his opinion, no tribunal had 
any power but that which was delegated to it by law. As to 
replacing the officers, that would remain a legal question. This 
would, of course, scatter confusion throughout the whole navy, 
and the end would be disastrous; and he thought the way he 
suggested the only way. Mr. Crittenden had seen dismissed 
officers talking about this question, had seen tears trickle down 
the cheeks which for forty years had been exposed to storm 
and battle, but who had no tears for such poor cause as hard- 
ship and suffering. To say "that there was no disgrace in this, 
to mark the efficiency of men by their thews and sinews, was 
a strange idea. There was one man who had a leg broken! — he 
supposed that was the cause of Maury's inefficiency. He re- 
membered a story which he had read in his boyish days of a lame 
man who wanted to go to the battle of Thermopylae, who wished 
to form one of that great chosen band. They told him no. 
His reply was, Lacedaemon does not want soldiers to nm away ; 
and he went to Thermopylae. Is it inefficiency in an officer to 
be lame? Admiral Nelson had lost an arm in the public ser- 
vice of his country, — did it diminish his efficiency? No, it 
made him a thousand times more efficient. Suppose he had 
lost both legs and both arms, and was set up with his body, and 
the face and the eye of the man, in the day of battle, in the 
centre of his ship, — would he not have been the image of war, 
and the assurance of victory to every man around him? I 
cannot doubt but, upon a proper appeal to the President, he will 
perform the gracious office of co-operating with us." 

In the Senate, on the 20th of February, 1856, the Clayton- 
Bulwer Treaty, as it was called, was under discussion. This 
treaty related to Central America. There was a question raised 
as to the island of Roatan. By the American interpretation 
the island was considered a part of Central America, and by 
the terms of the treaty it was to be abandoned by Great Britain. 
The latter government contended that she was not to abandon 
any previous possessions. In the course of the discussion, Mr. 
Wilson, of Massachusetts, was understood by Mr. Crittenden 
to cast some imputations upon Mr. Clayton. With his ever 

VOL. II. — 8 



114 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

prompt readiness to defend a friend, Mr. Crittenden sprang to 
his feet, and declared the negotiation of the treaty was a high 
lienor of which any statesman in the land might be proud. He 
ilcnicd that the American Secretary of State ever had any in- 
formation before the negotiation of the treaty on the subject of 
this claim of Great Britain to the island of Roatan. Perhaps 
the honorable gentleman, Mr. Wilson, alluded to something 
which had reached him in an imperfect and illusory way. He 
believed Sir Henry Bulwer had written a note to Mr. Clayton, 
which he had asked to take back, and Jiad taken back. There 
was nothing that could cast the slightest shadow over the per- 
fect integrity and sincerity of the treaty on the American side. 
"The senator says 'Great Britain still claims a protectorate.' 
Well, be it so. It is but the shadow of one, sufficient for that 
effigy of a king, who is set up so much to the discredit of roy- 
alty." It was strange to Mr. Crittenden that the statesmen and 
ministers of her illustrious Majesty could assume to place be- 
side her, in a chair of sovereignty, this dirty Indian king; 
crmvned, they tell us, at Jamaica with all the solemnity of 
royalty, and called King of Mosquitia. Well, he thought all 
this was harmless to us. 

Washington, February 22, 1856. 

Mv DEAR Children, — We received your invitation of the 
24th of January last to visit you at Frankfort, with the promise 
of a "joyous greeting." We have accepted many that are 
much less agreeable, but I suppose we must say, in polite and 
fashionable phrase, we are obliged by previous engagements to 
decline your invitation. How delightful it would have been 
to make you a flying visit during the winter! How much 
more gratifying than all that Washington could afford! I 
thought of it till it became a fixed idea — almost a reality — 
with me, and enjoyed it. But the vision is past and gone, and 
we are here in Washington without the hope of seeing you for 
months to come. But these months will also pass away, and 
we will return to you happier in proportion to the greater 
length of time we have been separated from you. We hope 
to meet, and that hope must be our compensation and our 
pleasure. 

lake notice that we only consider your invitation as sus- 
pended, and we shall expect a great feast on our return,— a 
great family carnival. I want, furthermore, to hear our old 
house resounding with the glad voices of family and friends. 



NOTICE TO DENMARK. II3 

For the present we must say farewell, and health, and joy, and 
happiness to our children. 

Your father and mother, 

J. J. Crittenden, 
Elizabeth Crittenden. 
To A. M. Coleman, E. A. Watson, C. L. Crittenden, S. L. 
Watson, Mary McKinley, H. B. Crittenden, E. Watson, etc. 

There was intense excitement in the country in 1856 on the 
subject of the British enlistment question within the United 
States. Mr. Crittenden thought the British government had 
made full atonement for her error by issuing orders (as soon 
as she heard of dissatisfaction in the United States) to the au- 
thorities in Nova Scotia and other establishments for recruiting, 
directing them to stop it at once. The senator from Michigan, 
Mr. Cass, was not satisfied, and insisted upon the recall of Mr. 
Crampton, the British minister. ]\Ir. Crittenden thought the 
offense was against the nation, and that it would be a small 
vengeance to fall upon the British minister ; he did not wish 
this great nation to engage in the small pursuit of individuals 
for national wrongs ; he was opposed to this system of gather- 
ing up little offenses in our intercourse with nations, — hoarding 
them up and bringing them to bear when they were most sensi- 
tively felt. If we continued this course, the world would con- 
sider us quarrelsome — seeking occasion for disturbance — rather 
than a nation conscious of power and knowing how to maintain 
her dignity calmly. 

On the subject of "the notice to Denmark of the termination 
of the treaty as to the Danish Sound dues," Mr. Crittenden 
contended that the President had no constitutional power to 
give the notice, nor could the Senate and the President do it ; 
he affirmed that all political powers delegated to the govern- 
ment of the United States were to be exercised by the zvhole 
political organization of the government. " The termination of 
treaties was a political power. The honorable gentleman from 
Virginia, Mr. Mason, frequently indoctrinates the Senate on 
the subject of strict construction of the Constitution. Let him 
point to the treaty. He will find that it gives no power to the 
President to give the notice. All legislative power belongs to 
the Congress of the United States, and all powers, great and 



Il6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

small, granted by the Constitution are exercised by or under \\\q. 
direction of Congress. This was a general principle. Particular 
powers are given to particular departments of the government; 
all not so specifically delegated are delegated to the whole govern- 
ment — the President, Senate, and House of Representatives." 
Mr. Crittenden thought the subject of controversy a very small 
affair, and wished it had remained in the donnitojies of the ex- 
ecutive department. The whole amount of Sound dues we had 
ever paid was about two thousand dollars per annum ; he thought 
it was not worth while to get up a disturbance throughout 
the world and make a question about that to which all other 
nations submitted. " It was no point of honor; it was not wise 
to make world-wide questions about minute rights, minute 
quarrels, about which negotiation would cost more than the 
whole amount of dues. We would not act so, in private life, 
with a poor neighbor, who almost implores us and pleads 
poverty. This money is not exacted as a tribute. This claim 
of Denmark is founded on some plausibility, — has, at least, the 
consideration of the acquiescence of ages. We should not 
have allowed it to foster up into a question of honor. Den- 
mark is an humble power and a poor power, not claiming the 
dues in a spirit of arrogance; she does something in return, — 
puts lights on her coasts and facilitates commerce ; this is the 
basis of her claim. I am sorry we should have been in such 
haste to get rid of this payment." 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. A. M. Coleman.) 

March 7, 1S56. 

My de.\r Ann Mary,— I have received your letter relating to 
your trip to Europe. The idea of your taking your children 
to a distant foreign country, beyond the protection of your 
family, must, under any circumstances, be the occasion of much 
anxiety to me. Apart from this, it must be a source of great 
concern and importance to you. Its consequences may, and 
probably will, very materially affect you and your children for 
good or /// through life. Your objects, as I understand you, 
are chicHy economy and education. I fear you will be disap- 
pomted in the first; and as to the second, I think you will find, 
in the end, that an education in one's own country (in which they 
arc to pass their lives) is the best of educations. I will not 
deny that there are advantages in visiting foreign countries, and 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 117 

some advantage from foreign education, especially in the lan- 
guages ; and I think there is not much danger of your acquir- 
ing any foreign notions or habits uncongenial to those of your 
own country. Still, summing up the whole, it seems to me 
that you would be making an adventurous experiment in re- 
moving to a foreign country. I doubt very much if you would 
not all be homesick, and return from an expensive trip before 
there was time to realize any real advantage. The article of 
expense is to be dreaded. This can scarcely be calculated 
with accuracy, because it depends so much upon the peculiar 
tastes and habits of each individual. It becomes you to be 
guarded, as it would be altogether disastrous to return disap- 
pointed from Europe to an impaired fortune at home. You are 
quite capable of estimating all this ; have done so, without 
doubt, and convinced yourself your plan is good. Think over 
the whole matter again with prudent consideration, and if you 
are confirmed in your conviction that it is best to take your 
children to Europe, then follow your inclination. I do not wish 
you to surrender your judgment to mine. With this I shall be 
satisfied, however much I may regret to part with you. You 
must be sure that your means are adequate, without making any 
material encroachment upon your estate. My fear is that you 
will not realize the pleasure or advantages that you anticipate. 
I feel bound to say this ; b^it, having said so, if you think best 
to go, I am not opposed to it. God bless you all ! 

Your father, 
Mrs. A. M. Coleman. J. J. Crittenden. 

(General Winfield Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, March 28, 1856. 

My dear Crittenden, — More than a month ago I gave Ma- 
jor Crittenden a six months' leave of absence. Observing that 
he spoke of asking permission to visit Europe, I forwarded the 
papers, and requested that he might be indulged. Such indul- 
gence, under the army regulations, can only be granted by the 
President. During the last twelve months but one, in some 
twenty applications, has been granted. 

The day that I received your letter (inclosing the Kentucky 
resolution) I chanced, at dinner, to mention the compliment, in 
the fullness of my heart, to another guest, when he instantly 
suggested that the New York legislature might be induced to 
follow the lead, and begged me to send the resolution, with a 
paper of notes. The result is, that Mr. Crosby, in the Senate, 
yesterday, brought forward the subject, and I have letters this 
morning saying that the movement will succeed. 



Il8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

God bless old Kentucky, and God bless the friend that put her 
legislature in mind of doing me this great service! 

On reflection, I may add that Captain Walker, of the Rifles, 
is now in Europe, and Colonel Irving's request to be allowed to 
cross the Atlantic has been refused. 

Why don't you and Mrs. Crittenden go abroad this summer? 
If you do not, you must both come North. 

Most truly yours, 

Hon. J. J. C KITTEN DEN". WiNFIELD ScOTT. 

On the loth of April, 1856, there was a little personal discus- 
sion or altercation between Mr. Crittenden and Mr. Seward which 
is worthy of note. The Kansas bill was before the Senate, and 
a paper, purporting to be a memorial of Kansas senators, had 
been presented by Mr. Cass, of Michigan. Mr. Crittenden rose 
and said he was wholly opposed to the debate, or any debate 
calculated to disturb the peace of the Union, and if he could 
prevent it, no gentleman should have the sinister advantage of 
disturbing the country by an affected patriotic ebnllition. The 
gentleman from New York, Mr. Seward, was well acquainted 
with the paper, and called it " the appeal of outraged men — of 
oppressed men." Mr. C. wished to know why this paper was 
put upon the honorable senator from Michigan. In order that 
his great name, his patriotic name, might give force to it. He 
had known the senator from his bo}-hood — knew him to be 
always honest and always patriotic. 

Wh)- was this paper givxMi to him, who knew nothing about 
it, to be presented to the Senate ? Wliy did the honorable sen- 
ator from New York, Mr. Seward, endeavor to make him com- 
mit himself before the whole nation and attest by his high au- 
thoritv to the genuineness of the paper? The gentleman from 
New York had risen on the presentation of the paper, and, with 
that modesty and forbearance which have ever characterized 
him on this subject, said, " I will not take from the honorable 
senator from Michigan the privilege of vindicating the petition 
he has presentetl." Was ever design more palpable ? The 
gentleman, Mr. Seward, tells us the paper has been published 
Jj/ty thousand times. Will he please tell us whether these 
eriisnres were published in the original ? Who has dared oblit- 
erate or erase one word of this petition of distressed men ? 
The gentleman tells us he has never read the paper. How, 
then, can he know that it is the same paper which has been 
printed fifty thousand times? Because of my criticisms on 



LETTER FROM ABBOTT LAWRENCE. 



119 



these erasures, the gentleman thinks I am like a county court 
lawyer. Well, I had rather be a professional lawyer than a pro- 
fessional politician. Here, in my profession, and everywhere 
I am the same man. Sir, I suspect the purpose of this paper is 
for agitation, for party, for sectional interests. Sir, I supposed 
the gentleman could tell us something of these erasures. The 
authenticity of this document has been questioned. I meant no 
offense by my question ; it was made in no spirit of unkindness 
to Mr. Seward ; but, upon adverting to these erasures, I was told 
that my conduct more became a county court lawyer than 

Mr. Seward. — No, sir: " More became a county court than 
the Senate of the United States." The honorable gentleman 
from Kentucky is the last man I would attempt to disparage as 
a lawyer. I consider him at the head of his profession. 

Mr. Crittenden. — For that I thank the honorable senator. I 
do not wish to continue this debate ; I have had my time in 
that. My purpose is not to be a partisan ; it is my only am- 
bition now to be 3. patriot. In the little of life that is left me 
there is no hope of preferment but a simple desire to serve my 
country honorably. I seek no quarrels ; I seek no controver- 
sies. Whatever offense there has been on my side or the hon- 
orable senator's, has grown out of his explanation, and was a 
misunderstanding on my part of expressions used by him. 

Mr. Seward. — Mr. President, one, two, three, four honorable 
senators have thought necessary to assail me in the course of 
this incidental debate. I must say, in regard to the honor- 
able senator from Kentucky, that he has done me all the justice 
I had a right to demand, — that which belonged to his generous 
nature. I give my right hand to him in pledge of a continuous 
friendship and fellowship which have lasted a quarter of a cen- 
tury, 

(Abbott Lawrence to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, April 25, 1856. 
My dear Sir, — I write to thank you, first, for the well-mer- 
ited castigation you were good enough to inflict on the senator 
from Ohio. There is an accepted time for everything, and you 
selected the right moment to ajuiihilate "Beji Allen." Our peo- 
ple are delighted ; the charm of the thing is in the quiet dig- 
nity with which your remarks are characterized. You have 
done many good things in your day. I deem this last, however, 
among your best efforts, besides doing high service to the coun- 
tr}^ And now I wish to thank you for Fremont's Journal. I am 
very happy to possess it. I wish you all a safe deliverance from 
this session of Congress, and remain, dear sir, most faithfully, 

Your friend and obedient servant, 

Abbott Lawrenxe. 
To the Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 



120 I-JF^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) 

Washington, i6, 1856. 

My dear Burnlev, — Your several letters, of the 28th ult., 
and 8th and I ith of the present month, have been duly received, 
and I am much obliged by tiic full information they give of the 
subject to which they relate. 

C3ur intercourse has been such for a long time past as to 
make' you perfectly acquainted with my disposition and feeling 
in respect to a nomination to the Presidency, and in regard to 
the Presidency itself There has been no reserve between us 
on the subject, and you know what my sentiments in relation 
to it have been and are. 

That the Presidency is an office neither to be sought nor de- 
clined, is a sentiment that accords so well not only with my 
judgment, but with my natural temper and constitution, that I 
adopt and follow it rather from instinct than from any nobler or 
more patriotic consideration. It costs us no exertion to follow 
where our nature leads. I have never, therefore, //// fonuani 
:\ny pntcnsions to the Presidency, much less pressed them; nor 
have I ever endeavored, from any selfish feeling, to put back 
the claims or pretensions of any man. But, notwithstanding 
all this, I have a j^ride of character which does not permit me 
U) humble myself so far as to shrink from or to decline even 
the Presidency itself, if such an honor and station should unex- 
pectedly be offered me. But I am no candidate, — no seeker for 
the office. I have said )io word, taken no step in that direction. 
Nor will the nomination of another be any disappointment to 
me. I can willingly witness the nomination of another, and 
support that nomination, too. And of all the persons who have 
been named for that high office, I prefer our friend Davis. I 
would throw no obstacle in his way to a nomination, and would 
support that nomination with all the little power or influence I 
may have. I verily believe that Davis would do the same by 
me. And is not this all that could be required of either of us? 
I can say further, that if I could, by my word, close up all un- 
certainties of the future by accepting or making Davis the suc- 
cessor of Pierce, I would do it with an unalloyed feeling of 
gratification. 

I d.j not think that Davis's friends ought to have sought in 
the Ai7////tX;;' Convention for him any expression of />n-/i7r;/r^ 
over me. It is true that I had avowed no pretensions; but, like 
him, I had been spoken of for the same high office. Seniority, 
at least, was on my side; while more than willing to see Davis 
advanced, I might naturally feel some mortification at being 
passed by unnamed and as forgotten. Mis friends did not 
manage the thing well. Do not believe ^hat any unkindness 



RESOLUTIONS OF CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA. 12 1 

has been created in my mind by this proceeding. If Davis 
can get the nomination of the national convention I am con- 
tent. I wish he would find some occasion to visit this part of 
the country, and especially Pennsylvania and New York. He 
has been long out of public life, and is not sufficiently known 
or appreciated there. He, I believe, is less favorably con- 
sidered there than even I am. This is owing, in some degree, 
at least, to his being personally and politically less known. I 
think Davis has some peculiar claims on the American party, 
and I am sincerely anxious that he should be properly known 
and appreciated. You well know how to estimate what I say, 
because you know how little I care for myself in this matter, 
and how much I care for my friends in all matters. I am as 
willing as any to serve friends, but no surrendering must be re- 
quired of me. But I must quit this subject. So far as concerns 
me, I have nothing to complain of the convention that lately 
met in Frankfort, or of its proceedings. Your course was 
such as became you, and you said nothing for me or in rela- 
tion to me but what I approve. From my not writing to you 
you may infer, as the truth is, that I wrote to no one, at- 
tempted to influence no one, and took no part whatever in 
respect to the convention. Mr. Davis's friends and mine are 
to a great extent the same, and I hope they may remain so, 
and that no paltry jealousy will be allowed to produce any 
alienations. 

I must close this letter. I wish you were coming here in- 
stead of going South, Many are the inquiries made about 
you, and many are they who would be delighted to see you 
here. 

I am going out to dinner and the hour has come. 

I send you the copies which you request to be returned. I 
owe many letters to home folk, and I intend to pay them very 
soon. 

Give my kindest regards and love to all. 

Your friend, 

A. T. Burnley, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

Philadelphia, May 28, 1856. 

Dear Sir, — At a meeting of citizens of the city and county 
of Philadelphia, convened at the county court-house, Saturday 
evening, May 27, the following resolution was submitted by 
William S. Pierce : 

Resolved, That the conduct of the Hon. John J. Crittenden, 
of Kentucky, in seeking to protect the Hon. Charles Sumner 
from the murderous assault of Preston S. Brooks, should re- 
ceive the warmest thanks of every friend of humanity as strongly 



122 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

and strangely in contrast with the conduct of other witnesses 
of that cruel and bloody scene. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted, and the officers of 
the meeting were instructed to forward a copy of the same to 
you, which we have the honor now to do. 

George H. Earle, Prcsideyit. 
J.A.S. M. Truman, "I ^ .. • 
Lewellyn Pratt, j 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden, United States Senator. 

Mr. Crittenden. — If I understand my friend from Georgia, he 
admits that improvements for the common defense are national 
objects, and that the public money may be expended in con- 
structing such fortifications. Now, I ask him if the benefit of 
that is equally distributed ? This constitutional idea seems to 
demand not only that the system of taxation shall be equal, but 
that no man shall be required to pay more than his adequate 
proportion of ta.xes. If tliat is not sufficient to produce all the 
equality intended by the Constitution, and if we are compelled 
to make no other improvements than those, the benefits of which 
can be distinctly traced equally to every tax-paying citizen of 
the United States, tc/zdW and when is there an improvement that 
can be made ? On such a theory this government is a barren, 
lifeless trunk, forbidden to do good, forbidden to adv^ance the 
great national necessity which has created it, and which pays 
for it. On this princi})le Congress can do nothing. Let us 
apply it to the admitted constitutional power of improving our 
seaboard frontier, so as to guard against the incursions or in- 
roads of foreign warfare. Are they equally beneficial to all the 
people of the United States ? If, in regard to the expenditure 
of money for internal improvements, we are to individualize 
ourselves and look exactly to the equal benefit which every one 
is to receive, why not apply the same view to the admitted con- 
stitutional construction of fortifications ? Why may I not say 
to the .senator, on his own principle, "You may make fortifica- 
tions, but they mu.st be national?" — and I include in that term an 
equal benefit, an equal security, to every one in the country. 

Now, can you say to me that the fortresses j^ou have erected 
in California are necessary to my security in Kentucky, equally 
so, at least, as they are to the people of California? No one 
can .say that. Hut for your railroads, and telegraphs, and 
steamers a war might go on for a year in California and never 
be heard of in Kentucky; it might rage for years without ever 
reaching me in its remotest consequences or remotest evils. If 
yuu demand, as an essential element, in every constitutional 
expenditure of money for such objects, that the benefits shall 



MISSISSIPPI RIVER BILL VETO. 123 

be felt equally in all localities, no work can ever be done ; your 
hands are palsied, and you have a government the wonder of 
the world, — a government which can collect money unlimitedly, 
but which can appropriate none of it to the advantage and im- 
provement of the country. It seems to me this would reduce 
us to a very low level, — make us perfectly impotent and incom- 
petent in those functions of government which are esteemed 
useful and beneficial in other countries. 

Mr. President, all the means of giving prosperity to the 
country and multiplying its people are, in some sense, the 
means of defending the country. They give you that blood 
of which the gentleman says eveiy drop should be poured out, 
when it is necessary, for national purposes. When we consider 
ourselves as one people, we can say, as the gentleman does, and 
as I concur with him in saying, that a fortification in San Fran- 
cisco is a benefit to me. Why ? Not because you can trace it 
by any arithmetical calculation of interest ; not because you 
can affix upon me or to me a quantum of benefit exactly in 
proportion to the amount of taxes I pay, but because it con- 
tributes to the exaltation, and protection, and wealth of my 
country. I am willing to consider that what is done for the 
benefit of one section is an advantage to all, because all consti- 
tute at last one great whole, — one great Union, — and what 
benefits one limb benefits the whole system. This is the view 
I take of the matter. I do not see the difference between the 
principle upon which fortifications are to be constructed and the 
principle upon which internal improvements are to be made. 
You are to consider it in a national point of view, that what 
benefits a part benefits all. This applies as well to roads, canals, 
and rivers as to fortifications. But, in another point of view, 
and in every point of view, is not the Mississippi River of im- 
portance to the national defense ? Suppose that Texas is as- 
sailed in time of war, — a weak portion of the Union, — how are 
you to get to her ? how are you to carr>' your troops and mu- 
nitions of war to her assistance ? The most convenient, and, in 
fact, the only way of carrjnng them expeditiously, must be 
through the mouth of the Mississippi River. May you not 
make great military roads ? Why, sir, Mr. Monroe, one of the 
authorities cited by the senator (even when he was in the act 
of vetoing bills of internal improvement), admitted that a mili- 
tary road could be made. Here is a great military highway. 
It is not only your mighty commerce that must necessarily go 
to all the world through the mouth of the Mississippi, but 
your military defenses, your soldiers, your armies. How are 
the men of the West to be transported along your coast when 
their aid is necessary to the defense of the country ? It seems 



124 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to nie this should be considered a national object. There is 
not one of the great men alluded to by the senator from Georgia 
who has not admitted the power of making national improve- 
ments. General Jackson most distinctly admitted it. There is 
not one who has conformed his action, as President, to the prin- 
ciples announced by the senator from Georgia. The Congress 
of the United States have, upon solemn argument and delib- 
eration, announced this principle. On the score of authority 
there is nothing to be gained by those who argue against the 
unconstitutionality of such works. 



CHAPTER VII. 
1856-1857. 

Kansas — Naturalization — Presidential Election — Claims of Revolutionary Officers 
— Letters — G. T. Curtis to Crittenden, Crittenden to his Wife, Letcher to Crit- 
tenden— Senate, February 4, 1857, Pay of Lieutenant-General— Heirs of the late 
Colonel John Hardin — Letters — In Senate — Land Route to California — Letter 
to Hon. R. C. Winthrop as to the Degree of Doctor of Laws just conferred by 
Harvard — Letter to J. R. Underwood as to Senatorship, 

ON the loth of June, 1856, Mr. Crittenden offered the 
following resolution in the Senate: 

Whereas, dangerous popular disturbances, with insurrection 
and obstructions to the due execution of the laws, unhappily 
prevail in the Territory of Kansas; and whereas, it is of great 
importance that the military forces which may be employed for 
the suppression of these insurrectionary disturbances, and for 
the restoration of law, peace, and protection to the good people 
of the Territory, should be conducted with the greatest discre- 
tion and judgment, and should be under the command of an 
officer whose rank and reputation would render his services 
most useful and beneficial to the country in the present crisis, 
— a crisis requiring firmness, prudence, energy, and conciliation; 
be it therefore 

Resolved, by the Senate of the United States, that the Presi- 
dent be, and is hereby, requested to employ the military services 
of Lieutenant-General Scott in the pacification of Kansas, and 
the immediate direction and command of all the forces to be 
employed for that purpose, under such instructions and with 
such authority and power as the President can and may think 
proper to confer upon him. 

Mr. Crittenden made a few remarks on presenting this reso- 
lution. He thought the high station and character of General 
Scott would enable him to do more than any other man. The 
spectacle which existed in Kansas was enough to make us 
ashamed of our country. It might, indeed, be called civil war, 
and no effective step had been taken to remedy the disgraceful 
evil. The peace of the whole country was seriously threatened. 

(125) 



126 I-JFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

We had had enough of debate. It had been rather of a char- 
acter to irritate and provoke than to contribute to impartial 
judgment. The great question could not be thrown off on 
the State government. The Senate was responsible. It was 
useless to show the measure of wrong done, oh one side or the 
other. The aim should be to give peace to the country, North 
and South. Was the arm of the people of the United States par- 
alyzed? Had they no power to assert the majesty of the laws? 
— then let them no longer wear a crown which only deludes 
while it promises protection. "All know," said Mr. Crittenden, 
"on which side of the controversy my sympathies are. They 
are exactly where my education and the habits of my life would 
naturally place them; but I am no partisan; I have lived to 
learn, through the course of a long and active political life, 
something more of forbearance, something more of prudence, 
more, I hope, of patriotism than is prevalent in these days of 
active party strife. General Scott, in going to Kansas, would 
carry the sword in his left hand, and in his right hand ^ peace, — 
gentle peace.' His great name would speak trumpet-tongued 
for peace, his words of reproof would be sharper than the 
sword to the refractory and rebellious, and his words of cheer 
would comfort and strengthen good men, who had been drawn 
unwillingly into this strife, or made its victims. His character 
is marked with integrity, impartiality, and justice. Those who 
arc lost to a sense of duty will know that they will be made to 
feci the power of the sword of this great people in his hands. 
He is a man of conciliation, and has been as successful in quiet- 
ing the minds of the people, thus making peace, as he has been 
in the field of battle. It would be better to employ the name 
of a great warrior to make peace than the sword. If there was 
any justly obnoxious laws in Kansas they should be repealed." 
In 1856 there was considerable excitement throughout the 
country on the subject of the naturalization laws. Many were 
opposed to the facilities of access to citizenship which these laws 
afforded to aliens. Mr. Crittenden considered it a priceless 
boon, not to be lightly bestowed upon all who asked it. He 
declared that a great foreign influence was already exercised in 
our elections. The candidates for the Presidency were voted 
as stock in market. Who is the German vote going for? One 



CLAIMS OF REVOLUTIONARY OFFICERS. 



1-7 



day it was said for Buchanan, the next day for Fremont; and 
this was the scale by which the chances of a presidential elec- 
tion were rated! He considered this a shame to our American- 
ism. As long as a foreign population could be absorbed in our 
own, and be identified with it, all might go well; but it was 
already with us a distinct element, and dangerous. The great 
armies engaged in the Eastern war were about to be called 
home and disbanded. These men, — many of them, — imbued 
with the spirit of bloodshed, and begrimed with the dirt and 
vice of a camp, would be pushed off upon us. They were in- 
struments of war, and not of smiling peace. Foreign nations, 
inimical to our government, might see the practicability of de- 
stroying our institutions by pouring in this worthless horde of 
paupers to become citizens. Mr. Crittenden was opposed to 
this not on any party ground, but because Providence had as- 
signed to him the lot of an American citizen with all its grand 
rights and privileges. We were now about to enter upon a 
national contest for President, and slavery and anti-slavery were 
the watchwords, — nigger zvoi'shipers, as they were called on 
one side, and some term of reproach on the other. These were 
the sounds of the mighty contest. Should a great national ques- 
tion be conducted under such auspices ? Mr. Crittenden thought 
our fellow-citizens of the North should take a more conciliatory 
view of this subject. Unquestionably the assault, or the men 
who led it on, came from the North. Who of their representa- 
tives had been heard to say to his brethren of the North, " Be 
reconciled to thy brother?" 

Mr. Crittenden was for dealing in a large and liberal spirit 
with all those who had just claims upon the government, and 
above all others he advocated the claims of the old soldiers of 
the Revolution and their descendants. Congress, under the 
advice of General Washington at the crisis of the war, passed 
a law promising the officers of the army who continued in the 
service until the end of the war half pay for life ; subsequently 
these officers were authorized to commute this claim of half 
pay for life to full pay for five years, and for that Congress 
agreed to grant them a certificate of debt, payable ten years 
afterwards with interest. The war had closed before this last 
offer was made and the country was exhausted. The officers 



128 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

were without means, almost without hope, and many of them 
agreed to accept this commutation. In 1856 a bill was intro- 
duced to place those who accepted the commutation upon the 
same footing with those who did not commute, deducting the 
amount of the commutation from the half pay for life. This 
bill met with considerable opposition. Many contended that it 
was a mere debt of gratitude — a gratuity. Mr. Crittenden spoke 
eloquently in favor of the bill. He contended that it was a 
moral obligation to make good to the uttermost obligations, 
founded on such meritorious considerations, so soon as we were 
able to do so. These officers came out of the war victorious 
but naked, triumphant but penniless. This tempted them to re- 
ceive the commutation. If credit was given for that on the 
account, there was no restraint in the Constitution to prevent 
the government from satisfying their sense of moral obligation 
by paying the full balance, now that the country was pros- 
perous, and able to pay. No national debt is recoverable by 
law ; the creditor must depend on the sovereignty and on 
the gratitude of the government. There is a high obligation 
to satify this debt of the Revolution ; from that we derived our 
being as an independent government. The transactions of those 
days were hallowed. It was a sacred generation, a period sacred 
to liberty ; everything belonging to it should be sanctified to 
our feelings. We should make good to these old soldiers every 
farthing to which they are entitled. It was in 1783 that this 
commutation of five years was accepted, and ten years were to 
elapse before the principal was to become due. The country 
was a confederation — the government weak and impoverished. 
The wisest men could not foresee what was to be its destiny ; it 
might fall to pieces from inability or want of cohesion at any 
time ; it had no credit. What was the value of these certifi- 
cates payable ten years afterwards? What did the needy soldier 
do with them ? Sold them for a merely nominal price ; they 
depreciated day by day. We should make to these officers 
some indemnity for the losses sustained. I will oppose any 
amendments to the bill: I go for it as it is. If sent back to the 
House, want of time will be fatal to it. 



LETTER TO R. C. WINTHROP. 



(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. A. M. Coleman.) 



129 



Washington, July 4, 1856. 

My dear Daughter, — I inclose this in a letter to our min- 
ister in Paris, the Hon. John Y. Mason, in which I have ap- 
prised him of your trip to Europe, its objects, etc., and recom- 
mended you to his kind attentions and to his official aid and 
protection in any way that may be useful to you, and under any 
tMrcumstances of difficulty that may possibly occur to you. I 
have said to Mr. Mason that I had told you to appeal to him 
in any case of difficulty. The day we parted I left New York for 
Washington, and have since been so much engaged that time 
has stolen away from me, and I fear my letter will not reach 
Paris in time for you. My thoughts and wishes have been 
about and ivitJi yon every day and night since you sailed, and if 
they could propitiate the sea and the winds for you, you would 
have a safe and pleasant voyage. Whilst I write, you are in the 
midst of the mighty ocean. Its mysteries and its terrors are, to 
my imagination, like those of eternity. May it be calm and 
kind to you, and waft you and your children safely to your des- 
tined harbor. You do not know, my dear daughter, the anxiety 
with which my thoughts follow you and will rest upon you 
during your absence. You will be in a strange land, among 
strange people, with strange habits, and without any experience 
of European society to guide you. You will have many diffi- 
culties, many trials, which will require all your prudence and 
all your intelligence. I have great confidence in you, — I could 
not have more ; but I do not know the dangers and difficulties 
that may surround you in your new and untried situation ; there- 
fore I am most anxious about you and your children. Your 
mother sends much love to you and to the children. Accept 
for yourself and them my love also. Farewell, my dear daughter, 
and may God bless and protect you. 

Your father, 

Mrs. Ann Mary Coleman. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to R. C. Winthrop.) 

Washington, July 6, 1856. 
My dear Sir, — Your letters are always acceptable, but that 
was particularly so in which you suggested the propriety of 
sending General Scott to Kansas to restore peace to its troubled 
borders. This letter was received while I was diffidently con- 
templating the same thing, and it at once determined me to 
attempt it, and to offer the resolution which I moved in the 
Senate ; and when it was first offered it appeared to be received 
with general favor ; but the reflections, and, I suppose, the con- 

VOL. II. — 9 



130 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

sultations, of the night, brought forth, next day, a strong oppo- 
sition. The source of this was no doubt in the White House 
and its appurtenances. It was said to be an cncroacJuncnt upon 
the rights and powers of the President. He, however, has not 
altogether disrjgarded the suggestion contained in the resolu- 
tion ; for, though he ivould not send Scott, he has sent the next 
best man, General Persifer Smith ; and from his mission a good 
result may be expected. Public affairs are in a wretched con- 
dition, and the future appears to give but iittle promise of any 
relief I had a letter of the 2d from Governor Letcher. He 
is a shrewd observer and calculator of political events. He 
says Buchanan is too old to cany the weight that has been 
packed upon him ; that Fillmore will carry Kentucky, and is 
gaining everywhere. I ]iope he may be right. I have not his 
confidence, but am not zt^Z/Zft?/// hope. Fillmore's progress through 
New York has quickened his cause. What think you of this, 
and what chance has he in the North ? I will be gratified to hear 
your views. Massachusetts can give light to us, if nothing more. 

Believe me, your friend, 
Hon. R. C. WixTHROP. . J. J. Crittenden. 

(George T. Curtis to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, July lo, 1856. 
Mv DE.\R Sir, — I am under great obligations for your kind 
favor of the i6th inst. I scarcely know what to say to you 
about the New England States. Maine, I think, will go for 
Fremont ; New Hampshire may be carried by the Democrats, 
but it will be a hard struggle. Vermont I consider safe for the 
Republicans, and probably Rhode Island will go that way. In 
Connecticut, there is a strong body of Whigs, and something 
of a national section of the American party. If they unite their 
forces upon Fillmore they will be likely to give him the vote 
of the State. In Massachusetts we arc in a very uncertain con- 
dition. The State government is in the hands of men of the 
American party, who are in the market for votes to retain their 
places. The last news of them is that they don't intend to go 
over to Fremont; but I consider them very unreliable. The 
Whigs "/>/m'," who cast fourteen thousand votes at the last 
election of governor for a district candidate of their own, 
have decided to hold a State convention on the 2d of Septem- 
ber; but their course is uncertain. At a meeting of about one 
hundred leading Whigs from all parts of the State, held here 
last week, to advise with the State Central Committee, I was 
gratified to find a thoroughly national tone; and I think that a 
majority of the party will be for nominating Fillmore. There 
will be 7\.split, and a portion of those who now call themselves 



LETTER TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 



131 



Whigs will go over to Fremont at once. This portion is now 
in favor of passing a resolution that each Whig shall vote for 
such candidate as he likes best. The object of this is, that 
they may vote for Fremont. My belief, however, is that, 
after a hard fight, Fillmore will be nominated in due form by 
a majority. The alternative for the National Whigs is to vote 
for Buchanan. The great difficulty in our way is, that we can- 
not make an arrangement with the Americans to support Fill- 
more without bargaining with them about State officers. Men 
of character will not do this ! " Coalitions" have become rotten 
in the nostrils of our people, and been denounced by the Whigs 
in the most emphatic manner ever since a coalition put Sumner 
into the Senate. But for this difficulty, many of my friends 
think the State could be carried for Fillmore. If this can be 
surmounted, there is a chance, but not a hopeful one. The anti- 
slavery sentiment is, as you are aware, excessively strong, even 
violent. My own feeling about the present election is, that the 
first duty to be done is to defeat this sectional, dangerous, and 
unprincipled combination called the Republican party, and that 
it is, therefore, a case for voting on the strongest side. If I 
should find myself voting for Buchanan, this must be my ex- 
cuse and my vindication ; but if my vote for P'illmore seems 
likely to be as effectual for what I regard as the great object, I 
shall, of course, throw it in that direction, and with it all the 
little influence I possess. You, my dear sir, in the ordinary 
course of nature, may not have to endure quite so long as my- 
self the terrible calamities that may be in store for us ; but let 
us hope that the wonderful adaptation power and theoretical 
stability which our fathers gave to this admirable system of 
government, may enable it to withstand the shocks that are ap- 
proaching. Believe me always, 

Faithfully yours, 

George T. Curtis. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Bowling Green, October 9, 1856. 

My dearest Wife, — I have received your letter of Sunday 
last with great delight, and hoped to receive another here, but 
in this I have been disappointed. The day is passed, and it has 
been quite an exciting one. Mr. Ewing, from Nashville, met 
me here for the purpose of replying to me. I assented, of 
course, and we had a debate. My friends are satisfied with the 
result, and so am I, — though Mr. Ewing acquitted himself well 
and like a gentleman. 

To-morrow morning I start to Russellville, and from there I 
will write to you again. I am pleased to think that I am ap- 



1.2 ^^^-'^ OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

preaching the end of my engagements and may soon turn my 
face homewards. I should seem to flatter you if I could tell 
you how much I want to see you, and how impatient I am to 

be with you. 

Gentlemen are in my room from whom I have begged a 
moment to write you this note. I was received here with great 
display and in the most affectionate manner. I am almost over- 
whelmed with kindness. 

Farewell, my own dearest wife. All well. 

Yours, 

Mrs. Elizabeth Crittenden. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Louisville, October 19, 1856. 
My dearest Wife, — I arrived here last night too late for the 
cars to Frankfort, and now having been prevailed on to speak 
here to-morrow night, I write to beg you to join me here to- 
morrow evening. I will engage a room at the Gait House. Do 
not fail, to come. I never in my life wanted to see my dearest 
wife so much. Governor Letcher's presence is much desired 
here, — he can be your attendant. If not, Robert Crittenden or 
Andrew McKinlcy must come with you. We will return to 
Frankfort just when you please, and stay here just as long as 
you please. Prepare yourself accordingly, — but come you 
must. I would hardly be another day without you for the 
Presidency itself I suppose I shall be obliged to commence 
speaking before the arrival of the cars from Frankfort, and can- 
not therefore meet you, as I would wish to do. But come at 
once to the Gait House, where you will find a room prepared 
for you, and where I will join you as soon as possible. I will 
give orders for an oyster-supper to be ready for you as soon as 
I return from speaking. If you should disappoint me by not 
coming, it will almost kill me; but I will not anticipate any such 
misfortune. My trip has been in every respect gratifying to 
me, and I was never in better health than now. I insist upon 
Letcher coming with you ; I want him very much, if but for a 
day. 

P'arewell, my dearest wife, the thought of meeting you so 
soon fills my heart with delight. 

Your husband, 
Mrs. Elizabeth Crittenden. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. r. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, October 20, 1856. 
DivAR Crittenden, — I have yours of yesterday, and I am 
deeply concerned that it is impossible for me to join you to- 



PAV OF THE LIEUTENANT-GENERAL. 133 

night in Louisville. The truth is, I am tied hand ^vi^ foot, and 
can move but in one direction. My wife goes to Garrard this 
evening, and this week, in that region of country, I am forced 
to attend two mass-meetings. I have a thousand things to tell 
you, which will be of no sort oi interest after the election. When 
in Philadelphia I saw the game fully, and told our friends that 
money and fraud would beat us in the State elections. Our 
visit had one good effect, — that zcas to prevent any miserable 
bargain to unite in the electoral ticket with the Fremont party. 
Hit or miss, win or lose, I want our party to stand before the 
whole world a grand moral spectacle of integrity and patriot- 
ism. I saw Fillmore, — he luas calm. I gave him to understand 
that we would lose the State election in Pennsylvania. He was 
evidently surprised. I told him also I entertained great fears 
of New York. Our leaders there say " there is no doubt about 
the State," but I knozv better. Fillmore expressed the greatest 
anxiety for me, and Corwin, and yourself to speak in Rochester, 
and two or three places in that region. I was almost forced to 
stay last Monday in Rochester. I think, and Fillmore thinks, 
a speech from you would make a difference there of a thousand 
votes. Suppose you take a run there; you have no idea of the 
wonderful effect your visit would have. They can give you an 
audience in Rochester, upon one hour's notice, of three thou- 
sand. Speak also in Buffalo. Telegraph Corwin to join you. 
Do for the sake of the Lord and countiy take that trip. 

Mrs. Crittenden will be with you to-night. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. R Letcher. 

(In Senate, February 4th, 1857. Pay of the Lieutenant-General.) 
Mr. Weller. — I am instructed by the Committee on Military 
Affairs, to whom was referred the message of the President of 
the United States, communicating the correspondence between 
the Secretary of War and Lieutenant-General Scott, to move 
that it be printed. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Is that the document which isldesired to be 
printed (alluding to the large mass of papers on the secretary's 
desk)? It is quite evident, if that document is to be printed, 
that this call for information must altogether defeat the bill to 
which it relates. It has been three or four weeks since the bill 
came from the House of Representatives, and now we are asked 
to print that large document. I hope the Senate will not order 
it to be printed, but will act with dispatch upon the bill. The 
evident effect of printing is to defeat the bill. I hope the mat- 
ter will be referred back to the committee, with instructions to 
report promptly. I shall vote against the publication. I re- 
gret very much what has been stated here as to the personal 



134 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

character of a portion of the correspondence. No doubt the 
senator from Tennessee expresses himself correctly when he 
says botii the gentlemen ought to regret it. What there is 
blamable in the correspondence is the expression of too much 
personal feeling and personal language. The senator says those 
officers have chosen to have such a correspondence, and we 
ought therefore to have no hesitation in publishing it. I am 
sure my friend from Tennessee would not wish to publish every 
gentleman's correspondence. These officers have fallen into a 
passionate spirit in a controversy respecting a doubtful act of 
Congress; that is all. In that discussion they have become 
personal. Now, who is to be benefited by this publication ? 
It might gratify the curiosity of the world ; but is it our place 
to do this in transactions of this character ? Shall we hold it 
up to the gaze of the curious ? Is it for us to call attention to 
it ? Shall we not rather let it pass ? Let us not see such 
tilings ; let us never propagate them. This is my idea of the 
propriety which becomes the Senate of the United States. We 
are here for the transaction of public business, not for interfering 
in private quarrels and publishing angry correspondence, which 
maj' occur even between the best-tempered gentlemen in the 
world. There is a want of discretion ; let it be buried. It 
profits nothing in the discussion before us. How can this cor- 
respondence contribute to our understanding of the subject ? 
Wx' learn that the officers of the government who have to exe- 
cute the laws differ about their construction. We do not un- 
dertake to decide what construction is right. We take no part 
in that ; we simply take up the subject and undertake to settle 
i4: in our own Way, as we ought to do, our laws being ambig- 
U(jus and imperfect. We condemn no one's opinion. We do 
not sa)' that General Scott or the Secretary of War decided 
correctly, or that either decision shall be final. We learn from 
the controversy that the laws are ambiguous. We want to 
make them clear and to fix the pay, and to decide all the allow- 
ances to which the rank conferred on General Scott entitles him. 
This is the question we have to attend to here. We should 
take no part for or against the contestants ; but, departing al- 
together from the doubtful question of construction, we propose 
to make a )ici^> law on the subject, in respect to which there 
shall be no doubt. How can it serve our purposes to be ran- 
sacking the departments and entering into the private quarrels 
of these gentlemen ? We have simply to say what pay we in- 
tend General Scott shall receive— an open, an abstract question. 
If these officers have been guilty of indiscretion, shall we make it 
known to the world? Is this the way to deal with friends— with 
public officers? I think not. I hope it will not be printed. 



N 



HEIRS OF COLONEL JOHN HARDIN. 135 

Mr. Crittenden took a warm interest in the claims of old 
soldiers upon the government. He believed that such claims 
should not be regulated by the strict letter of the law ; but that 
a liberal construction and liberal action should be manifested 
by the Senate. The House bill for the relief of the heirs of 
the late Colonel John Hardin had been adversely reported upon 
by the committee. Mr. Crittenden stated that General Wilkin- 
son, in command of the American forces at Fort Hamilton, 
where Cincinnati now stands, employed Colonel Hardin to go on 
a mission to the Indians. He promised Colonel Hardin a guinea 
a day during his absence, and \i\\Q. perished in the undertaking 
(a probable event), that his widow should receive during her 
life two hundred dollars a year. Hardin undertook the mission. 
Before starting he wrote to his wife : "A guinea a day is nothing 
when I think of my wife and children in Kentucky. I wonder 
at myself that I think of engaging in this expedition ; but I am 
promised that in the event that I perish in it you, my wife, shall 
be provided for — shall have two hundred a year for life." He 
went and perished. The question was whether Congress would 
recognize this engagement of General Wilkinson as valid. Gen- 
eral Wilkinson was at the head of the army, and vested, of course, 
with discretion. Hardin went with a full knowledge of his dan- 
ger ; he was chosen because of his knowledge of the Indians and 
his known intrepidity. Mr. Crittenden argued that the contract 
was binding on the United States, a contract having nothing in 
view but the public service, and offering reward for nothing but 
the blood and death of the man employed. The whole amount 
after the lapse of twenty- eight years, was perhaps five thousand 
dollars. The widow is dead, and in the grand council of the 
nation her death is pleaded as an excuse for not paying her rep- 
resentatives. Did justice die with her ? Such a plea is con- 
trary to every idea of human jurisprudence and to every sense 
of natural justice. His is not the first nor the last blood of that 
family which has been shed in the cause of the country. John 
Allen married one of the family and laid down his life at the 
battle of the River Raisin. This man's life was worth thou- 
sands and tens of thousands to his country. John Hardin, 
who perished at the battle of Buena Vista, was another de- 
scendant of that family. God knows, if blood is of any con- 



136 I-IFE OF JOHN 7. CRITTENDEN. 

sidcration, the country have had enough poured out from the 
veins of that family. 

It will, perhaps, be gratifying to know that Mr. Crittenden's 
amendment was agreed to, and the bill was passed. 

On the 29th of February, 1857, the subject of the right of 
suffrage being under consideration, Mr. Hale stated that he had 
voted for an amendment merely to obtain the privilege at a future 
day of moving a reconsideration, Mr. Crittenden rose and said, " he 
considered this course of Mr. Hale neither fair nor parliamentary." 
Mr. Hale replied that it was the first time in his legislative life 
that his conduct had been impugned as wanting in fairness or 
obedience to parliamentary law ; that there was no man in the 
Senate from whom a reproof of that kind would fall with more 
weight than from the honorable senator from Kentucky ; " but, 
sir, notwithstanding his judgment and his censure, I appeal to 
the Senate, and I avow that the course I took was perfectly 
fair. Sir, I do not feel indifferent to censure coming from such 
a source. I am free to admit, that there is no man with whom 
it has ever been my lot to become acquainted, from whom I 
could receive such a reproof, from whom it would fall with 
more weight, tJiaii from the senator from Kentucky ; and I know 
(because I believe in the calmness of his reflection he is not 
only honest, and honorable, and upright, but kind) that I can 
hereafter call upon him to reconsider the very sentiment which 
he has avowed, and that he will not persist in visiting so hum- 
ble an individual as myself with the weight of censure coming 
from such a source." 

Mr. Crittenden. — Perhaps I did express myself a little too 
hastily; it was not my purpose to say more than to state the 
facts of the case. I intended no unkindness. I may be wrong, 
but I did consider it unparliamentary. It never happened to 
me to do this in all my life ; but my opinions may be formed 
from too limited a sphere of observation. I know no gentleman 
in the Senate to whom I would not sooner give any just cause 
of personal offense than to the senator from New Hampshire. 
His course has always been respectful and conformable to the 
order of the Senate. I acknowledge this, but I must tell the 
gentleman, in all candor, that on this occasion I think as I have 
stated ; others, with as much integrity, may think differently. 



LETTER TO MRS. A. M. COLEMAN. 137 

(G. T. Curtis to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, 1857. 

My dear Sir, — We have here, of course, only the confused 
accounts by the telegraph of the decision in Dred Scott's case. 
I want to know what you and Badg^er think of the Chief's 
opinion with respect to its ability ?''a reasoning. How will it 
stand in the judgment of lawye- . The public feeling in this 
part of the country is much shocked, but I think there is a 
general consciousness that the subject has ceased to be of any 
practical importance. The worst of the whole matter is, that 
the people of the free States must regard the decision as purely 
a political one, and thus lose their remaining confidence in the 
court. It is lucky for Mr. Buchanan that this case was not de- 
cided a year ago. If it had been, in my belief, nothing on earth 
could have prevented Fremont's election, I am pained to see 
(if the telegraph tells the truth) that there is a squabble among 
the judges as to who shall have the last word. I suppose 
Daniel and Campbell anticipate flings from McLean, and wish 
to pay him back. 

I am sure they cannot anticipate any " bunkum" from my 
kinsman, though they may like to answer his law. But this 
" casting of the parts," as poor Webster said about Hayne, and 
Benton, and so on, looks like bad blood. 

Yours always truly, 

George T. Curtis. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. A. M. Coleman.) 

February 10, 1857. 

My dear Daughter, — Your frequent letters have given me 
great gratification, but attended with no little self-reproach at 
my delinquency in the correspondence. You will not permit 
yourself to believe that it results from any want of affection. 
You have every title to my love, and possess it in the fullest 
measure of a father's heart. Be assured of that. My time is 
much occupied ; but this is no excuse for not writing, and I will 
endeavor to do better in future. Your late letter informed me 
of the conduct of Mr. Dallas, which has greatly annoyed and 
provoked me. I send you letters from Mr, Marcy, Secretary 
of State, and Mr. Guthrie, Secretary of the Treasury. My dear 
daughter, these letters will secure you an introduction at court. 
I hope you will use it forbearingly and with discretion. Let it 
not be said that you are a seeker after princes or palaces, or 
that you estimate yourself the more because you are received 
by them. The privilege of admission at court is only to be 
valued as a recognition of your estimation and standing at 
home. It is that estimation which has entitled you to presenta- 



138 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Hon, and this is to be valued by an American \2i<iY far above the 
privilege of flourishing for an hour in the presence of kings 
and queens. This should only be sought as a matter of curi- 
osity, or valued as a public attestation to your worth in your 
own land. In your situation, it is necessary' that you should be 
circumspect, prudent, and cautious, for your own sake and the 
sake of your daughters. They are charming girls, but without 
knowledge of the world ; and the duty devolves upon you of 
guarding them against all the flatteries and temptations o{ court 
society. The attentions of the gaudy creatures of a court, titled 
or untitled, are rather to be avoided. It is to call your atten- 
tion to these things that I mention them, and not because of 
any want of confidence in you or in your discretion and sound 
judgment. Your brother George is far away from us, in com- 
mand at Fort Craig, on the Rio Grande. He has been pro- 
moted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and for the next two 
years he will be in command at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. After 
the long and hard service to which he has been exposed, he is 
entitled to the repose this command will give him. Congress 
will adjourn on the 23d, and I feel increasing impatience foi 
home. I was opposed to the election of Mr. Buchanan, but it 
gave me no personal concern. We are old acquaintances, and, 
I may ?,2ey, personal friends. We differ only in politics. Your 
mother sends her love. Tell Crittenden I am highly gratified 
at your account of his good conduct. Farewell, my dearest 
daughter, and may a kind Providence protect and guard you 
well. 

Your father, 
Mrs. Ann Mary Coleman. J. J. Crittenden. 

In 1857 the post-office appropriation bill was before the Sen- 
ate, and Mr. Wellcr, of California, was a warm advocate for 
establishing a communication by mail across the continent. 
Mr. Crittenden opposed the bill. He said: 

The cardinal principle at the bottom of the post-office de- 
partment was to make the income/ of the department pay its 
expenses. The proposition was to have a four-horse line of 
stage-coaches from some point on the Mississippi River to San 
Francisco, through a desert country of two thousand miles, — 
worse than that, through a hostile country. He said there was 
already a line established by land, and one by sea, and the 
Union could not afford to pay for a thing which makes 
nothing like an equivalent for what it costs. M)- friend from 
California, in the course of his argument, has said a great deal 
about Kentucky and the benefit her people would derive by 



LETTER TO R. C. WINTHROP. 139 

going to California, and he wants to know if I would advise 
one about to take the journey to go by sea and not by the stage 
route. I will tell the gentleman what is the most honest and 
unselfish feelings of my heart. I would say to such a one, 
"Stay where you are in old Kentucky." The senator, Mr. 
Weller, says he has seen thousands who have escaped from Ken- 
tucky and blessed God when they got to California. Now I 
will tell him a story I heard, premising that I never knew a 
Kentuckian, no matter wJiere he went to, who did not wish to 
be back in old Kentucky. I refer to one of my constituents, 
described to me as a six-foot fellow, who came, with his rough 
shoes, stalking into one of the hotels of San Francisco. There 
was a map of the United States hanging on the wall, and some 
gentlemen were examining it ; he knew they were talking of 
different parts of the United States ; he stepped up and said, 
" Will you be so kind as to inform me if old Kentucky is on 
that map ?" " Yes," was the reply. " Well, be so good as to put 
your finger on it for me; I want once more to look on God's 
land." This is how the people feel who go from Kentucky. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Hon. R. C. Winthrop.) 

Frankfort,. July 9, 1857. 

My dear Sir, — Dr. Crittenden, — ay, sir, a "Harvard 
Doctor of Laws," gives you thanks for your most friendly note 
of the 20th ult., inviting him to your " College Festival on the 
1 6th of the present month." To an invitation so acceptable 
and agreeable in itself he will not answer that he declines, 
etc. ; but it is a serious and sad truth that he cannot comply 
with it. 

Quitting the Doctor and the third person, let me say for my- 
self that it would be the greatest gratification to me to be with 
you on the occasion. I should enjoy again the pleasure of 
meeting yourself and others whom I have long learned to 
esteem and admire, and I am also quite certain I should form 
new acquaintances whom I would remember with pleasure ever 
after. I wanted to be with you at your Bunker Hill celebration, 
but could not, and now again I cannot be present at your " Col- 
lege Festival." These are, indeed, real disappointments to me, 
which I mitigate as well as possible by promising myself that I 
will, sooner or later, have some indemnity for them by a long 
and social visit to Boston. In the mean time I must be patient. 
" A Doctor of Laws" ought to know how to rule himself and 
abide his time. 

I am always your friend. 

To Hon. Robert C. Winthrop. J. J. Crittenden. 



140 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to J. R. Underwood.) 

Frankfort, September 6, 1857. 

Mv DEAR Sir, — I have no fear that you will not appreciate 
liberally and properly my motives for addressing to you this 
letter. 

To comply with the wishes of my friends I have consented 
to their presenting me as a candidate for the Senate of the 
United States, if, upon the meeting of the legislature, they 
shall then think it advisable and proper. 

Though I cannot but confess that the station is desirable 
to me, I was loth to commit myself to any course that might 
involve me in contention of any kind with you or other friends. 
In respect to yourself this reluctance was frequently and openly 
expressed by me. I was quite unwilling to be regarded as 
your personal opponent, or that any use which might be made 
of my name should be attributed, in the remotest degree, to 
any feeling on my part of personal unkindness or opposition to 
you. From that principal reluctance I have been to some 
extent relieved by information, which seemed reliable, that it 
was not your intention to be a candidate for re-election. This 
information may be altogether incorrect, or, if not, you may, as 
you have a perfect right to do, have changed your views and 
determined on a different course. 

In this uncertainty, therefore, whether you will be a candi- 
date, or whether my friends (I being absent at Washington) 
will think it proper to present me as a candidate, I desire to 
say to you that, whatever the event may be, I hope that I will 
not be regarded as your personal opponent, acting in any 
sort of unfriendliness or personal opposition to you. 

Nothing could be more unjust than such an imputation, nor 
more adverse to the feelings with which I truly regard you. 
If it so happens that our names shall be placed in competi- 
tion by our political friends, I trust that it will be regarded by 
them and by us as a public question, and not as a personal 
controversy between >'ou and me. And I beg you to be as- 
sured that neither that question, should it occur, nor the issue 
of it, whatever that may be, shall ever provoke in me any senti- 
ment of unkindness. My only feeling will be that of regret 
that there should have been any competition between us. 

rennit me to say, in conclusion, that I have thought that 
this open and candid communication was due to our ancient 
relations, and might, by preventing misconstructions, tend to 
preserve those relations and those amicable sentiments in which 
I desire to remain always 

Your friend, 

To Mon. Jos. R. Underwood. J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER VIII. 
1857-1858. 

Letters — Letcher to Crittenden — Letter to Mrs. Coleman — General Scott to Crit- 
tenden — S. A. Douglas to Crittenden — Kansas, Slavery and Anti-Slavery in the 
Senate — Washington Hunt to Crittenden — John O. Sargent to Crittenden — 
B. Silliman to Crittenden — Letters to O. Brown and to Hon. R. C. Winthrop. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, December 26, 1857. 

DEAR CRITTENDEN,— Had the pleasure to receive your 
favor yesterday, for which I thank you. In regard to the 
senatorial election, much to my deep mortification and regret, I 
can tell you that it xvill not be postponed. ''Aly young warriors''' 
are a poor, timid, unreliable set of fellows; a portion at least of 
them are of that character, and could not be made to stand up to 
their plain duty. The election will come off the 5th of January. 
I shall try to prevail upon the devils to make another fight over 
it ; but I am pretty sure nothing will be done. Powell will be 
the man. Yes, I have noticed the progress of that war be- 
tween the President and Douglas with great interest. Poor 
Buchanan, I apprehend, will be the most odious President we 
ever had. If you remember, I told you at least twenty times 
that he would break down in less than a year. Well, it's a hard 
fate for a man to be eaten up by his own dogs. Nothing on earth 
can save him that I can see ; he must look to the Lord for help; 
but he will look there in vain. Douglas, it appears to me, will 
divide the Democratic party and take the Northern wing for his 
portion, and also some part of the Southern wing. The naked 
truth is, poor B. is in a false position, and, with all his long ex- 
perience in the art of dodging, he can't get 07it of it. Every in- 
telligent man with whom I have conversed thinks Douglas has 
the right on his side. The Lecompton Constitution is a bad 
cheat, and all Mr. B. can do with it will be to make a war in 
Kansas. I understand from sutlers who have just returned from 
Kansas that there are not five hundred voters in all that country 
in favor of the constitution. He says Democrats in vast num- 
bers denounce it as a shameful fraud. Logan Hunton told me 
the other day to tell you from him to keep out of the Buchanan 

(141) 



1^2 LIFE OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

difficulty, I agree with him in this advice. Let the people of 
K. have a fair chance to form their constitution. "No force — no 
/n'iJ^'s — no mvish)ntiit. 

Warm regards to Mrs, C. 

Your friend, 

R, P. Letcher. 

(J. J, Crittenden to Mrs. A. M. Coleman.) 

Washington, Feb. ao, 1858. 
My dear D.\ughter, — You are right in supposing that I am 
a poor solicitor for office, especially for any of my own family. 
I mentioned, however, to General Cass, our Secretary of State, 
your wish that your son should be appointed consul at Stutt- 
gart, and learned to my surprise that the application had been 
made before, and had been the subject of several consultations 
between the President and himself, and that their wish was to 
make the appointment. This conversation took place a few 
days ago, and the matter was left unsettled, I said to Cass, on 
parting, that I did not intend to be a solicitor for office, and 
unless I heard from him on the subject in a few days, I should 
write to you to abandon all expectation of the appointment. I 
have not since heard from the secretary. Congress seems but 
little disposed to adopt the President's recommendation for an 
increase of the army; whatever increase may be granted will 
probably be made temporary, and limited to two years, so that 
this will not much enlarge the chances of snch. pcnnaii cut ap- 
pointments as ought alone to be acceptable to your son and 
Mrs. Livingston's. I hope, however, to be able to procure ap- 
pointments for both. I believe I feel quite as much solicitude 
that young Livingston should receive an appointment as that 
Crittenden should do so; and this you will approve, as it is the 
result of a debt which all of your family owe to Mrs. Living- 
ston for her kindness to you. She has done me the honor to 
write to me in behalf of her son, and I shall reply to her. The 
distance which separates us seems to be an obstacle to my 
writing. I think of you and your children every day, and the 
distance also increases my anxiety and affection for you all. 
You must now feel at home in Stuttgart, and I am relieved by 
thinking that you are surrounded by acquaintances, and I hope 
friends indeed. I am almost afraid that this new residence may 
make you and your children a little forgetful of your native 
home in your own great country. Washington has been unu- 
sually gay this winter. I rejoice that Lent has just commenced, 
as it will be a restraint on many of the party- and dinner-going 
people of this good city. Lent is a good thing, and I have 
learned to think of it with much more pious regard than here- 
tofore. In my present mood I could almost wish that the 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 143 

church could find a warrant {ox several Lents in the course of the 
year. We visited George, at Carlisle, in December. He is in 
fine health, and bent on his long-projected trip to Europe. Tell 
your daughter Eugenia we all feel quite elated, even at this dis- 
tance, at the thought of the fine company she has been asso- 
ciated with, — dancing in a palace, and with nobles ?ind princes f 
We shall hardly know what to do with you all when you get 
home. It behooves you to remember that you belong to a plain, 
free country, where there are neither nobles nor princes. I am 
afraid you will find it a little difficult to "shuffle off the coil" 
of notions, tastes, and habits which the artificial state of Euro- 
pean society so cunningly and so pleasantly wraps around those 
who come within its splendid circles. Set not too much value 
on these things; they are but pageants, unreal, and fleeting. 
Give my love to your children, each and all, and accept for 
yourself my best love. May He whose benign providence is 
everywhere protect you all in your distant home, and bring 
you back, in health and prosperity, to your father and family. 

Your father, 
Mrs. A. M. Coleman. J. J. Crittenden. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, February 25, 1S58. 
Dear Crittenden, — Well, I presume the great debate with 
regard to Kansas matters will come off very soon ? As a matter 
of course you will have to take your position for or against the 
Lecompton Constitution, and that position you will have to 
defend by all the power and ability of which you are master. 
I have been asked at least a hundred times, '' Hozv will Critten- 
den go? Will he take sides with the President, or will he sus- 
tain the rights of the people of Kansas ?" My answer has 
uniformly been, " He will look over the whole ground, and then 
decide, as becomes a statesman and a patriot." The truth is, I 
never entertained a doubt as to the course you would take 
when the time came to decide. I shall not undertake to in- 
struct you. I do not think you need any instructions. If I 
supposed you did, I should tell you as you valued your own 
high reputation, and the honor and peace of the country, as well 
as the eternal principles of justice, to stand up as firm as the 
Rock of Ages against the most barefaced fraud and cheating 
the world ever saw, in the formation of the Lecompton Consti- 
tution from the beginning to the end. That Mr. Buchanan, 
and the leading politicians of the South, should have the bold 
indiscretion to attempt it, — to force such an instrntnent upon 
the great majority of the people of Kansas, — is an enigma to me. 
What good can come of it, if it should be forced through Con- 



144 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN y. CRITTEXDEN. 

grcss ? It appears to me that Mr. B. has placed himself in a 
false position from first to last, and that his whole course upon 
the subject is puerile in the extreme. I feel vexed, as well as 
distressed, that he should allow Douglas to administer upon his 
stock in trade before the breath is out of his body. In the ei'ent 
that you shall take your stand against the Lecompton Constitu- 
tion, I shall pat you on the back, and cry aloud that you have 
been faithful to your country. It may be, however, that I don't 
see the tiling in all its bcariiigs. It is possible somebody may 
be able to prove more than the President has proved, — that it's 
all right, all fair, all just: like Pugh, I ought to wait for the 
facts. Well, I have never yet talked to the first human being 
who believed that the Calhoun swindle ought to be counte- 
nanced. 

We are putting up ice in abundance; that's good news to you, 
I ktunv. 

Warmest regards to Mrs. Crittenden. I am glad to hear she 
enjoyed her dinner at Sir William Gore Ouseley's. Good as the 
dinner was, I will bet she had no corn-bread, no jowl and turnip- 
greens, no chine, no pancakes, no home-made molasses, and 
good milk, half cream. The Queen is pretty well, and gives 
me a ''poor man's breakfast" every morning at nine o'clock. 
Carneal is more and more amiable every day. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(General Winfield Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Headquarters of the Army, 

Washington, February 26, 1858. 

De.\r Crittenden, — Having read, with the liveliest interest, 
the memorial of Mrs. Turnbull, the widow of the late Colonel 
Turnbull, asking for a pension on the ground of her gallant hus- 
band's most distinguished conduct in the field, and other excel- 
lent services throughout his long official career, I beg to say that 
nearly all the imi)ortant facts set forth in the memorial I knoiv< to 
be true, and believe all the other statements to be equally so. I 
can especially add a most material fact not inserted in the me- 
morial, viz., that early in the siege of Vera Cruz I had occasion 
to detach an officer of the general staff to inspect and to verify 
the line of investment (some seven miles in length) about the 
city, in order to be sure that not a gap was left through which 
the garrison could interchange communications with their 
friends in the country, and particularly to guard against the re- 
ception of supplies and reinforcements; that I dispatched 
Colonel Turnbull on this important duty; that I was induced to 
select him mainly on account of his remarkable strength and 



KANSAS. 145 

vigor, as a most distressing norther was then raging, which no 
man less powerful could have faced and survived even for a few 
hours; that this service occupied the colonel about te7i hours, 
during which the storm of wind and sand continued with un- 
abated violence; and on his return to me, more dead than alive, 
and for more than forty hours, we had great difficulty in enabling 
him to stand or walk. My fears for his entire recovery I then 
expressed to all about me; and in my continued intimacy with 
him, he often assured me that his constitution was undermined 
by the extraordinary sufferings of that day's work. 

WiNFiELD Scott. 

(Stephen A. Douglas to J. J. Crittenden.) 

March 14, 1858. 

My dear Sir, — I have read your great and patriotic speech 
with delight and admiration. I return you my grateful acknowl- 
edgments, as an American citizen, for this noble effort. It is 
the great speech of your life, and will live, and be read, and 
admired, when we have all passed away. Please let me know 
■when it is to be printed in pamphlet form. I wish to subscribe 
for 25,000 copies, and will ask you to accept from me 5000 
copies as a slight memento of my appreciation of it. 

Very truly your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. S. A. Douglas. 

In the spring of 1858 the question of slavery and anti-slavery 
seemed to absorb the public mind to the exclusion of all other 
political questions. Mr. Crittenden, according to the denomi- 
nations usually employed by parties, was a Southern man. He 
had been accustomed from childhood to that frame of society 
of which slavery forms a part. He declared that, so far as re- 
garded the defense of the rights of the South, he was as prompt 
and ready to defend them as any Southerner, but in the same 
spirit in which he would defend any invasion of its rights, he 
would concede to others their rights, and would assert and 
maintain them. Those who valued their own rights always 
respected the rights of others. 

The President had sent to the Senate an instrument called the 
Constitution of the People of the Territory of Kansas. He 
did not believe it came with any such sanction. He believed 
that the Missouri compromise line, fixed in 1820, was about 
that territorial line north of which slavery could not be profita 
bly employed. The compromise was a bond and assurance of 
VOL. II. — 10 



1^6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

peace, and should not have been disturbed. He would vote for 
the admission of Kansas upon any terms that would give peace, 
lie thought if we were through with this -petty Kansas affair 
that a summer sea of boundless expanse lay before us, and 
nothing but repose. There was no other Territory to dispute 
about in the lifetime of any man present. Some believed that 
the Kansas-Nebraska Act gave all the authority that is usually 
conferred by what is called "An Enabling Act" on the people 
of a Territory. He never considered it so. All sovereignties 
of all sorts vanished before the sovereignty of the people of the 
United States. The Territories have no government except what 
we give. Mr. Crittenden wanted the South to be always right. 
The question of slavery was not involved, — no one entertained 
the hope that Kansas could ever be a slave State. If made so, 
it would continue but for a feverish moment, filled up with strife 
and angry controversy. Why should the South be in a hurry 
to have two more senators in this body, such as they would 
now get from Kansas? He did not question the purity of the 
motives of Southern men; they followed their honest convic- 
tions, as he endeavored to do. He followed no party shackles. 
He was a senator of old Kentucky, — brave and noble old Com- 
monwealth. His ambition was to act in her spirit and by her 
inspiration. Mr. Crittenden concluded this great speech by say- 
ing, "I am a true son of the South; may prosperity fill all her 
borders, and sunshine rest upon her head, — but for all this I do 
not love the Union less. I claim this whole country as my 
country. For the preservation of that Union, which makes it 
so, I am ready to devote my life. I endeavor humbly to do 
my duty to the South and to the whole country." 

A few days after this, in reply to Senator Green, of Missouri, 
Mr. Crittenden rose and said: "The senator states that I base 
my charge of fraud against the Lecompton Constitution on the 
simple testimony of two gentlemen. I deny this. I relied upon 
facts which are proved. That is my guide, so help me God, — 
and it shall be my guide forever. I thank my God that He has 
given me some faculty to distinguish between r/V/// and 7cw«^, and 
I thank Him, moreover (for the gift would have been worthless 
if He had not gone further), that with that faculty He has given 
me the little courage necessary to dare to speak my conviction. 



LETTER FROM JOHN 0. SARGENT. 147 

I have spoken the tmth, and I fear nothing in following the path 
appointed to all men to pursue." 

(Washington Hunt to J. J. Crittenden.) 

St. Nicholas Hotel, 
New York, March 18, 1858. 

My dear Sir, — I will not allow the day to pass without 
thanking you for your noble effort of yesterday. It rejoices 
my heart to hear your voice — always eloquent and emphatic 
on the side of truth and right — rebuking the attempt of the 
executive to force a government upon an unwilling people. 
You can have no conception of the importance of your posi- 
tion. It gives assurance to the whole country that patriotism 
and love of justice do not belong to North or South, but that 
both sections have men true to the Union and to the prin- 
ciple of constitutional liberty. 

Your bright example is the theme of congratulation and 
rejoicing among all the conservative men whom I have met 
to-day. We begin to see daylight ahead. The time is at hand, 
I think, when the old Whig and conservative men of every 
name can unite in a great and successful effort to reform the 
government on true national principles. I write this in much 
haste, and will only add that you are sure of the gratitude of 
just and reasonable men everywhere. 

Believe me, with great respect, yours truly, 

Washington Hunt. 

The Hon. John J. Crittenden. 

(John O. Sargent to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, Wall Street, March 20, 1858. 

My dear Sir, — Allow me to congratulate you on your great 
speech, which I think will carry conviction to all just men of 
the South and seal the death-warrant of all Northern politicians 
who were willing to connive at the frauds you have so conclu- 
sively exposed. 

I beg you will send me a copy of it when you get it into 
pamphlet form, and tell me where I can subscribe for copies 
for distribution among some of my "erring friends" in this 
quarter. 

If there are any Northern men who can afford to be better 
Southern men on this question than yourself, Mr. Bell, and 
R. J. Walker, I should like to know on what grounds. 

Believe me to be very truly your friend and servant, 

John O. Sargent. 

Hon. John J. Crittenden. 



1^8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(B. Silliman to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New Haven, April 12, 1S58. 

Hon. Senator Crittenden. 

Dear Sir, — Although I am personally unknown to yow, yon 
have been long known to niehy >-our dignified and truly patriotic 
course in your career as a public man. I have no claim to oc- 
cupy your valuable time ; but I yield to a strong impulse, both 
of my mind and my better feelings, when I say that your late 
effort in the Senate, both in your speech and in the amending 
bill which you have introduced, entitle you to the lasting grati- 
tude of your country. Great, and noble, and patriotic efforts 
have been made by other senators ; but you and Senator Bell, 
from age, experience, and undeviating patriotism, occupy a 
position of influence almost, or quite, peculiar to yourselves. 
Your Soiit/urn affinities, too, put forth a conciliating influence, 
and the candor, dignity, and rectitude so apparent in your re- 
marks have, I presume, given you the prevailing influence 
which will heal this terrible dissension, provided there is no 
}-iclding by those who have hitherto stood firm. I trust that 
you and your associates who feel 7'ight on the great ques- 
tions of the day will, by some influence, strengthe7i the resolu- 
tion of any who may be in danger of proving recreant, and 
that in a few days our dishonored country may be relieved 
from the disgrace which has been so long resting upon it. 
You will, I trust, excuse these honest effusions, and accept 
the assurance of the high respect and admiration with which 
I am, dear sir, very truly, your most obedient servant, 

B. Silliman. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. A. M. Coleman.) 

Senate-chamber, April 27, 185S. 
Mv DEAR Daughter, — In your last letter you express some 
doubt whether to send your son Crittenden home or await 
further intelligence from me in respect to the commission in the 
army, which you desired for him. I advise you to keep him 
with you till you hear from me. Since I wrote to you, my 
hopes that both Crittenden and Mrs. Livingston's son might 
obtain commissions have greatly diminished, especially as it re- 
spects Crittenden. The increase of the army recommended by 
the President has been rejected by Congress. To that extent, 
therefore, the jjower of appointment has been cut off, and in 
the old army the opportunities of appointment are altogether 
casual and the applicants numerous. Worse than all, I find the 
good words of secretaries 7iot worth imich; and still further, I have 



LETTER TO ORLANDO BROWN. 



149 



dealt the administration some hard blows of late, which cannot 
have gained me much favor in their sight. Do not send Crit- 
tenden home till you have better grounds than anything I can 
now give you. We have lately been engaged in important and 
great debates, in which I may say I have been prominent ; that 
is, I have received unbounded applause from the people, and 
abuse, without measure, from portions of the country. I may 
well endure the latter for the sake of the applause so much 
greater in amount and quality. I have done right, and am sat- 
isfied with my reward. My name appears in sundry newspa- 
pers as their candidate for the Presidency in i860. Don't take 
any vain notions into your head for all this. It does not affect 
me. It is a flattering sort of enthusiasm, which may last as 
long as a morning's mist. No ambition for the Presidency 
guides or troubles me. 

Respects to Mrs. Livingston. I write you in the midst of a 
debate in the Senate in a hurried manner. May Heaven protect 
you and your dear children, my daughter, and bring you safely 
back to us. 

Your father, 

Mrs. A. M. Coleman. J. J, Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown.) 

Washington, May 14, 1S58. 
My dear Orlando, — I know nothing of the papers that ac- 
company this letter, which I shall put into the inclosed packet 
that was just now handed to me, with a request that I would 
send it to you, A few days ago I was introduced on the street 
to a Mr. Robert Carter, who presently made it known to me 
that he desired or had been engaged to write my biography, 
and he requested that I would furnish materials for it. I told 
him that various applications had been made to me, and that I 
had always declined having anything to do with that subject, 
and that I must answer him as I had answered others : that 
there was nothing in my life for history or biography ; but I 
happened to add that I had sometimes referred such applicants 
to my friend Orlando Brown, etc. This I said with a smile and 
to get rid of the subject; but Mr. Carter caught at the sugges- 
tion, and the packet that will contain this is the result. Now, 
you have all I know about the matter, and I care not a fig what 
you may determine about it ; nor have I the least ambition to 
be jammed up in the " New American Cyclopaedia," or anywhere 
else, with a crowd of unheard-of notables. In whatever you 
may do or say in this matter, it must be done or said upon 
your own discretion and responsibility. 



150 I-^I^^ OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

I have been the unconscious author of a great commotion 
here ; but it has in a good degree subsided, and we are getting 
on quite smoothly and hastening to the end of our session. I 
am getting quite impatient for the adjournment, for I wish for 
repose among my real friends at home. 

The papers that abuse me I do not read, and I am inclined 
to adopt Shakspeare's philosophy and say of the man that is 
abused, " Let him not know it and he is not abused at all." On 
the other hand, I have been thanked, dind praised, and publis]ied\.o 
the skies ; and I find, Orlando, that a little greatness is a great 
penalty. I have been worried almost to death with visits and 
letters of congratulation. I am sick oi greatness. 

I endeavored simply to do my honest duty, and I think I 
have done it ; and it has been my greatest gratification that my 
Kentucky friends have approved my conduct. I received from 
Mason a letter that was most grateful to my feelings. I would 
sooner " be a dog and bay the moon " than to sit here and dis- 
grace old Kentucky by bowing my head at the bidding of this 
administration on the dictation of every sectional party, though 
it may call itself Southern. My purpose is to represent old 
Kentucky, her independence, her honesty, and her honor. I 
hope I shall always have conscience and courage enough to 
perform that duty. When I touch on this subject, I hardly 
know when to stop. 

Give my kindest regards to your wife and all the family, and 
believe me to be always your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

To Orlando Brown, Esq. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Hon. R. C. Winthrop.) 

Washington City, June i6, 1858. 

My dear Sir, — The invitation to attend your Boston celebra- 
tion of the Fourth of July ne.xt, of which you advised me, has 
been since received. I did, indeed, consider it a high compli- 
ment, and will long remember it with pride. To visit Boston 
on such occasions would be like entering the " Holy Places'' 
of the Revolution, and would have a solemn charm for me! 
lUjt I cannot be there. I am obliged to go home as soon as 
I can get away from Washington, and to that effect I have just 
written to the Major, who did me the honor to inclose the 
invitation and kindly urged my acceptance of it. None of 
your guests will enjoy the celebration more than I should 
have done, and no one, I think, can more regret his inability 
to attend. The hope of having the pleasure of meeting you 
will always be a great inducement to me to visit Boston. 



LETTER TO R. C. WINTHROP. 151 

You will not, it seems, come to Washington to see the many- 
good and admiring friends you could always find here, and 
among those I ask leave to be considered one of the warmest 
friends and most sincere admirers. Please present my highest 
regards to your wife, who, I will hope, has not forgotten me. 

I am truly yours, etc., 
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop. J. J. Crittenden. 



CHAPTER IX. 
1858. 

Public Reception in Cincinnati and Covington — Addresses and Replies — Recep- 
tion at Frankfort, Kentucky — Crittenden to Thomas Clay — A. Lincoln to 
Crittenden — Crittenden's Reply — In Senate, Bill for Relief of Jane Turn- 
bull. 

MR. CRITTENDEN'S course throughout the session in 
1858, and, above all other questions, his course with re- 
gard to the Kansas Lecompton Constitution, met with enthu- 
siastic approval throughout the West. His journey from 
Washington to Kentucky was an ovation. I have obtained 
the following account of his reception at Cincinnati and Cov- 
ington : 

[From the Cincinnati Daily Commercial, June 21, 1858.] 

Hon. John J. Crittenden arrived in this city Saturday, at 
12-22 o'clock P.M., with his lady, via the Little Miami Rail- 
road, e>i route for Kentucky. The Reception Committee ap- 
pointed by the citizens of Newport, Covington, and Cincinnati, 
accompanied by a throng of people, met him at the depot with 
Menter's band, and greeted him with deafening cheers and 
national airs. He was escorted from the cars by our esteemed 
fellow-citizen, William Greene, Esq., to an open coach drawn 
by two spirited gray horses. Thomas D. Carneal and Mr. 
Greene occupied seats with him. A procession was then 
formed, under command of Mr. Gassaway Brashears, Grand 
Marshal of the day, and marched down Front Street to the 
junction of Columbia, thence down Broadway to the Spencer 
House. Along the line of march large numbers of people 
assembled to greet the distinguished guest of the city, and 
several foundries and other establishments were decorated 
with llowing streamers and waving flags. 

At the Spencer House several thousand persons had assem- 
bled to greet the senator and to participate in the ceremonies 
of reception. The carriage containing Mr. Crittenden drew up 
in front of a platform, decorated with the national ensign, be- 
fore the hotel, when Hon. Thomas Corwin, after first giving 
his old associate and friend a warm personal welcome, mounted 
(150 



THE WELCOME SPEECH. 



153 



the stand, and welcomed him publicly to the hospitalities of 
the citizens of Cincinnati in an eloquent but brief address. 



THE WELCOME SPEECH. 

Mr. Corvvin said: "Mr. Crittenden, the very pleasing duty, 
sir, of welcoming you to the city of Cincinnati has been devolved 
upon me by my fellow-citizens ; and, sir, it may be as well for 
me at the outset to make known to you — as, no doubt, it will 
prove agreeable to you — that this demonstration is not the 
movement of any political party. I am not the instrument of 
any cabal, not the organ of any politcial party, but the repre- 
sentative of my fellow-citizens of Cincinnati, irrespective of all 
partisan affiliations, who desire me, in their name, to welcome 
the statesman who has proved true to the Constitution and the 
Union. 

" We welcome you heartily, sir, to our city. And besides, 
sir, there are thousands of us here who claim you as a personal 
friend, and we have assembled because we love the man John 
J. Crittenden. [Great applause.] 

" You will not be deceived, sir, by appearances. You are 
now in sight of — within five minutes' walk — of your old Ken- 
tucky home. But, sir, you are as much at home here as if you 
were seated within your own homestead. The man who de- 
serves well of his country is at home here and everywhere in 
this Union, in the love of his people, to whose hearts he is ever 
welcome; and I assure you, sir, there will be prayers offered 
in this community that it may please God to give you length 
of days to be, what you have been, a benefactor to the coun- 
try you have so long and so faithfully served. Again, sir, in 
the name of the people of the city of Cincinnati, I welcome 
you." 

When Mr. Corvvin concluded, an enthusiastic youth sprang 
to the curbstone, directly in front of Mr. Crittenden, and 
giving his hat a desperate swing, sung out, in a half-fren- 
zied tone, "Three cheers for the American eagle !" The cheers 
were very audibly given. In fact, they were wellnigh ear- 
splitting. 

Mr. Crittenden, who stood in the carriage during the delivery 
of the welcome address, was visibly agitated. His noble features 
seemed working with intense feeling; his eyes sparkled vividly, 
and his lips quivered with irrepressible emotion. He is a much 
more youthful person than we had imagined. He is about 
seventy years of age, but does not look it. His form is erect 
and spare, well formed and vigorous ; his dark-gray eyes gleam 
vividly beneath heavy gray eyebrows, and are canopied by long 



154 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

lashes; his nose is aquih'ne; his mouth, and all his features, 
large; lips, firmly set; chin, square; forehead, broad, high, and 
massive; head, long, splendidly developed, and covered with 
gray, but not white, hair; and his complexion is dark, not quite 
so dark as that of the distinguished gentleman to whom he ex- 
tended his hand with generous vigor and greeted in lo)-al fashion, 
" How are you, Tom, my old friend? I am glad to see you; are 
}-ou well ?" His height is about five feet ten inches. 

MR. CRITTENDEN'S RESPONSE. 

Mr. Crittenden momentarily surveyed the crowd, and with 
deep earnestness said: 

"Mr. Corvvin, my old and respected friend, I had not expected 
this cordial and unexpected reception until last evening. I had 
not anticipated anything but the hospitable welcome that is 
always extended to any stranger arriving in your beautiful city; 
and I must confess that after being so warmly greeted, and 
honored by so many of my fellow-citizens, I feel almost ashamed 
that I have done so little to deserve it. I feel how little I de- 
serve it. I am the more thankful to you all because of your 
appreciation of my services. I thank you, fellow-citizens, from 
the fullness of my heart. 

" I have always been devoted to the Union. It was born in 
me, and I could not help it. When I was last, and for the sixth 
time, elected to the Senate by my honored old State of Ken- 
tucky, I determined to be more of a patriot and less of a poli- 
tician. I said to myself, 'You have now run the heated career 
of a politician; you have loved the strife; you have sought, if 
you have not delighted in, the combat; but now you have 
arrived at an age when you should desert all these things, and 
devote yourself to your country. What may have been excus- 
able in youth is not so now; you have arrived at that age when 
you should lay aside party strife. Be less a partisan, and more 
of a patriot.' With this feeling I went to finish my public 
services. If I have failed in any respect, it must be attributed 
to the unconqucrcd frailties of poor human nature. [Laughter 
and cheers.] I divested myself as far as possible of partisan 
feelings, and earnestly endeavored to do my duty to my country. 
I was actuated by just motives, and did not ask for popular 
opinion, — sought to do what was just and right. 

" Though not now in my native State, I am among my coun- 
trymen, and at liomc. I claim you as my countrymen. This 
wiiole vast confederation, I feel, is not too great for me to com- 
jjrehcnd in my affections. I feel that wherever I go all the 
people are my fellow-countrymen. This is my country, my native 
huKl,— all, all, and these are my brethren, who have place in my 



PUBLIC RECEPTION IN CINCINNATI 155 

heart. Wherever, within these mighty bounds, I set my foot, I 
can proudly claim this my own, my native land. 

"But I have done nothing to merit all this honor you put 
upon me, — nothing but my plain duty like a plain man. If, in 
tlie zeal of partisan spirit, I have ever done aught to the injury 
of my country, I pray God to forgive me ; but if I have so done, 
I can say justly I did so erring in honest convictions. I thank 
God, I can now divest myself of partisan spirit. I speak to no 
party. I have none to influence. I am not one of that sort of 
political speculators, who, forgetting the present, tantalize them- 
selves by looking into the distant future to discover pregnant 
evils, but I do the duties that are before me, confident that what 
is done right now cannot result in evil hereafter. 

** I cannot enter into any discussion before this meeting upon 
political themes; this is not the time and place, and it is not 
expected. In the late struggles in Congress I had but one duty 
to perform, I did not know, I did not ask, what might be the 
judgment of my fellow-men, but I knew what was right, and 
did not choose another course. I thank you, therefore, fellow- 
citizens, that my course meets your approbation. It is a tribute 
which I shall carry home with me with unspeakable gratitude." 

Mr. Crittenden then proceeded to express the conviction that 
the discordant elements which so lately warred throughout the 
country are subsiding into peace, and that the great common- 
wealth is again moving forward in a career of prosperity. He 
thought there is but one imperishable foundation for govern- 
ment to stand upon, — truth and justice. Trickery and political 
dishonesty may serve their inventors awhile, but their conse- 
quences eventually will be like burnt grass, — will turn to ashes 
and be nothing. With tr'iith and justice for guides, the future 
destiny of this Union must be bright and glorious. 

He then discussed the extravagance of the present adminis- 
tration briefly, and intimated that the question of protection to 
American labor and American manufacturing interests must 
again loom up into importance. With extravagant government, 
the result must inevitably be enormous public debt, and a final 
resort to direct taxation. 

This part of Mr. Crittenden's speech was genuine, old-fash- 
ioned Whig-protection-tariff doctrine. In conclusion, he again 
thanked the people with full-breasted emotion, and was jammed 
through a dense crowd under charge of Mr. Corwin, and, by 
dint of much effort, finally found the gentlemen's parlor, where 
gentlemen, desirous of conspicuity in the shade of a great man, 
did their best to make Mr. Crittenden miscellaneously acquainted 
with a considerable number of individuals. 

At half-past seven o'clock the procession of citizens, headed 



136 T^IF^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

by Marshal Brashcars, escorted Mr. Crittenden from the Spencer 
House to the steamer Champion No. 3, at the foot of Walnut 
Street, where he was received by the committees of reception 
from Covington and Newport, and the agreeable responsibilities 
of our citizens then terminated. 

THE CROSSING TO COVINGTON. 

Several hundred persons boarded the Champion, which had 
been handsomely decorated by Captain Shinkle, and as the 
steamer put out from the shore the people of Covington and 
Newport commenced a booming fusillade with cannon on their 
respective shores, and crowds of people, of all ages, conditions, 
and sexes, assembled. The boat, gayly decorated with streamers, 
and crowded with men, presented a very handsome spectacle. 

THE RECEPTION IN COVINGTON. 

The people of Newport united with the Covingtonians in 
greeting their great senator. A torch-light procession was 
formed, and met the reception cortege at the Covington wharf. 
They had music, and banners, and demonstration transparencies. 
They rent the air with vivas when Mr. Crittenden stepped into 
the carriage, drawn by four superb grays decorated with waving 
plumes. The procession marched up Scott Street. A short 
distance up a streamer, stretched across the highway, bore the 
inscription, 

"Welcome to your old Kentucky Home!" 

Numerous houses on the line of march were decorated with 
flags and demonstrative emblems. Some dwellings were bril- 
liantly illuminated, — the post-office was not. The Covington 
yournal office seemed a blaze of light ; flambeaux flashed a lurid 
glare far distant; Roman candles spluttered, fizzed, and banged 
concussively ; a streamer was stretched across the street bear- 
ing the inscription, 

" Hon. J. J. Crittenden, the incorruptible Statesm.\n." 

The fine residence of P. S. Rush, Esq., opposite Madison Square, 
was illuminated with brilliant lights and handsome Kentucky 
women. A short distance above this house the street was 
spanned with another streamer, inscribed 

"Hon. J. J. Crittenden,— Tried, Faithful, and True." 

Mailison Square, the old Baptist college grounds, was filled 
with high-born tlamcs and graceful damsels, spirited gentlemen 
and strong-armed artisans, a great variety of noisy boys, and a 
cavalcade of Cincinnati horsemen. The procession, under com- 
mand of Marshal S. K. Hayes, was enthusiastically received 



PUBLIC RECEPTIorr IN COVINGTON, 



157 



along the line of march, and when it entered Madison Square 
bonfires were kindled, and the honored senator was received 
with a welcome of cheers which echoed and re-echoed in the 
distant valleys of the " dark and bloody ground." 

Silence having been restored, Judge W. B. Kinkead, of 
Covington, addressed Mr. Crittenden as follows : 

JUDGE KINKEAD' S WELCOME ADDRESS. 

" Mr. Crittenden, I have been selected as the organ of the 
people of Covington to greet you with a glad welcome as you 
arrive at the limits of the State of Kentucky, and to tender to 
you their cordial approbation and gratitude for your distin- 
guished services as our senator during the eventful and trying 
session of Congress which has just terminated. 

" Throughout that life, now not a short one, you have en- 
joyed uninterruptedly the confidence and affection of the peo- 
ple of Kentucky. You have been, I can truly say, her favorite 
son. Born at an early period of the Commonwealth in the 
beautiful county of Woodford, Kentucky has nourished and 
sustained you — has followed you throughout that long and 
arduous public life with a maternal pride and confidence which 
has known no faltering. She felt and saw in you the truest 
representative of the genius and spirit of her people; that the 
proud and honorable name of a Kentuckian was indicated and 
illustrated in your life and character ; and she here and now 
rejoices that you have so borne yourself through many a con- 
flict that your unsoiled escutcheon still beams and brightens 
with a yet purer and brighter lustre. [Applause.] 

" Our Kentucky hearts swell with pride and exultation as we 
recur to that day when, standing before that august body, you 
plead the cause o{ justice d^n^ popular rights against fearful odds, 
combined and bent on perpetrating a fearful wrong. [Vehement 
cheering.] That you should be denounced by those whom you 
have so opposed was to have been expected. But be of good 
cheer ; the wise and the good will not fail to appreciate and re- 
ward with their approbation virtuous and patriotic actions. Their 
blessings and benedictions will be poured upon your head. As 
the organ of this vast assemblage, I now stand here to tender 
to you their gratitude for such services, and to give you a 
hearty welcome home to your own Kentucky." [Applause.] 

MR. CRITTENDEN'S REPLY. 

Mr. Crittenden said: "Mr. Kinkead and fellow-citizens, I 
ought to be, I am proud, I am thankful to you for this gener- 
ous reception. From you and your fathers, people of Ken- 
tucky, I have received all the honors in their power to bestow 



158 LIFE OF yOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

upon me. I love my old State of Kentucky ; I cannot help 
it; and if there is a heart in this assemblage that beats a truer 
pulsation for her welfare, I should like to learn a lesson from it. 
I feel gratified that my efforts to serve my countr}'men have 
met with your approval. I have endeavored to discharge my 
duties like a Kentuckian. [Cheers.] When the late great 
struggle took place in Congress, I did not know what were the 
sentiments of my people; but I knew my duty, and there was but 
one course for me to pursue. My heart swelled with gratitude 
when I learned that you approved me, and (with great em- 
phasis) I had rather this right hand should be chopped off on 
this block than to have violated my plain duty. 

" I could have chosen another course. There was every- 
thing to protect me in it; but I saw the truth before me, and, as 
old Kentucky's son, I followed it. I am gratified beyond all 
expression that I have your approval. I never believed that 
Kentucky would subscribe her name to fraud and injustice, and 
I could not sanction it with mine. I could not indulge in cir- 
cumlocution to save myself and lose my country. I could have 
protected myself, but I sought the truth and the welfare of my 
country. But, fellow-citizens, I did not intend to make a polit- 
ical speech ; this is not the time or place, and I am not prepared 
for it. I need rest. 

" But I am once more in my native land, thank God [cheers], 
— my dear old Kentucky! [Great applause.] But I was so 
treated to-day in Cincinnati as almost to make me forget that I 
was not in my own home. [A voice oddly cried out, " Remem- 
ber Harry Clay!"] Remember Harry Clay," said Mr. Crit- 
tenden, with most eloquent sadness. " Oh, a name never, ncvcf 
to be forgotten by a Kentuckian ! A name that grows greener 
and fresher and more glorious as time heaps the turf upon his 
grave ! 

" But, fellow-citizens, I have represented you as senator from 
Kentucky. I have endeavored to serve you faithfully ; I could 
not help it. Love for my honored old State was born in xx\2. 
What little of life that remains for me, I hope shall continue to 
be devoted to the service of my countrymen. I will serve them 
first and try to please them afterwards." [Cheers.] 

Mr. Crittenden then turned his attention to general politics. 
He alluded to the late stormy session of Congress in its gen- 
eral relations to domestic and foreign politics, and expressed a 
hope and conviction that the lately brooding storms which 
threatened our prosperity are passing away. "There had been 
rumors of war; but there remains no danger of any with Groat 
liritain. We have only to cultivate peace, and all those dis- 
turbing and perplexing questions of troublous portent will 



PUBLIC RECEPTION IN COVINGTON. 



159 



vanish into. nothingness." He congratulated the people that the 
fury of partisan strife is subsiding. He thought there could 
not be much of a contest preparing for the future when the 
people shall again choose a President. "Not much of a contest, 
I think',' said he, with a prodigious grin, which brought down 
the crowd, "An administration that begins by spending 
^17,000,000 of surplus, spends ^20,000,000 more of treasury 
notes in addition at the start, borrows ^20,000,000 more during 
its first year, and foots up at the expiration of the first year an 
expenditure of ^80,000,000, with estimates of ;^ 100,000,000 for 
the next year, can't stand long in the favor of the people." He 
would frankly admit that Mr. Buchanan came to the Presi- 
dency at an unlucky time, and he had had an unlucky time of 
it. "The country had suffered great financial distress. Com- 
merce was depressed, and it was somewhat owing to these 
calamities that the deficiency in the national exchequer exists. 
But still the administration is chargeable with extravagance ; 
and the inevitable consequence is a great national debt. When 
it is remembered that the administration of the younger Adams 
was denounced as extravagant when the entire expenditure for 
fonr years was only ^54,000,000, and that of Jackson, whose 
bill of costs for a similar period was ;^ 100,000,000, what will 
be the conclusion of the American people when they consider 
;^ioo,ooo,ooo expended by the Buchanan administration in a 
single year ? It is enough to make the people study seriously." 

Mr. Crittenden followed this train of thought in logical se- 
quence until he fell upon the tariff question, and maintained 
the necessity of returning to the American system, or submit 
to the evils of direct taxation which must follow the existing 
current of national politics. He put many strong arguments 
in statistical form ; but our readers are generally familiar with 
the arguments of the protectionists upon this question. His 
remarks indicated a future political movement. During his 
speech, however, he made a fine appeal in behalf of the labor- 
ing classes, showing that the consequences of Democratic free- 
trade principles tended directly to reduce them and the foreign- 
born citizen who came here to escape European oppression to 
the pauper condition of the laboring classes of Europe. 

" Would you have all the nobility of a freeman's heart — all 
the manhood in his existence — worked down into an animal? 
If you would have manufactures and mechanic arts flourish in 
your midst, put your taxes upon foreign goods, so as to afford 
a reasonable protection to labor in your own country. Should 
we pursue foreigners with the same pains and afflictions from 
which they have once escaped ? By no means ! But let us, 
while they are reasonably encouraged, throw around our own 



l6o I-JFI^ OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

people such safeguards and protection as shall prevent the labor 
of the country from being brought down to the standard of 
Europe. Let us first protect our own countrymen. [Loud 
applause.] But you, my friends, have given me a welcome 
from warm hearts, for which I thank you. It is a tribute from 
old Kentucky that I would not exchange for all the revenue 
ever collected by a tariff. It has filled the measure of gratitude 
to overflowing. I care not for the smiles or frowns of the 
President. I shall not seek to make him smile ; I do not 
regard his frowns ; I can give frown for frown. You, fellow- 
citizens, have filled my heart with gratitude. Kentucky has 
been my mother. Her sons are my friends — my brothers. Fare- 
well for to-night. God bless you and prosper you, and our 
noble old Kentucky." 

Shouts and cheers followed this speech, and hundreds crowded 
about the stand to take Mr. Crittenden by the hand, and a 
national salute was being fired from another part of the grounds. 

RECEPTION OF MR. CRITTENDEN AT FRANKFORT, JUNE 29, 1858. 

Contrary to the public expectation, Mr. Crittenden arrived in 
this city on Tuesday evening last, instead of the afternoon, as 
had been arranged by the committee. The people were disap- 
pointed in their wish to meet him at the depot, but they were 
determined to express a heartfelt welcome to Kentucky, and 
their approbation of his course in the Senate of the United 
States. A committee of our most influential citizens, accom- 
panied by Menter's band, which had been brought from Cincin- 
nati for the purpose, marched to his residence on Tuesday 
evening, and escorted him to the State House, where a large 
crowd was assembled to meet him. At the steps of the capitol 
he was received by Governor Morehead in an elegant and 
brief address. Governor Morehead had been selected by the 
citizens of Frankfort to express their increased confidence and 
esteem for the senator who had so ably vindicated the conser- 
vative spirit which has ever characterized old Kentucky and her 
statesmen ; and he did not utter a word which did not find a 
response in the hearts of all present. 

We cannot pretend to give the words, or describe the manner, 
of Mr. Crittenden's reply to this welcome. The manner was 
the same which has so long made him so great a favorite as an 
orator in Kentucky, and the words were eminently suited to the 
occasion. Throughout the speech he manifested the deepest 
feeling. When he first stood up, we saw his eye flash with the 
electric fire which lends so much power to his words, and his 
entire speech exhibited the same boldness and pride which 
have always marked him. He did not come before the people 



LETTER TO THOMAS H. CLAY. i6i 

as a criminal to plead for mercy for a great crime committed 
against his country or the State which he represents. Having 
conscientiously discharged his duty to his whole country, and 
having served the people to the best of his ability, he stood 
among his fellow-citizens with the proud consciousness in his 
heart th'at he had done his best to deserve the unexpected and 
spontaneous welcome extended to him. He had not acted as a 
Northern or a Southern man, but he believed his course was 
that which a senator of the United States ought to have taken. 
He had acted as a Kentuckian — despising fraud and resisting 
corruption — should ever act. He had not been sent by Ken- 
tuckians to be the slave of any section, or the tool of any ad- 
ministration. He had been sent to the Senate to consult and 
act for the best interests of the whole country, and he had 
striven to do so. He had not been taught by his constituents 
that he must truckle to any majority of men from other States. 
No, they had taught him to follow the path of honor and probity ; 
and he had done so. He had learned that it was the part of a 
true statesman to serve the people first, and if he could but 
please them afterwards, so much the better ; he was resolved to 
serve them whether they were pleased or not. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Thomas H. Clay.) 

Frankfort, July i, 1858. 

My dear Sir, — Though I may possibly have the pleasure of 
seeing you before this can be received, as T expect to pass 
through Lexington to-morrow on my way to the Estill Springs, 
yet I have a particular gratification in thus recording my ac- 
knowledgments to you for your letter of the 21st of the last 
month. It was the more grateful to me, and the more generous 
on your part, as it seemed to be interposed as a shield against 
the attacks of a paper in your city, attempting to excite hostility 
against me on your father's account, as though I had been his 
enemy. I will avail myself of the first opportunity to explain 
to you the relations between your father and myself, and espe- 
cially that brief and only passage in our lives in which a shadow 
was cast upon our long-continued friendship; a shadow re- 
moved before his death by the most affectionate explanations, 
miitiially and cordially made and accepted. When he descended 
to the grave, he carried with him as much of my heart as of 
any human heart outside of his own family. I say this to 
you in all sincerity, not for the purpose of propitiation, but that 
you may knoiv the truth, and may know that you have done no 
wrong to your father's great name and sacred memory by any 
of your acts of respect or kindness to me. 

I am truly your friend, 

Thomas H. Clay, Esq. J. J. Crittenden. 

VOL. II. — II 



l62 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(A. Lincoln to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Springfield, July 7, 1858. 
To the Honorable J. J. Crittenden. 

Dear Sir, — I beg you will pardon me for the liberty I take 
in addressing you upon only so limited an acquaintance, and 
tJKit acquaintance so long past. I am prompted to do so by 
a story being whispered about here that you are anxious for 
the re-election of Mr. Douglas to the United States Senate, and 
also of Harris, of our district, to the House of Representatives, 
and that you are pledged to write letters to that effect to your 
friends here in Illinois, if requested. I do not believe the story, 
but still it gives me some uneasiness. If such was your inclina- 
tion, I do not believe you would so express yourself It is not 
in character with you as I have always estimated you. 

You have no warmer friends than here in Illinois, and I 
assure you nine-tenths — I believe ninety-nine-hundredths of 
them — would be mortified exceedingly by anything of the sort 
from you. When I tell you this, make such allowance as you 
think just for my position, which, I doubt not, you understand. 
Nor am I fishing for a letter on the other side. Even if such 
could be had, my judgment is that you would better be hands 
off! 

Please drop me a line ; and if your purposes are as I hope 
they are not, please let me know The confirmation would 
pain me much, but I should still continue your friend and ad- 
mirer. 

Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 

P.S. — I purposely fold this sheet within itself instead of an 
envelope. 

(J. J. Crittenden to A. Lincoln.) 

Frankfort, July 29, 185S. 
Hon. !\Ir. Lincoln. 

Dear Sir, — Your letter of the 7th must have been delayed 
on the way ; it was not received until a few days ago. the 
acquaintance to which you allude as having long since existed 
between us is still freshly remembered by me, and the favor- 
able sentiments of personal regard and respect with which it 
impressed me I have ever since retained. 

You arc entitled to be frank with me, and you will be best 
l)leased, I think, with frankness on my part, and in that spirit I 
will endeavor to reply to your letter. 

I\Ir. Douglas and myself have always belonged to different 
parties, opposed in politics to each other ; but it so happened 
that at the last session of Congress we concurred and acted 



LETTER TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 163 

together in opposing the enforcement of the Lecompton Con- 
stitution upon the people of Kansas. I regarded that measure 
as a gross violation of principle and good faith fraught with 
danger to the country Mr. Douglas's opposition was highly- 
gratifying to me ; the position taken by him was full of sacri- 
fice and full of hazard, yet he took it and defended it like a 
man! In this he had my warm approbation and sympathy; 
and when it was understood that for the very course of conduct 
in which I had concurred and participated, the angry frown of 
the administration and its party was to be employed to defeat 
his re-election to the Senate, I could not but wish for his suc- 
cess and triumph over such persecution. I thought his re- 
election was necessary as a rebuke to the administration and a 
vindication of the great cause of popular rights and public 
justice. In this statement you will find the origin and state of 
my present feelings in regard to Mr. Douglas. 

They arose naturally and spontaneously in my mind, and 
were entirely unconnected with party calculations, and most 
certainly did not include a single particle of personal unkind- 
ness or opposition to you. 

These sentiments in regard to Mr. Douglas and his conduct 
on the occasion alluded to were frequently, openly, and ardently 
avowed by me in many conversations at Washington and else- 
where. I must confess that I still entertain them, and whatever 
I do must correspond with them. But it has so happened that I 
have, in fact, done very little in the matter. Since the adjourn- 
ment of Congress I have not written a single letter to any one 
in Illinois. During its session I do not remember to have 
written more than three or four, and they, in every instance, I 
believe, were written in reply to letters received. In some of 
these letters, possibly in all, INIr. Douglas was alluded to and 
recommended. This is all that I have done. But I have now 
on my table several letters from citizens of your State on this 
subject, to which I could not forbear replying without subject- 
ing myself to imputations of insincerity or timidity. One of 
these letters, for instance, requests me to say whether I did 
not, at Washington, have a certain conversation with the writer 
concerning Mr. Douglas, etc. These letters I must answer in 
a proper manner. As to the future, sir, I cannot undertake to 
promise or to impose any restrictions on my conduct ; that 
must be regulated under whatever circumstances may exist by 
my sense of propriety and duty. I can only say to you that I 
have no disposition for officious intermeddling, and that I 
should be extremely sorry to give offense or cause mortifica- 
tion to you or any of your Illinois friends. Whatever my 
future course may be, I trust that I will so act as to give no 



1(3^ LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

great cause of offense to any candid and liberal friend, even 
though he may differ with me in opinion. I have thus ex- 
plained to you my situation, and the cause and state of my 
fcehngs on this occasion, and now leave the subject to you, 
with every confidence in your justice and liberality. 

What I have said in relation to Mr. Douglas, may be re- 
garded as applying in all material respects to Mr. Harris, your 
present representative in Congress. 

In the effort to make myself perfectly understood, I have 
made this letter long and tedious. Excuse it, and believe me 
to be very truly and respectfully yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 

ABR.\n.-\M Lincoln. 

(A. Lincoln to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Springfield, Nov. 4, 1858. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

My dear Sir, — Yours of the 29th was taken from the office 
by my law-partner, and in the confusion consequent upon the 
recent election was handed to me only this moment. I am 
sorr)' the allusion made in the Missouri Republican to the pri- 
vate correspondence between yourself and me has given you 
any pain. It gave me scarcely a thought, perhaps for the rea- 
son that, being away from home, I did not see it till only two 
days before the election. It never occurred to me to cast any 
blame upon you. I have been told that the correspondence 
has been alluded to in the Missouri Republican several times; 
but I only saw one of the allusions made, in which it was stated, 
as I remember, that a gentleman of St. Louis had seen a copy 
of your letter to me. As I have given no copy nor ever shown 
the original, of course I inferred he had seen it in your hands; 
but it did not occur to me to blame you for showing what you 
had written yourself It was not said that the gentleman had 
seen a copy or the original of my letter to yon. 

The emotions of defeat at the close of a struggle in which I 
felt more than a merely selfish interest, and to which defeat the 
use of your name contributed largely, are fresh upon me ; but 
even in this mood I cannot for a moment suspect you of any- 
thing dishonorable. 

Your obedient servant, 

A. Lincoln. 

(J. J. Crittenden to T. Lyle Dickey.) 

Frankfort, August i, 1858. 
My de.\r Sir, — I received some days ago your letter of the 
19th of last month, in which you state the substance of a con- 
vousation between us in relation to Judge Douglas, said to 



LETTER TO T. LYLE DICKEY. 165 

have taken place in April last at the city of Washington. You 
ask if your statement is correct, and you ask my permission to 
speak of it privately and publicly, as occasion may prompt you. 
I remember the conversation to which you allude and the sub- 
stance of it ; it occurred at Washington during the last session 
of Congress, and most probably in April. 

Your statement of that conversation corresponds substan- 
tially with my recollections of it. As you state in your letter, 
I did in that conversation speak of Senator Douglas in high 
and warm terms. I said that the people of Illinois little knew 
how much they really owed him ; that he had had the courage 
and patriotism to take an elevated, just, and independent position 
on the Lecompton question at the sacrifice of interesting social 
relations, as well as old party ties, and in defiance of the power 
and patronage of an angry administration, supported by a dom- 
inant party disbursing a revenue of some eighty millions a 
year; that for this noble conduct he had been almost over- 
whelmed with denunciations ; that the attacks made upon him 
in the debates of the Senate were frequent, personal, and fierce; 
that throughout the entire session he must have felt the con- 
sciousness that he was in daily danger of being so assailed in 
debate as to force him into altercations and quarrels that might 
in their consequences involve the loss of honor or of life. Not- 
withstanding all this he had kept his course firmly and steadily 
throughout the whole struggle — had borne himself gallantly. 
I thought there was a heroism in his course calling not only 
for approbation but applause. 

In the above statement I have rather confined myself to those 
particulars of our conversation suggested by your letter than 
attempted to detail the whole of it ; the above, however, con- 
tains the substance of what passed, and whatever else was said 
was in accordance with it. This conversation with you, sir, 
formed but a part of many others of a like character which I 
held on the same subject. I often expressed my high opinion 
of the conduct of Judge Douglas on the Lecompton question. 
I expressed it frequently, fully, and openly, and was careless who 
might hear or repeat it. Under these circumstances, I do not 
feel that it would become me to object, or, that I have, indeed, 
any right to object, to your repeating our conversation when I 
have myself so frequently and so publicly declared the whole 
substance of it. I have thus answered your letter, as I felt 
myself bound to do. 

I must add, however, that I do not wish to be an officious 
intermeddler in your elections, or even to appear to be so. I 
therefore hope and request that whenever you have occasion to 
speak on th'^ subject of this letter, you will do me the justice to 



l66 I-IFi^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

explain and to acquit me of any such voluntary intermeddling, 
or of the presumption of seeking to obtrude myself or my 
sentiments upon the attention of the people of Illinois. 

I am, sir, with great respect, yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

T. LVLE DiCKEV. 

(In Senate, December 23, 1858. Bill for the Relief of Jane Tumbull.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, we are about entering upon 
the holidays, and I wish to do so with a good and cheer- 
ful spirit ; to do a good deed beforehand, I move to take up the 
bill for the relief of Jane Turnbull. I ask that this bill may be 
passed. It requires the Secretary of the Interior to place the 
name of Jane Turnbull, widow of the late Colonel William 
Turnbull, of the army of the United States, on the pension- 
roll, at the rate of fifty dollars per month during her natural 
life. It is necessary that I should make a brief statement of 
the case as it appears on file. William Turnbull entered the 
army in 1819; he died in 1857. Never during that whole 
period of his career in the army did Colonel Turnbull ask for 
leave of absence, except on account of sickness or inability to 
perform his duties. Belonging to the most scientific depart- 
ment of the army, — the topographical engineers, — he served 
everywhere ; he served in Mexico ; was twice brevetted for 
services there ; he died of rheumatism of the heart, induced 
by exposure there. Though a man of remarkable strength, 
ver>' athletic, and of fine constitution, it was his fate to suffer 
exceedingly from exposure to the climate while serving in 
Mexico. In talking to General Scott the first day I saw him 
after the death of Colonel Turnbull, he told me, with that pas- 
sionate sort of grief with which he alwaj-s seemed to regard 
the death of this gentleman, " I killed him, sir!" " How\vas 
that, general ?" " At the siege of Vera Cruz, a terrible norther 
blowing upon us the whole time, I sent him out to service. All 
day he was exposed to a storm of cold wind from the north 
anil to clouds of sand; he got back to my quarters at night, 
after having served the whole day, unable to get off his horse. 
All that could be done for him was done ; but he never finally 
recovered from that shock." It is certified b>'his physician that 
he was afterwards sent upon the northern frontier to superintend 
some works of the government. This aided the shock his con- 
stitution had received in Mexico ; he came back time after time 
with this rheumatism of the heart; he was at last recalled and 
sent South, and died at Wilmington, North Carolina. Colonel 
Turnbull died in his bed, alone, and has left a family for whom 
this provision is asked. 



BILL FOR THE RELIEF OF JAAE TURNS ULL. 167 

Surely, so far as the merits of the father can entitle the family 
to a compensation, his services for over thirty years — services 
of the most arduous character, exposing him in every climate, 
and particularly in our war with Mexico — ought to secure them 
this small allowance. This family are abundantly justified in 
appealing to the liberality of Congress. Such a family of chil- 
dren has hardly been left by any officer who has died in our 
service. He had a large family, and they are in utter want, — 
all his pay was necessary to support them during his life. To 
be in Colonel Turnbull's house, as I have been, and many other 
senators have been, and see the beautiful economy by which the 
expenses of a large family were brought within the compass of 
small means, was an affecting sight, even in his lifetime. He 
has left a wife, who well deserved such a husband, destitute, 
with nothing but a naked house. 

A word more in explanation. There was no written report 
from the committee. I presume that the matter was not 
properly attended to by those who had it in charge for Mrs. 
Turnbull. A statement in writing was furnished by General 
Scott ; he brought me the paper voluntarily, and then held the 
conversation I have reported in regard to Colonel Turnbull 
and the origin of the disease with which he died. This busi- 
ness commenced in the other House, and there the paper was 
lost. I gave General Scott notice, and requested the committee 
to summon him as a witness. I wanted to have him before 
them that they might examine him. General Scott was notified, 
and attended, but the committee did not meet on that day. 

General Scott attributes the origin of Colonel Turnbull's 
death to his being frozen and exhausted at Vera Cruz in the 
manner I have stated. The service at the North afterwards, 
on the water's edge, and in that climate, was co-operative 
with the exposure occurring in Mexico. He died of disease 
contracted in the line of his duty. I think it is a plain case made 
out of a man dying from disease contracted in the public ser- 
vice.* 

* Speeches of this character, not political, but going to show Mr. Crittenden's 
kindness of heart, and the zeal and sensibility with which he served his friends, I 
have thought best to insert in his Life, and not to publish in the volume containing 
his speeches in the Senate and House of Representatives, which it is my wish to 
have published at some future time. I have also deemed it advisable to publish in 
this volume some of his speeches to popular assemblies. 



CHAPTER X. 
1859-1860. 

In Senate, January 4, 1859 — Removal to the ne\v Senate-chamber — Speech of Mr, 
Crittenden — Letters from Letcher — In Senate — Commodore Paulding — Wil- 
liam Walker's Expedition to Nicaragua — In Senate — Brig General Armstrong — 
Letcher to Crittenden — Cuba — Crittenden to Mrs. Coleman — James F. Simmons 
to Crittenden — In Senate, 1S60 — Slavery Question — General Scott to Critten- 
den — Letters of Amos A. Lawrence, General Scott, J. P. Kennedy, F. P. Blair — 
In Senate, i860 — Thaddeus Hyatt. 

(In Senate, January 4, 1859. Removal to the new Senate-chamber.) 

MR. CRITTENDEN.— Mr. President, I hope I may be in- 
dulged in a few words of parting from this chamber. 

This is to be the last day of our session here, and this place 
which has known us so long will know us no more as a Senate. 
The parting seems to me to be solemn, and full of eventful re- 
collections. 

Many associations, both pleasant and proud, bind us and our 
hearts to this place. We cannot but feel its influence, — I, per- 
haps, Mr. President, most deeply, as my lot has been to serve 
in this body more years than any member now present. We 
cannot leave this chamber without some feeling of sacred sad- 
ness, — it has been the scene of great events. Here questions 
of American constitutions and laws have been debated, ques- 
tions of peace and war decided, questions of empire occupied 
the attention of great minds. This was the grand theatre upon 
which these things have been enacted. Surely this hall is con- 
secrated ! 

Great men have been actors here. The illustrious dead who 
have in time past distinguished this body, rise naturally on this 
occasion to our view. I speak but of what I myself have seen, 
and but partially of that, when I say that within these walls I 
have seen men whose fame is not surpassed, and whose power 
and ability and patriotism are not surpassed, by any Grecian or 
Roman name. I have seen Clay and Webster, Calhoun and 
Henton, Leigh and Wright and Clayton (last though not least), 
mingling together in this body at one time, and uniting their 
counsels for the benefit of their country. 
C168J 



REMOVAL TO THE NEW SENATE-CHAMBER. 169 

On this solemn occasion they seem, to our imaginations and 
sensibihties, to have left their impress on these walls, and this 
majestic dome seems almost to echo now with the voice of their 
eloquence. This hall is filled with the pure odor of their justly- 
earned fame. There are others of whom I will not speak be- 
cause they have not yet closed their career, not completed their 
patriotic services, but they will receive their reward hereafter. 
A host might be named, — their names are in no danger of being 
forgotten, nor their services unthought of or unhonored. 

We leave behind us, sir, in going from this hall, these associ- 
ations, these proud imaginations, so well calculated to prompt 
to a generous emulation; but we carry along with us to the 
new senate-chamber the pure spirit and the memory of these 
things. Let us carry with us all the inspiration which the ex- 
ample of our illustrious predecessors is calculated to give. 

Wherever we sit we are the Senate of the United States of 
America ; a great, powerful, conservative body in the govern- 
ment of this country; a body that will maintain, as I trust and 
believe, — under all circumstances and in all time to come, — the 
honor, the rights, and glory of this country. In leaving this 
chamber we will not leave behind us any sentiment of patriot- 
ism, any devotion to our common country, which the illustrious 
examples that have gone before us have left for our imitation. 
These, like our household gods, we will carry with us, and we, 
the representatives of the States of this mighty Union, will, I 
trust, be found always equal to the exigencies of any time of 
trial that may come upon our country. No matter under what 
sky we may sit, no matter what dome may cover us, the great 
patriotic spirit of the Senate will be there; and I have an abid- 
ing confidence that in the performance of its duty it will never 
fail! 

But, sir, we cannot depart without casting many longing, 
lingering looks behind us. This has been the scene of the 
great past, the new chamber is to be the theatre of the future ; 
and that future, I hope and believe, will not be dishonored by a 
comparison with what has gone before. The new chamber will 
have its illustrations of great services rendered by great men 
and pure patriots. This body, the great preservative element 
of the government, will discharge all its duties, taking care to 
preserve the union of the States which they represent, the 
source of all their honor, the fountain of that trust which they 
are here to execute, — the source of their country's greatness, 
happiness, and prosperity in the past and in time to come. 



170 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Franki-ort, January 20, 1859. 

Dear Crittenden, — Thank you for your letter; was rejoiced 
to get it. From all you tell me, and from all I see and hear, 
political affairs are as unsettled and uncertain as can possibly 
be. Douglas will cling to the Democratic banner as long as a 
shred is left ; his party may kick him, beat him, but as long as 
he has a hope of being taken up as a candidate for the Presi- 
dency he will humble himself too loiv to be respected by his 
'party. When he attended that SlidcU caucus, the other night, I 
lost confidence in him as a man of dignity, firmness, and proper 
self-respect. He seems willing to support Slidell's project to 
place thirty millions in the hands of the President, as a fund, I 
suppose, to bribe Spanish traitors to assist in the purchase of 
Cuba. His whole scheme to buy that island is simj)!}- ridicu- 
lous. Spain would rather see it sunk by an earthquake to the 
bottom of the ocean than allow it to pass into the hands of the 
United States. Now, ju^t let me tell you, when that proposi- 
tion comes up, then is your time to make a telling speech, to 
exhibit our financial distresses to the country and denounce the 
scheme "high and dry!' I fear the Black Republicans won't 
have sense to see they can't elect a candidate of their party; 
they are acting just the part the Democrats wish; and if they 
persist, a Democrat will be our next President. The leaders 
of the Republican party are a set of fools. Yes, I mean to go 
to the Louisville convention the 22d of February, if I live. Our 
party are in bad spirits. Hope, after the convention, things 
will be more favorable. I had never thought of Bullock as a 
candidate for governor ; it seems to me he would make as good 
a candidate as we could run. Carneal will be in W. in time to 
come home with you. TJie Queen gives me a first-rate " poor 
man's breakfast" every morning at nine o'clock, and wishes 
that you were present to help me eat it. I stand in need of 
good cheerful company, so come home as soon as possible. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, January 26, 1S59. 
Dear Crittenden, — From all indications, I think we shall 
have a large convention on the 22d. I must say that our friends 
are too low in spirits and in hopes to make an efficient and 
vigorous campaign. Something must be done or said at that 
convention to infuse new life, and courage, and confidence in 
our party, or we are lost. Before the meeting, it is to be hoped, 
something will transpire at Washington which will aid us in 
making a good demonstration. The fuel to make the fire burn 



LETTER FROM R. P. LETCHER. 



171 



bright must come from Washington. It appears to me that 
before three weeks you will have a volcano in the Senate or 
House, or both. That thirty million proposition is enough of 
itself to raise the devil. It is so ill timed, so ridiculous, that I 
don't see how it is possible it can be sustained by the party in 
power; yet, from all appearances, it will pass. The thirty mil- 
lions is designed as secret service money, to be used by the 
President in the way of bribery, I suppose, and the whole world 
is made acquainted with the object. The rascals he expects to 
bribe are, many of them, in the confidence of the Spanish 
government. They will take his money and laugh at him as a 
fool. The great desire to acquire Cuba, and to throw before 
the country a new and exciting topic, — one which will override 
all others, and cover up the errors of this administration, — is 
the policy of the Democratic party. / am for Cuba if it can 
be obtained honestly, fairly, and hojiorably. There are two modes 
of getting it: one by purchase, — that is not possible; the other, 
by robbery, — whether it can be obtained in that way is a ques- 
tion. We shall have to whip Spain, England, and France to 
get it. No doubt we can whip the whole world, but it is worthy 
of some little consideration lioiv long it would take us to do it, 
and how much money it would cost. These items require a 
little bit of ciphering. We are in'debt now more than we can 
pay, — where is that thirty millions to come from ? If the Presi- 
dent means to rob Spain of Cuba, we ought to have as much- 
sagacity as a common thief has, and do the job safely and grace- 
fully. Let us wait till there is a rupture between France and 
England ; this is not a good time to try the experiment. But 
enough of this. Douglas, I apprehend, will run himself out of 
breath trying to keep up with the Democratic party ! They 
won't touch him ; will hardly allow him to vote for their nomi- 
nee ; won't honor him so much as to let him zvash np the dishes, 
and eat in the kitchen of Democracy. His policy is to prove 
to the Democratic party that he is a whole-souled Democrat 
and ought to be taken up for the Presidency; but he is playing 
the game too lozv down, and will lose the respect and sympathy 
of many of his followers ; his going to that Slidell caucus was 
enough to damn him in the estimation of thousands of his own 
party. When too late, he will find himself compelled to take a 
bold stand, and to try to maintain it. 

Carneal leaves this morning. / am solitary and lone. I 
won't abuse him. In fact, I have got him so completely under 
cotv that I must say he has behaved like a gentleman these last 
three months. He is a conqjiered rebel as sure as you are born ; 
it cost me a great deal of hard talk and quarreling to put him 
down, but he is meek, penitent, and humble ; and I almost shed 



1-J2 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tears to look at him. " The Queen" sent you this morning a 
noble chine in a box, with others sent by Bettie and Maria. 
You arc the worst spoiled fellow in the world, at home and 
abroad. This morning " the Queen" had about a quart of rich 
cream, and said, " I wish I could send this cream to Mr. Crit- 
tenden." Said I, " I object to your sending tJiat cream to Mr. 
Crittenden. I don't care about the chine, but there is not more 
cream there than I want myself." 

Your true friend, 
J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

In 1859 a lawless expedition was fitted out in the United 
States, under the command of Captain William Walker, in- 
tended to assail Nicaragua, a country with which we were 
at that time at peace. This expedition escaped from the United 
States — eluded a vessel stationed at the post of Nicaragua to 
prevent its landing. Walker established his camp, displaced 
the government of Nicaragua, and claimed dominion by right 
of conquest — claimed sovereignty by right of election. The 
President, having the power by law to prevent such expeditions, 
called the attention of Con^iodore Paulding and other naval 
officers to the state of the case, and bade them carry the law 
into effect. Commodore Paulding was lying with his ship in 
the harbor of San Juan, and William Walker was in sight of 
him, armed and prepared to make war upon a countiy with 
which we were at peace. What sort of warfare they would 
carry on had been clearly shown by the war in which they had 
been baffled. In a speech made in the Senate, Mr. Crittenden 
declared " that blood and ashes had marked their course," and 
upon blood and ashes the little, petty, miserable empire they 
presumed to set up was founded. Under these circumstances, 
Paulding landed within the limits of Walker's camp and ar- 
rested him. The President announced these facts to Congress, 
and declared " that Commodore Paulding had violated the neu- 
trality of a foreign state, and had been guilty of a grave errorr 
Mr. Crittenden said that in his humble judgment, which with diffi- 
dence he opposed to. the President, there was no breach of neu- 
trality on the part of Commodore Paulding. The law author- 
ized him, and the President gave him power, to prevent the 
expedition. Commodore Paulding entered for the purpose of 
restoring the sovereignty of Nicaragua — entered the camp 



BRIG GENERAL ARMSTRONG. 173 

claimed by Walker as his government ^^ de facto" at that time. 
Besides, to enter a country with its permission was no violation 
of its neutrality. ^^ Volenti non fit injuria" is the natural law, 
and this consent, like every other fact, may be presumed from 
circumstances and proved as satisfactorily as an express writing 
giving consent. Moreover, Nicaragua afterwards, in the most 
formal manner, thanked Commodore Paulding for what he did, 
and yet, said Mr. Crittenden, " here we stand declaring our gal- 
lant officer, who thus bravely did his duty, 'guilty of a grave 
error.' Sir, I want a correct judgment of this government to 
go out ; I want it to have its future influence in all the great 
transactions of this nation ; I want the right law laid down so 
that our officers may know their duty, and not be crippled and 
limited in their course of action. It is not proper that a mere 
opinion of the President, expressed when the case was but half 
before him, should be the rule of our naval officers all over the 
world. Now, a word as to Commodore Paulding : my personal 
acquaintance with him is slight. I speak but the sentiment of 
an American citizen in expressing my thanks to him for the bold 
and heroic manner in which he has performed his duty, — a duty 
that stands not only above all censure and imputation * of grave 
error' but which, in my opinion, entitles him to the thanks of 
all who regard the peace of the world and the proper execution 
of the laws of their country. Most cheerfully, most cordially, 
sir, do I tender him mine." 

On the 4th of February, 1859, the subject of the destruction 
of the brig General Armstrong within the jurisdiction of 
Portugal, and the indemnity claimed by Captain Reid and her 
other officers, was the subject of discussion in the Senate. The 
brig was destroyed during our war with England in 18 12, and 
Portugal was a neutral power. Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, whom 
Mr. Crittenden characterized as learned and cautious, asserted 
unqualifiedly that there was no law of nations making a neutral 
power within whose jurisdiction the property of one belligerent 
was destroyed by another liable for this destruction. Mr. Crit- 
tenden said he hesitated to place his opinion on any question of 
national or civil law in opposition to the opinion of a gentleman 
for whose legal and general abilities he could in truth and sin- 
cerity say he entertained the greatest respect; but he had never 



174 ^^F^ OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

been more astonished than on hearing this declaration made. 
Mr. Crittenden thought there was not one absolute ground upon 
wliich the claim could be defeated, and he was fortified in this 
opinion by the concurrent opinion of every statesman of the 
country from the time of the commission of the outrage by 
England. Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe (a man greatly conver- 
sant with the laws of nations), and their cabinets of no ordinary 
ability, united in the opinion that Portugal was under obligation 
to indemnify. This matter had been brought to an end by ne- 
gotiations; but Captain Reid had obtained nothing. The brig 
had been defended with the greatest gallantry; they resisted 
with a heroism that made the country' thrill. The vessel was 
public to some extent, and private to some extent, but en- 
titled in either case to protection and to claim for retribution 
for any wrong sustained. Mr. Fessenden declares the brig to 
have been a privateer, and says a privateer " is nothing but a 
legalized robber." " I deny," said Mr. Crittenden, " that a pri- 
vateer is in any sense a legalized robber. Privateers are a 
part of the great national means of war — the great national 
defense." 

At this point Mr. Seward interrupted Mr. Crittenden. "Allow 
me to suggest," said he, "that if we are ever to get a vote, it 
ought to be now. I am sure that I can say something in favor 
of this bill ; but there is nothing I can say so effective as to ask 
its friends to come to a vote." 

Mr. Crittenden. — "Mr. President, these are disagreeable inter- 
ruptions. I am sure that the senator, Mr. Seward, knows that 
I feel kindly towards him ; but I do not choose to be admon- 
ished in any such form ; it is for me to determine when and 
how long- 1 shall speak. I cannot submit in public to this sort 
of chastisement for what I may think proper to say ! I was 
about to close, and, but for the gentleman's interruption, should 
not, perhaps, have occupied more time than he did in his unne- 
cessary and SHpcrflnous suggestions. I hope the vote will be 
taken ; it is not now or ever my temper to occupy the Senate 
with useless debate."* 

* Such extracts from speeches, where little flashes of temper and personalities 
arise, are always, I think, interesting; words spoken at such times are strong indi- 
cations of character. 



ACQUISITION OF CUBA. 1 75 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, Februaiy 9, 1859. 

Dear Crittenden, — I wish you would make haste and come 
home. Your presence is absolutely necessary to the comfort 
of many of your best friends. Since you left, some of the lead- 
ing aristocratic ladies, actuated, I suppose, by high principles of 
economy, have instituted a fashion which is by no means agree- 
able to me. They have formed an association called a club, 
and made their by-laws of the most rigid character. One of 
their miserable rules is to eat once a week, and then only to 
have tii'o dishes, and no more, jfiist tJiink of it, — eat once a 
week and have but tzuo dishes ! Who can live under tliat stinted 
allowance? I want this club to be broken up. The fact is, I 
have fallen off twenty-five or thirty pounds since this society 
was organized. The mere idea of one meal a week is enough 
of itself to starve a man to death. I have never joined the 
club, but from all I hear of the two dishes, not a crumb has been 
left so far. The members all look lean and hungry, — can 
scarcely walk. I took pity on two of them (Mrs. Cabel and 
Mrs. McKinley), and told ''the Queen'' for the Lord's sake to 
give them "« poor man's breakfast" (in a confidential way), 
which she did, and the way they ate was a caution ! Don't be 
unhappy; they sha' n't starve ; but the sooner you get home the 
better. I hope by this time you are tired of high life. Come 
home and recruit yourselves. Tell Mrs. Crittenden I am in 
correspondence with Josh Bell, and have a lively hope that he 
may yet be willing to run for governor. 

Carneal will go from New Orleans to Washington, and return 
home with you. I miss the old tyrant v^xy much. " The Queen" 
is well, and very anxious to see you. 

Your cordial friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

There has always been a desire on the part of the United 
States to possess Cuba. This policy has been frankly avowed, 
and from time to time unavailing offers had been made to Spain 
for its purchase. In February, 1859, President Buchanan wished 
to renew negotiations on that subject, and a bill was introduced, 
" making appropriations to facilitate the acquisition of the island 
of Cuba." Mr. Crittenden looked upon the time and season as 
most unpropitious. We had not asked Spain if she would be 
willing to sell ; and the declaration of such a purpose on our 
part seemed to contain something offensive. The government of 



i;6 LIFE OF JOHN J CRITTENDEN. 

the Queen of Spain had also declared that they considered it 
offensive. Mr. Crittenden thought the negotiation difficult ; 
but if the President could succeed, the more honor and the 
more glory to him. 

Let him go on, and God speed him in his negotiation. It 
seemed to be considered that we were to pay a great price 
for Cuba ; perhaps $200,000,000. We certainly are not now 
in a financial condition to pay this or provide for it; we have 
had to borrow $40,000,000, and so far as concerns the treas- 
ury, it renders a mournful sound when you knock upon it 
and ask for $200,000,000. There is but a funeral response ! 
But we have other difficulties. It was once the policy of 
this government to preserve amity and kind relations with 
all the states of North and South America, and we succeeded. 
They came into the world as free nations under our auspices. 
We were an exemplar to them. What has become of that 
feeling? Where is it, you rulers of our people? How have 
we lost all this ? The good will of a whole continent is a 
mighty fund of national strength, and we have lost it. We are 
gathering up little accounts with these nations and making 
quarrels with them. Do these little clouds of war promise 
additional prosperity or increase of revenue to meet our debts? 
Fighting is an expensive luxury — there is cost in it. This bill 
proposes to let the President make war at his discretion. The 
power to make war belongs to the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives. We cannot abdicate it, — the people have given it 
to us as trustees. 

The policy of this administration seems to be to search over 
all the li'cak iiations of the American continent for little causes 
of offense or quarrel. It seems that a Yankee zd^xs. no sooner go 
traveling abroad than somebody imposes on him, cheats him, 
or strikes him, and he comes to the government and makes a 
claim. I believe it is the Yankee Mr. Hopkins who says Lopez 
cheated liim out of property in Paraguay. Be that as it may, 
we have now sent out a fleet consisting of I don't know how 
many vessels, bought and built, — the greatest armada we have 
ever sent abroad,— and to do what? To find Lopez, the Para- 
guayan chief, who I have no idea is comparable in ability or 
power to John Ross, the Cherokee chieftain. To this poor, little, 
obscure power we are revengeful for an injury ! It is said that, 
in their inhumanity, they fired a gun at one of our ships, and 
robbed some property of Mr. Hopkins, who, I understand, 
never had any property. We have sent an armada to cross the 
ocean, with three thousand men on board, to take satisfaction 
from Lopez for the Paraguayan wrong done to Mr. Hopkins. I 



CUBA. 177 

think it was not worth w'hile to send our hnpcrial eagle, so elo- 
.quently spoken of, three thousand miles to punish a petty, dirty, 
chief of Paraguay, I must recur for an instant to a branch of 
the subject I have left behind, and say that I think our present 
President, with all his ability, and all his wisdom, and the gen- 
eral conciliation of his manner, is not exactly the best qualified 
for this negotiation ; and I will tell you why I am afraid Spain 
will be particularly jealous of him. We remember in the polit- 
ical history of this country that a few years ago a letter was 
published, under the signatures of three of our foreign ministers 
to the most distinguished courts of Europe, of whom Mr. 
Buchanan was one. I allude to the Ostend letter, which was 
signed by Mr. Buchanan, minister to England; Mr. Mason, 
minister to France; and Mr. Soule, minister to Spain. Spain 
Avas supposed to take offense at this letter. The doctrine taught 
in the letter was this, that if Cuba was more important to us 
than to Spain, if we offered what we thought a fair price, and 
she refused, then there was a sort of intimation that seemed to 
be so evanescent and sublime that it was a little hid in the clouds, 
but the result of it all was, to mortal ears and appreciation, 
"then take it." The time seems to me inauspicious, but the 
President has the power to negotiate independent of us. Let 
him go on, the object is worthy of his efforts. When he has 
made a treaty, he must lay it before us, and then we will act on 
our responsibility. 

As for the proposition to place thirty millions in the hands 
of the President to be used at his discretion in this negotiation, 
Mr. Crittenden would never consent to it. The exigency of the 
case did not demand it. He would never place such a tempta- 
tion in the hands of the President, — the Constitution never con- 
templated it. " It was not the place of the Senate to flatter the 
President by such complimentary evidences of personal confi- 
dence. The Constitution does not trust him with a dollar. I 
will not say I have any want of confidence in the personal in- 
tegrity of the President, but I reverence the Constitution of my 
country, and I will not destroy the balance of power which the 
Constitution intended to establish between the various depart- 
ments of the government. Cuba is desirable. It is a rich and 
valuable possession ; but if she was ours to-day, it would be 
with me a grave question if it would not be best to give her a 
qualified independence." 
VOL, 11, — 12 



1^8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. A. M. Coleman.) 

Frankfort, July 2, 1859. 
ViX DEAR D.\UGHTER, — It is indeed long since I wrote to you, 
and it is strange it should be so, when you are so often, indeed 
almost constantly, in my thoughts, and when you and your 
children are so dear to our hearts. In this interval I have re- 
ceived many affectionate letters from you that are precious to 
me, and the more so, perhaps, because of my apparent neglect 
in not answering them. The last which I received was from 
Schwalbach, written on the 21st of May. I am pleased to learn 
that you are spending your time so agreeably on the famous 
Rhine and its borders. It must be not only charming, but in- 
vigorating to mind and body to look upon, and be in the midst 
of such scenes. so beautiful by nature, and so interesting by 
history and romance. I may congratulate you, too, upon your 
unexpected meeting with ex-President Pierce and family. As 
you were to him a sort of Germans, as well as coiintry-pcoplc , I 
don't wonder that he found the meeting agreeable. I am of 
course obliged to him for his attentions to you, but I can't un- 
derstand Jioiu he can spend so much of his time in Europe, 
rambling about obscurely in a manner, I should suppose, to 
diminish and cheapen the dignity of an ex-President of the 
United States. Europeans must think that Presidents are cJicap 
with us. By this time, I hope you have met with your brother 
George. I suppose he will make for the seat of war, but will 
see you on the way. We rejoice to hear that you will return to 
Kentucky in October. Do not leave any of the children. I 
shudder at the thought of such a separation, especially in time 
of war. Come, then, and bring all your children with you ; we 
have set our hearts upon having you all at home again and 
within our arms. You never gave wiser or nobler advice than 
you -gave me when you begged me not to think of the Presi- 
dency. I have never sought it. It shall never cost me the 
sleep of one moment. Love to all. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(James F. Simmons to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Providence, November 30, 1859. 
My DE.\R Sir, — The purpose of this is to relate the substance 
of a conversation I had with our honored friend Mr. Clay in the 
summer of 1 850, in which allusion was made to you, and, as your 
relations with him have been publicly referred to, it is due to 
him and yourself that you should know it. 

I called upon Mr. Clay at Newport, in this State, soon after 
the accession of Mr. P^illmore to the Presidency, and in con- 



LETTER FROM JAMES F. SIMMONS. 179 

versation inquired of him what relations subsisted between 
him and the new President. He rephed that they were very- 
friendly, and, to illustrate this, referred to the conversations be- 
tween them in reference to the formation of his cabinet, in the 
course of which he said that Mr. Fillmore said he desired to 
invite you to take the position of Attorney-General, and re- 
gretted that the relations between him and yourself were not 
as cordial as they formerly were, to which Mr. Clay said to the 
President that circumstance should not prevent you, for he will 
make as good an Attorney-General as any man I know. As 
this was the first intimation I had of any alienation of friend- 
ship between you, I expressed my surprise and asked the occa- 
sion of it. He remarked that your intercourse was not sus- 
pended, but was not as cordial as formerly, in consequence of 
what had transpired in reference to the nomination of a candi- 
date for the Presidency in 1848. I told him that I thought there 
must be some misapprehension or mistake on his part, and re- 
lated a conversation I had with you near the close of the ses- 
sion of the Senate in 1847 upon the subject of the approaching 
election of President. 

That I inquired of you what our prospects of success were 
for 1848 ; that you replied that you were sorry to say there 
appeared to be many difficulties ; that at former elections we 
felt sure that we could hav^e.the use of his name as a candidate, 
and that the last convention was unanimous ; but now, a year 
before the convention was to meet, the party was divided and 
distracted by a number of candidates, each having friends de- 
votedly attached to them, naming, besides him, Mr. Webster, 
General Scott, and General Taylor, and that, knowing this, it 
was doubtful if he could be induced to accept a nomination. 

I remarked that it was unfortunate to have too many good 
candidates, but had no doubt Mr. Clay was the choice of a 
majority of the party. In this you concurred, but said there 
was some reason to fear that Mr. Clay would decline being a 
candidate with a united party, unless there was reason to expect 
some diversion from the opposite party in his favor, and you 
was sorry to say you saw no indication of that ; but that such 
a diversion appeared more likely to be in favor of some one less 
prominent than Mr. Clay. 

I then remarked to you that a Democratic member of the 
Senate had told me that such a diversion could be calculated 
upon in case you was the nominee, and had requested me to 
consult you, when you replied that you trusted 5/ou should not 
be insensible to the value of such a compliment ; but that the 
suggestion of your name would only add to the present com- 
plications, and begged that I would say nothing of it, and that 



l8o >^/^^ OF yOH^ y. CRITTENDEN. 

in deference to your wish I had not mentioned it. I told IMr. 
Clay that, from the whole character of your remarks at this time, 
there could be no doubt of the sincerity of your friendship for him. 

Mr. Clay said he was very glad I had related this to him, as 
it changed the aspect of the case ; and from his manner and 
remarks I believed it changed his opinion of it, for in all my 
intercourse with him I have felt that he was eminently just. 

I am with great regard your most obedient serv^ant, 

James F. Simmons. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden, 

Frankfort, Ky. 

(In Senate, January 3, i860. Slavery Question.) 
Mr. Crittenden. — I rise, Mr. President, for the purpose of pre- 
senting a resolution to the Senate. The times upon which we 
have fallen are of a very extraordinary character, full of danger to 
the peace of the country and even to the Union. The character 
of the times seems to me to require of us all ordinary and ex- 
traordinary efforts for the purpose of averting the danger which 
now so threateningly hangs over us. The measure which I am 
about to propose, sir, is of that extraordinary character, and I 
shall be at a loss for a justification or excuse for it unless it can 
be found in the perilous condition of public affairs, and in that 
great law, the safety of the people. I hope this measure may 
be productive of some good. I shall therefore lay it on the 
table, with all other measures tending to that object, to be 
considered by the Senate. I beg leave, sir, as the resolution is 
in my handwriting and perhaps not easy to decipher by the 
clerk, to read it myself 

Mr. Bigler, Mr. Given, and others. " Let them be read." 

llVu-rcas, The Union is in danger, and, owing to the unhappy 
divisions existing in Congress, it would be difficult, if not im- 
possible, for that body to concur in both its branches by the 
requisite majority, .so as to enable it either to adopt such amend- 
ments to the Constitution as are deemed necessary and proper 
to avert that danger; and ic/ir/ras, in so great an emergency the 
opinion and judgment of the people ought to be heard, and 
would be the best and surest guide to their representatives ; 
therefore 

Ri'sohcd, That provision ought to be made by law without 
delay for taking the sense of the people, and submitting to 
their vote the following resolutions as the basis for the final 
settlement of those disputes that now disturb the peace of the 
country and threaten the existence of the Union. 

Mr. Crittenden.— I will take occasion to say that the reso- 
lutions are the same. that have been, perhaps, in the hands of 



SLAVERY QUESTION. l8i 

every senator for weeks, which were laid upon the table some 
time ago and printed; the same I had the honor of offering to 
the Senate, with the addition of two others proposed by the 
honorable senator from Illinois, Mr. Douglas, also printed, and 
in the hands of senators. Let them be read if gentlemen desire 
to hear them. 

It was not my intention, Mr. President, knowing how this 
day is engaged, to interfere with gentlemen who have possession 
of the floor. If I were to enter on any discussion of this sub- 
ject, it would occupy much more time than remains between 
this and one o'clock. 

I would only invoke out of the fullness of my own heart the 
earnest and serious attention of my colleagues in the Senate on 
this subject. We are, sir, in the presence of great and startling 
events. We must act. It will be an open shame to the Senate 
of the United States, an open shame to the government, if, under 
such circumstances as now exist, this great nation is allowed to 
fall in ruins. Gloomy as the time looks, and unbroken as the 
clouds are which surround us on every side, and as little reason 
as I can see, as little solid ground as we seem to have to stand 
firmly upon, I yet have a conviction — it may be a superstitious 
conviction — that we will not be so unequal to our positions as 
to allow this ruin to come upon our common country, while 
we occupy such honored places among her rulers. It cannot 
be. The sacrifice to be made for its preservation is compara- 
tively worthless. Peace, harmony, and union, in a great nation, 
were never purchased at so cheap a rate. It is a scruple only 
of little worth that stands between us and reconciliation, and 
we stand here pausing and hesitating about that little atom 
which is to be sacrificed. It may be, sir, that we are spell-bound 
in our party politics, and in opinions which they have generated 
and fastened upon us against our will ; but I appeal with con- 
fidence to that great source from which we derive our power. 
When the people are in danger, and the people's institutions, I 
appeal to them with confidence. If zue are at fault, if we can- 
not combine the requisite majority here to propose amendments 
to the Constitution necessary to the settlement of our present 
difficulties, the people can ! Give us their voice and their judg- 
ment, and they will be our safest guide ! This is not an appeal 
which, in any result, can prostrate the Senate of the United 
States. Not at all. I have too long shared in its honors, its 
dignity, and its independence, to desire ever to see that done; 
but I do hope that the representatives will respect, and regard, 
and give a proper influence to the sense of the people when 
fairly and fully understood; not more than it is entitled to, but 
the full measure of all it is entitled to. This is their govern- 



1 82 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

mcnt. Its preservation is dearer, more inestimable to them, than 
to all the world beside. They have the greatest interest in it, — 
the greatest care for it. I ha\'e believed, and have often said to 
the people m the humble addresses I have been called upon to 
make to them, "Take care of the Constitution, my fellow -citi- 
zens, and the Constitution will take care of you. Take care of 
the Union, and the Union will protect and preserve you." This 
is the doctrine of the people, this will be the sentiment of the 
people, and they will give good advice as to how this matter 
ought to be settled. I look with full confidence to them ; and 
so far from feeling myself — if I .should sit here at all — humbled, 
or consider myself a submissionfst (a term now commonly ap- 
plied to laiv-abidiug men), I shall walk proudly upon the high- 
way they have pointed out, and more firmly and more surely when 
strengthened with their strength, and honored with their advice. 
If further means fail, let us avail ourselves of this, and make 
our appeal to the people. Sir, I will no longer occupy your 
time. I will not interfere with other gentlemen entitled to the 
floor. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, Januarj- 6, iS6o. 
Mv DEAR Crittenden, — My eyes were gladdened this morn- 
ing at the sight of your frank, and I am most anxious to take 
you again by the hand. But first a word in reply to the sug- 
gcsti\-e inquiry you make. See the accompanying letter, "copy," 
wiiich I communicate confidentially so far as regards Mr. W. 
He called upon me about six days ago, and in a free conversa- 
tion won my esteem by his manliness and conservatism. Such 
overtures, in my opinion, should, for the public good, be met 
with prompt kindness and reciprocal good will. Mr. W. is 
no ordinary man. I made to him, however, and I have made 
to no other politician, no pledge, meaning, if brought forward 
as a candidate for the Presidency again, to have no other plat- 
form than the Constitution, and to make no new declaration of 
opinifjns, but simply to rest on the known antecedents of my 
public life. Now, my ancient friend, why should I visit Wash- 
ington, unless .specially called there by the War Department? 
M)- personal friends — and I have some in every party — stand 

at daggers' points towards each other, and there is , a 

man of genial manners, and who always approaches me with 
warmth, but with whom, although I am obliged to see him, I 
can have no intimacy, because I more than doubt his honesty. 
Vou know the party alluded to, for I explained myself fully to 
you wlicn last we met. Still, I am restless and unhappy away 
from Washington. The state of the country almost deprives 
me of sleep, and sometimes I drcaiii that I might possibly be 



LETTER FROM AMOS A, LAWRENCE. 183 

of some service were I at the centre of agitation. Gleams of 
comfort begin to break upon us, — the Rochester resolutions 
and Preston King's assurances in presenting them, the con- 
vention of manufacturers to be held in Connecticut, the Missis- 
sippi resolutions, etc. Upon the whole, I think I ought not to 
visit Washington unless things become decidedly better, or 
(which God forbid) something worse. Write to me freely. 

I remain yours, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Winfield Scott. 

(Amos A. Lawrence to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Near Boston, Jan. 6, 1S60. 

My dear Sir, — We have not thought much about General 
Scott's nomination, and probably shall not, unless you choose 
to recommend it. You are the candidate of the National Amer- 
icans here, and they will not look elsewhere until you direct 
them to do so. Besides that, you have the confidence of the 
American Republicans (Fremont) here, and even of the Repub- 
licans of the conservative sort. As to the Whigs, they have 
pretty much disappeared from Massachusetts, so far as num- 
bers are concerned, and their organ, the Boston Courier, with 
its editors, has favored the Democrats. 

The only hope of doing anything effective here is in dividing 
the American Republican (Banks) party, and this can be done. 
The American portion of it can be brought up upon national 
ground, and the great reserved vote will vibrate to that side. 
You will see in the call of the convention at Chicago that the 
Massachusetts American Republicans are excluded by the 
clause which relates to the equality of citizens. Besides this, it 
contains nothing about the great manufacturing and producing 
interests of the country. The spirit here is good, and we admire 
the position of the Southern American members of Congress, 
and hope they will maintain it. If they go to the Democrats; 
they will damage the hopes of any successful action in this 
part of the country, and if to the Republicans, the effect will be 
bad. 

What is wanted is a programme. If new members are to be 
added to the national committee, they should be selected with 
great care. Certain gentlemen, who may be known at Wash- 
ington as representatives of the Whig or American party in 
Massachusetts, are not favorably known here. We do not want 
fossilized men, nor politicians. Please not count me in as one. 
I never held an office, and wish to avoid the appearance of 
wanting one. 

If you will send me two notes of three lines each in your own 
handwriting, asking me whether the Union-loving men of ]\Ias- 



I $4 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

sachusctts are ready to unite with the opponents of the Demo- 
cratic party in the other States for the defeat of that party and 
of all extremists, I will promise to organize this whole State in 
eight weeks, and to keep your notes out of the newspapers. 
All we wait for is the word of command. Sliall zve have it? 

Respectfully and truly yours, 

Amos A. Lawrence. 

(General Winfield Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, Jan. 27, i860. 
De.\r Crittenden, — I write mainly to put you on your guard 
against Wyndham Robertson, Jr., a townsman of mine; he was 
with me some five minutes a month ago, just (as he said) from 
Europe, and accidentally witliout money. I lent him enough to 
take him to Richmond, where he said he was to become an 
editor of the Whig. I had no conversation with him about the 
Presidency ; but here is a letter from him, dated Washington, 
yesterday, asking for more money, as he is there on a mission 
(God knows from whom) to organize the conservatives of all 
parties for electing me. He is a plausible fellow, and has prob- 
ably presented himself as my special friend and agent. I beg 
to say that I have no missionary and no agent, and I have not 
written a line on the subject of the next Presidency which yon 
have not seen. To some three or four persons I have said that 
if nominated and // elected — tivo toll-gates to be leaped by an 
old horse — I should feel myself bound to consider all effective 
supporters as belonging to one and the same party with myself, 
the people's party, the conservative party, or a party with some 
other wholesome na)ne. I have stated that I neither expected 
nor desired a nomination from any existing party; but {/"brought 
forward I would have no platform other than the Constitution, 
and give no pledge other than my known public character. I 

have not heard from Senator since his letter, to which I 

replied. I have heard, however, in a roundabout way that that 
senator and another (an old Whig and personal friend) were 
rather openly using my name as a candidate. If I had aspira- 
tions it might be i)rofitable to show myself at once, for, instead 
of being superannuated, I am in the most vigorous health. In 
bright weather I read and write without spectacles. I dine, 
sup, drink, and ^\Qcp li/a a yonng man, 2iX\d if I don't walk as 
well it is only because I am a little lame from a hurt in my left 
knee. If once elected, I fear I shall find it difficult to avoid a 
second term. I give you leave to retort, " Sufficient for the day 
is the evil thereof" 

r^aithfully yours, 

Winfield Scott. 



LETTER FROM JOHN P. KENNEDY. 185 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, Feb. i, i860. 

My dear Crittenden, — I have received all your letters ; 
that is, three. Mr. W.'s letter to me, written at Washington 
the day before your first, I supposed I had inclosed to you with 
a copy of my answer. It was tJiat I begged you to return. I 
now fear I have dropped it where it may fall into improper 
hands. It is singular that Mr. W. wrote to me nearly in the 
language of your inquiry of a day later, on the part of many 
friends, to know whether I would accept, on my arrival at Wash- 
ington (where I was' daily expected), -d. public dinner. It was to 
decline tliat I wrote to him, as I did to you, the day after. I 
send back the copy of my reply to Mr. W. that you may un- 
derstand my position towards him. My previous acquaintance 
with that senator was but slight. Confidentially, I have strong 
suspicions that he wishes to drop Seward. 

With kind regards to my friend Mrs. Crittenden, I remain 
yours truly, 

WiNFiELD Scott. 

(General Scott to the Hon. H. Wilson.) 

Dear Sir, — Your inquiry is as delicate as it is compliment- 
ary ; I am obliged, however, to decline the proposed honor. I 
have not in many years been voluntarily present at a public 
entertainment, and this reason ought, perhaps, to render any 
other superfluous ; but I deem it due to your kindness to add, 
that, finding myself in the present excited, almost distracted, 
state of our country looked to by many prominent citizens of 
every party for the Presidency, — a place I do not desire, and 
would not be thought of for except in a great emergency, — I 
think it my duty to stand aloof from any particular connection 
with either of the political parties. This is not timidity, but I 
hope a wise patriotism and a desire not to lose the chance of 
usefulness with the conservative of all parties in the threatened 
crisis. 

Believing that, under like circumstances, yoii would be one 
of that number, no matter zvJio the leader, I remain very truly 
yours, 

Winfield Scott. 

Hon. H. Wilson, Senator, etc. 

(John P. Kennedy to J. J. Crittenden.) 

February 7, i860. 

My dear Crittenden, — No paper by this morning's mail. I 
have thrown together some passages for the address, but do 
not attempt an entire paper, because the expected address pre- 



lS6 LIFE OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEX. 

pared by Marshall and Brooks will, I have no doubt, leave little 
to supply. From my not receiving it this morning, I fear it 
will be impossible to complete the entire structure of the ad- 
dress in a condition for publication in time to suit our friend 
Graham's convenience, as he says he must set off for home on 
Friday. I therefore propose that Jic (Marshall), and any other 
member of the committee who may be in Washington, shall 
come over and dine on Thursday, and that Conrad and your- 
self shall join them, and, whether we have the address complete 
or not, we can talk it over and adjust the points for my instruc- 
tion in preparing the final form. 

I beg you to let me know, at the earliest moment, whether 
they will come on and dine, and who will come. I must know 
by to-morrow evening. 

Yours truly, 

Hon. J. J. CRitTENDEN. JOHN P. KENNEDY. 

(F. P. Blair to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Silver Spring, February i6, iS6o. 
Dear Crittenden, — I send you Frank's late speeches in the 
hope that you may glance at them. I am anxious that you 
should read the last portion of his New York speech, as he has 
taken 7i leaf out of your book, zx)A made it the platform of the 
Republican party. I have ver}' little doubt but that the Repub- 
licans (whose paramount feeling is the preservation of the Union 
as formed by the men of the Revolution) will adopt their policy 
to defeat, with the least injury to the public interest, the schemes 
of the party seeking a separation of the States. Tlic malcon- 
tents, who keep up a clamor about slavery, who broke up the 
Missouri Compromise, who taught John Brown his lesson in 
Kansas by their oppressions and murders, who sought to put a 
yoke on the people by a constitution, the work of fraud and 
force, and who now continue the wrong by refusing to admit 
the State under their rightful constitution, have nevertheless 
obtained all they can demand for slavery under a constitu- 
tional sanction by the decision of the Supreme Court. Tliis 
does not .satisfy their ambition, and they are resolved to go out 
of the Union, make a conquest of Mexico, and reduce that 
country, with its hybrid population, to slavery. They know 
that the free States will not co-operate in this scheme, and hence 
all the plans of the nuUificrs converge in that of a dissolution. 
If the Republicans should make a nomination which would 
justify alarm among the slave-owners that their property was 
endangered, it would be playing into the hands of the enemies 
of our government. I am convinced they will take no such 
unwise course. They will nominate some man from the slave 



THADDEUS HYATT. 1 87 

States. If you should not be selected, I am sure it will at least 
be one with whom you can cordially unite in giving direction 
to the government. Let me beg, therefore, that in your speech 
you will lay down some broad platform on which the whole 
Union part}' of the nation can unite. You are the head of the 
Senate, and will be far above the head of the government, if 
you give your native courage and more than lip-cherished 
patriotism scope. 

Your most affectionate friend, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. F. P. Blair. 

(R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, March i, i860. 

Dear Crittenden, — I have not written to you for several 
weeks because of rheumatism. Our convention was large and 
respectable. Your being recommended for the Presidency ivas 
the point I had most at heart. It won't hurt you in any event. 
Some of our friends are opposed to our running a candidate, — 
Josh Bell, I think, is of that number. I have very little patience 
with such lukewarm Christians. If we have no candidate our 
party will be absorbed in the Democratic party in this State. A 
good many are inclined to Douglas; at any rate, I am not of 
that number. It appears to me that Douglas's chance of being 
nominated at the Charleston convention has increased a good 
deal, but I still think he cannot succeed. If he does, then I 
think Bates will be the Black Republican candidate. You know 
better than I do how matters stand. 

Carneal is more agreeable than ever. I never saw a man 
improve so much. I can't force him to enter into an argument. 

Your friend, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. R. P. Letcher. 

In i860 there was much excitement and discussion in the 
Senate on the subject of Thaddeus Hyatt, a contumacious wit- 
ness, who had been summoned by a senatorial committee to 
give information with regard to facts, I think, connected with 
the John Brown trouble at Harper's Ferry. The witness, upon 
the summons, refused to attend. Mr. Crittenden declared this 
to be a contempt in law. He said : 

This citizen, upon his private understanding and his con- 
science, as it is called (and I know of no better depository for 
the most occult and inscrutable deposit of a secret than what a 
man calls his conscience), in his individual person, undertakes 
to set up an opposition to the laws, — and great sympathy is 
excited for the offender. What will become of the administra- 



lS8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tion of the laws, if such anarchy can be set up by an individual 
under the standard of an unknown conscience? I am for no 
such liberty as that. It is obedience to the laws which consti- 
tutes our liberty; yet the honorable senator from New Hamp- 
shire (Mr. Hale) is thrown into transports on this subject. He 
sees in the power to summon a witness an unheard-of, tremen- 
dous, indefinable, immeasurable power which is to root out the 
liberty of the citizen. He feels a sympathy which knows no 
bounds for the man upon whom this terrible oppression is im- 
posed. I think the individual has no claim for s}'mpathy. It 
is conscience against law that is the condition of the individual. 
Each branch of Congress has a right to make investigations, 
and, in consequence of it, a right to summon witnesses without 
the concurrence of the other House. Our witness, instead of 
answering for his apparent neglect of our summons, turns upon 
us and becomes our accuser; says to us, "You had no right to 
institute this inquiry. Where is your authority?" And a sort 
of capitidation is now proposed to the Senate of the United 
States, that we shall make an implied apology for our irregular 
proceedings, and direct the witness to be discharged, and then 
send him a polite note, — an invitation in this form, "As we 
had no right to exact your attendance, do be so good as to 
wait on Mr. Mason and his committee, and tell him, if it suits 
you, what your conscience will permit you to disclose." We 
may regret that the poor man should be so bewildered by his 
conscience as to think its whisperings a sufficient excuse for 
disregarding the constituted authorities of his country. I have 
remarked with great pleasure that the senator (Mr. Hale) ex- 
presses himself strongly in favor of the Union. I think I have 
no States rights friend who goes by any means so far as him- 
self in his States rights doctrines. It seems to him an oppress- 
ive proceeding for Congress to summon a man out of the State 
in which he lives as a witness. He seems to think the States 
are secured from the touch of authority by this government. 
What, then, is the limit of its authority? The District of Co- 
lumbia? I think my friend from New Hampshire has indulged 
a little too freely his zeal and his ardor for liberty on this occa- 
sion. I hope the individual will reconsider, will look calmly 
upon his duties, and be better advised than to stand in contu- 
macious opposition to the laws of his country, and endure the 
prison to which I shall regret to send him. I shall feel it my 
duly, so far as my duty goes, to impose upon him this punish- 
ment till he obeys the laws. I am bound to submit to the law ; 
you and all of us are bound to comply with it. 



CHAPTER XI. 
i860. 

Washington Hunt to Crittenden— Senate, Consular Appointments— Letter to Hun- 
ton— Senate, Homestead Bill— Crittenden to Hunt— Letter from St. Nicholas 
Society — Leslie Combs on Senator Crittenden at Baltimore Convention — 
Letter from Edward Everett — Senate, African Slave-Trade— Relations of 
States— Resolutions of Mr. Davis in the Senate, i860. 

(Washington Hunt to J- J- Crittenden.) 

New York, April 9, i860. 

MY DEAR SIR, — I thought seriously of writing you on 
political matters some time ago, but concluded that it 
would be difficult for me, living in retirement on the outer border 
of the country, to impart any useful information to you, a 
veteran actor and observer, stationed at the great centre of 
political light and intelligence. It seemed a little too much 
like offering to "teach war to Hannibal," therefore I remained 
silent. Of course it is unnecessary for me to assure you that 
your views, and sentiments, and principles are identical Avith 
mine. It has been my pride for years and years to look to you, 
and follow you as my leader and guide, on all the great ques- 
tions of national interest. The present condition of affairs is 
complex and difficult, yet I feel very confident that on a full 
explanation of views there would be no difference of opinion 
betv/een us on points of expediency touching our future action. 
I am prompted to write you at this time because it would seem 
that a letter written in the Tribune has produced a wrong im- 
pression in regard to my position. I have said or done nothing 
to warrant the sweeping conclusions of that letter. After the 
time was fixed for the Baltimore convention, I received two or 
three letters from friends on that subject; and in reply I ex- 
pressed regret that a later day had not been chosen. It seemed 
to me desirable that we should have the action of the Chicago 
convention as well as Charleston before taking our final stand. 
But the question was not free from difficulty, and perhaps I 
took a mistaken view. I am not disposed to be exacting on 
questions of mere expediency; and when the point is decided 
by a majority of my friends, I am accustomed to acquiesce 
cheerfully. The point is now settled, and I do not wish to re- 
vive or to argue the question. 

(189) 



1 90 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

In the present position of affairs, there are two great dan- 
gers or evils to be averted, if possible. The first danger is that 
ail the Southern States will vote for the Democratic candidate ; 
the second, and perhaps the greater, is that nearly all the 
Northern States (enough to elect) will vote for the Republican 
candidate. We must endeavor to guard against either of these 
results. In this State, as in most of the free States, the masses 
are absorbed in one of the main parties, Democratic or Repub- 
lican. But in several States the conservative men have suf- 
ficient strength to turn the scale. We think we have the power 
to do it in this State. Many of our friends are ver}' reluctant 
to commit themselves in such a way that they will not be free 
to act effectively in case they should finally judge it to be neces- 
sary, in order to save the country from the calamities that would 
result from a sectional triumph in the presidential election. At 
one time we had hoped to sec the whole opposition unite on a 
conservative candidate; but this hope is almost dispelled. I 
expect to see them choose a sectional agitator at Chicago. In 
that contingency, I have no fear that you and I will differ in 
opinion as to the course of duty for conservative men, in some 
at least of the free States. 

I e.xpect soon to be at Baltimore. I hope to see you before 
the convention organizes, for I wish to explain my views more 
fully than the limits of a letter will admit, I will give you 
my opinions with perfect frankness. At the same time I will 
promise to defer to your better knowledge and superior judg- 
ment. On a free interchange of sentiment, your opinions will 
surely be conclusive with me. The state of parties is very un- 
satisfactory. My personal inclinations would lead me to keep 
myself far away from the strife; but our country is here with 
all its glorious institutions, and we are bound to preserve 
them if possible. For one, I cannot shrink from my just share 
of the responsibility. 

I remain, as ever, with great regard, yours faithfully, 

Washington Hunt. 

The Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(Senate, March 27th, i860. Consular and Diplomatic Bill.) 

Mr. Crittenden.— I shall vote against this amendment. I think 
one of the evils and burdens of the day is the multiplicity of our 
ministers abroad and the multiplicity of our treaties; they are 
almost overwhelming. I do not wish to add to their expense 
or number by sending a minister at an expense of eight or ten 
thousand dollars a year to Paraguay. We have a consul there 
through whom, it seems to me, we can keep up all the civilities 
and courtesies that are necessary between this republic and the 



CONSULAR AND DIPLOMATIC BILL. 191 

republic of Paraguay. It has not seemed to me that our good 
understanding with foreign countries, particularly with the small 
governments of South America, has at all corresponded with 
the number of our ministers. Each and every one of them 
seems to have an ambition to negotiate. He vinst do some- 
thing ; he must come home in a short time, and must bring 
along with him some title to the nation's attention and gain re- 
nown. A treaty he must have, or his time has been misspent, 
and in making that treaty he is most likely to get into one or 
two little quarrels. I think, therefore, our peace with nations 
of this description will be best preserved by consuls, who, hav- 
ing no diplomatic ambition, no thirst to raise little strifes, in 
order that petty treaties may follow, will be willing to act as 
mediators in respect to all due courtesies. I am totally opposed 
to the multiplication of this class of officers. Often, very often 
these appointments may be considered much in the same char- 
acter of those which Mr. Bright, of England, denominated a 
multitude of their diplomatic appointments, — " a sort of out- 
door relief given to poor nobility;" we may say, "given here to 
unfortunate politicans." I think the expenditure a useless one, 
and hope the amendment will not be made. 

There are few gentlemen in the body or out of it for whom 
I have more respect than for the senator from Virginia, ]\Ir. 
Mason. I simply differ with him as to the propriety of sending 
this mission. I have a deep and abiding conviction that in 
many instances these missions do more harm than good. They 
want to do something ; they get up a little strife ; then we have 
a treaty, and the Senate is called upon to ratify it; and through 
all this grand process the name of the negotiator is necessarily 
canvassed, and Jie acquires, as he imagines, a something like 
fame. This is ambition ! 

Now, my friend from Louisiana is not entirely correct, though 
he is so in. general. He has known of no mission which has 
been discontinued. I will tell him of one. 

On one occasion, while I was temporarily acting, in the 
absence of the Secretary of State, performing his duties for a 
week or two, there arrived here an old friend of mine, one whom 
I valued highly, and he told me he had been abroad. He had 
been sent out as minister to some small republic in the moun- 
tains of South America, — Bolivia, Ecuador, or some other 
point. He gave me an account of his travels and of the coun- 
try. He had traversed the Andes, and scaled the Cordilleras, 
and at last reached the spot where he was told he would find a 
government, — the government, indeed, to which he had been 
sent. Upon inquiry, he was told that the government had left 
there a few weeks before and gone farther into the mountains. 



1^2 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

There was, however, a fragment of the late government, — a 
man hovering about who had been secretary of war. So he 
addressed himself to said secretary of war as approaching 
nearer to the character of a government than anything else he 
saw or heard. He had had a disagreeable journey through the 
mountains, and was no doubt in a bad humor to find his govern- 
ment escaped. He fell foul of this secretary of war with his 
diplomatic correspondence. He was not very well versed in 
diplomacy, and I suppose his letter was not very courteous. He 
received a reply in consonance with his letter, which he imme- 
diately followed by a peremptory challenge to fight a duel. 
[Laughter.] He thought that mode of settling belonged par- 
ticularly to the department to which he addressed himself, and 
challenged him immediately to mortal combat. Not being able 
to obtain a meeting with this secretary of war, he abandoned 
the country as utterly unworthy of all further negotiation or 
treaties of peace whatever, and came right home. That was 
the end of his mission. [Laughter.] 

So there has been one mission discontinued. I admit it is 
seldom the case that such things happen; but to speak seriously, 
Mr. President, I do believe these missions do no good. I know 
that consuls cannot occupy or fulfill the whole diplomatic char- 
acter, but they are officers of the government, and can be made 
use of for communication between other governments and ours. 
I do not see that any diplomacy is necessary between Paraguay 
and ourselves. We can get along without this mission. I 
would use every means to prevent Paraguay considering it a 
discourtesy. We are friends, and I think our business can be 
arranged by consuls. We wish peace, and friendship, and 
courtesy with her. Cannot all this be accomplished without 
tlie costly machinery of a diplomatic mission? I object to the 
amendment.* 

(J. J. Crittenden to Mr. Hunton.) 

April 15, 1S60. 

Dear Hunton, — I have had the pleasure to receive your 
letter of the loth inst. It gratified me much, as your letters 
always do. I am tired of the life I am leading, and feci impa- 
tient for the end of my present senatorial term, quite prepared 
to retire to private life, and look forward to that repose with 
much gratification. I don't think this is the discontent of a 
^//.w/>/>w/A\/ politician, but I am tired of public life. Disgusted 
with the low party politics of the day, and the miserable scram- 
ble for place and plunder. I presume that I could obtain the 
nomination of the Union party for the Presidency, but I don't 



* This speech, being short and amusing, is given here entire. 



LETTER TO MR. HUNTON. 



193 



desire it, and have all along and repeatedly declined, and warned 
my friends that I did not wish to be considered a candidate. If 
there can be a state of things deserving to be called political, 
in which there is nothing but party and personal objects with- 
out any apparent patriotic purpose or consideration of the 
country's good, we are, as it seems to me, just in that state. 
The feeling between the Democratic and Republican parties is 
as bitter as it can well be. Numbers of delegates to the Charles- 
ton convention are now here on their way to that assembly. 
WJio will be their nominee is now the question fiercely contested. 
The opponents of Douglas are very hostile to him, and will 
defeat him if possible. His friends, I believe, are also quite 
confident and determined. My impression is that Douglas will 
be the nominee. But whatever may be the decision of the con- 
vention, a great schism, it is thought, must follow. Among 
many Republicans here a strong impression prevails that Seward 
will not be nominated by the Chicago convention, but my con- 
viction is clear that he will be. His nomination will produce 
much discontent in that party. The schisms and discords thus 
inevitable in both these parties must, it is thought, bring great 
accessions to our new Union party, and it seems to me that is a 
fair conclusion. We expect to have a large and respectable 
convention at Baltimore. I do not know zvho they will nomi- 
nate, and am persuaded that they will act wisely and prudently. 
I do not much care so that I can escape and get off smoothly. 
I trust that you will not be in the least influenced by my course. 
There may be conti7igcncics in which it might possibly be the 
duty of the Union party to vote for the Democratic candidate; 
and in the contemplation of such a contingency, I would not 
consider it at all strange that any one, standing as free and un- 
connected with parties as you do, should hold himself in re- 
serve till he can see the whole case, and then decide according 
to his sense of duty. It does not surprise me that you find 
yourself in this condition. If you leave Kentucky, I should 
prefer your going to St. Louis, because I should probably see 
more of you there; but if you have made money enough, and 
are prepared to quit that drudgery, why should you not settle 
near us at Frankfort, or somewhere else in Kentucky which we 
might agree upon ? For myself, I do not intend to take any 
more trouble, or even thought, about money-making. It will 
not require much to satisfy a man of my moderate desires, and 
my maxim shall be, " Poor and content is rich enough." In- 
deed, I am quite resolved to live at my ease, and as much like 
a Christian gentleman as I can, eschewing politics, and leaving 
the Union (with which I have been so long troubled) to take 
care of itself. Now, sir, if you have the taste for such society, you 

VOL. II. — 13 



194 LIFE OF JOHX y. CRITTENDEN. 

may have the opportunity of particlpatinfy in it. Love to your 
wife and famil)-, and forgive this long and tedious letter. 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

The disposition of the public lands had always been a sub- 
ject of great interest to Mr. Crittenden. He opposed the home- 
stead bill, or at least a part of the fifth section of that bill, 
which was before the Senate on the 20th of April, i860. This 
was the language of the bill : " That if any person, now or here- 
after a resident of any of the States or Territories and not a cit- 
izen of the United States, but who, at the time of making appli- 
cation for the benefit of the act, shall have filed a declaration of 
intention as required by the naturalization laws of the United 
States, and shall have become a citizen of the same before the 
issuing of the patent, as provided in this act, he shall be entitled 
to all the rights conferred by this act." Mr. Crittenden moved 
to strike out the words " now or hereafter," and to insert " who 
at the passage of this act is T and Mr. Crittenden affirmed that 
the old Congress, which adopted the original system for the 
disposition of the public lands, knew well that they ought not 
to be held merely as a source of profit, to be disposed of with 
a view only to pecuniary advantage ; they were influenced by a 
greater principle : their design was to promote the great agri- 
cultural interests of the country by di.sposing of them to those 
who desired to cultivate them at a low rate. Mr. C. believed 
that every change which had been made in the old system had 
impaired its wisdom and its simplicity. The present policy, to 
which he was sternly opposed, was to give away the public 
lands ; that is, to offer them at the merely nominal price of 
twenty-five cents an acre. This seemed as if we were in a 
liurry to get rid of this great national inheritance — this mighty 
legacy for our posterity. The lands were now offered to the 
world, to all tribes and all kindreds. These lands belonged, in 
his opinion, to the children of the republic, and should not be 
lavished upon emigrants. In a little while, a {(i\\ generatioas 
of our own children would require all our public lands. These 
generations are coming, coming, like the waves of the ocean. 
This was not the property of the Senate, only held in trust iox 
the people. Mr. C. wished to know who were to be the bene- 



LETTER TO WASHINGTON HUNT. 



195 



ficiaries of this law, — thousands in the old States were so 
situated that they could not move. This bill gave the land to 
a floating class, a class ^villing to float ior one hundred and sixty 
acres of land. It was thought, when the bounty-land system 
was adopted, that the tired soldier, with his hand unstained 
with plunder, would receive from his grateful country a warrant 
for one hundred and sixty acres of land, would settle upon it, 
be happy and contented, and raise up children for the Com- 
monwealth. These were the fancies of orators ; senators knew 
better. Perhaps not one in a thousand of those men ever set- 
tled there. The bill was marked with inequality ; we have a 
large and rapidly-increasing family, and should not give away 
our land to strangers. We have borne all the hardship and 
expense of acquiring this domain, fought for it, driven off the 
Indians, and hedged it round in security, Mr. C. declared that 
he would not consent to give these lands away to foreigners, — 
his amendment to the bill confined it to those now in the 
country. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Washington Hunt.) 

Washington, April 25, 1S60. 
My dear Sir, — I have received and read with the deepest 
interest your letter of the 9th instant. The expressions of re- 
gard and personal confidence which it contains are highly valued 
by me, and I beg you to accept my very sincere and earnest 
acknowledgments. The views suggested by you in relation to 
the Baltimore convention are worthy of the most serious con- 
sideration, and the convention will, I trust, be moderate and 
wise enough to dispose of them properly. I think it will be a 
very able convention, and I have great confidence that its course 
will be marked with moderation and wisdom. We shall have 
there many experienced and distinguished statesmen, and they 
will be our security against any foolish or unadvised course. 
Guided by their counsels, our party may probably be made 
available for great public good. Our convention will have much 
more to consider and decide than a mere nominating conven- 
tion would have. The Charleston convention, now in session, 
may terminate in a manner to give a great importance to 
the deliberations of our Baltimore convention. I must urge 
you to attend without fail. I shall be glad to see and con- 
verse with you before the meeting of our convention. The 
distractions which we hear are now prevailing at Charleston 
leave it doubtful whether they will make any nomination, — 



ig6 LIFE OF yOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

whether they will divM'de, or make two nominations, or break up 
in anger or confusion. The result can hardly be such as not 
to ])resent to us new and important views and subjects of con- 
sideration. We shall want your presence and counsel, and 
you must not fail to attend. The distraction that may be 
produced by the Democratic convention will impose upon us 
new responsibility and make great changes in our course of 
action. Under all circumstances, we must do nothing idle or 
ridiculous, nothing to compromise the good sense, patriotism, 
or dignity of the convention. Questions of great importance 
will be before it; tJiey must be properly decided, and we must 
have your assistance. In regard to the mere nomination of can- 
didates, I am persuaded that our convention feels itself not only 
uncommitted but without a preference, and free to choose. This 
is fortunate, and will give entire freedom in its course of action. 
Our convention should act for the whole country, as though it 
represented the whole country. These we must discuss when 
we meet. I had intended to write you a few lines and have 
troubled you with a long, rambling letter. 

Excuse me, and be assured that I am your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Hon. Washington Hunt. 

P. S. — Come here some days before the meeting of the con- 
vention. You will, no doubt, find Rives, Stuart, Badger, Gra- 
ham, etc., and you can consult about all that we should do. 

(Charles Roome to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Irving Place, East Fiffeenth Street, New York. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

^ Dear Sir, — A few evenings since the stewards of the St. 
Nicholas Society sat down to the "settling dinner," which is a 
family affair like the "fasting dinner," at which you did us the 
honor to be present. Mr. Verplanck, Mr. Van Buren, and other 
friends of yours, were with us, and many were the kind wishes 
expressed for your welfare and happiness. Mr. Verplanck, in 
an address (in reply to a toast), spoke of his friend Mr. Critten- 
den at considerable length in a manner that would have gratified 
you, I am sure, could you have heard it. It was certainly grati- 
fying to us, for while he declared his opposition to certain politi- 
cal views which you (and a number who were present) hold to 
be best calculated to advance the honor and prosperity of our 
common country, he spoke with warmth of those noble qualities 
of head and heart which endeared you to your friends, and 
commanded the admiration of your countrymen of all parties. 
He mentioned you having aided us in getting up our toasts, 



SPEECH OF GENERAL LESLIE COMBS. igy 

and said I must send you a printed copy of them, which must 
be my excuse for trespassing upon your time. In your contact 
with the distinguished men among you, we doubt, sir, if you 
will find warmer hearts, or more honest ones, than you have 
sitting up in the little circle of Knickerbockers, who trust you 
will never forget them, and who will always be happy to see 
you when you honor our good city with your presence. 
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Charles Roome. 

(General Leslie Combs on Senator Crittenden, in the Baltimore Union Convention, 
just before the balloting for a vice-presidential candidate began.) 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention, — A few 
last words before we part. I am about to leave for home ; but 
before I go I desire to say something in reference to the gentle- 
man whose name was presented to the convention this morning 
by the Kentucky delegation, Hon. John J. Crittenden, because 
I desire that these words shall be put upon the record of our 
proceedings. I have been his personal and political friend all 
my life. He has been in the service of the State of Kentucky 
almost all his life. He was sent to the Senate of the United 
States at the age of thirty, and for forty odd years he has served 
his State faithfully [applause] ; and although his modesty, his 
unselfishness, forced us to withdraw his name to-day, I wish to 
say that his record for forty years will compare in high aims 
for patriotic deeds and unselfish services to his God and his 
country with that of any other man in this or any other 
country. He entered public life without a blot upon his 
name. Bold, fearless, and generous, he has left the service of 
his country as he entered it, without a blemish. Could a Plu- 
tarch of the present day write his history, and run a parallel 
between him and ancient sages and orators, he would be com- 
pared with Cato for honesty, with Julius Csesar for courage, 
with Aristides for justice, and with Cicero for eloquence, — and 
he would equal them all ! That, gentlemen, is John J. Critten- 
den of Kentucky; and I appreciate him more highly than any 
other man on the face of the globe. If we had allowed him to 
be nominated this day, there is no telling what would have been 
the result. I have felt it my duty to say this much for him. 
He will retire from the public service and political theatre upon 
the 3d of March, 1861, and my friend Breckenridge will take 
his place, a man of whom it has been said — but / will not say it. 
He has done less for the Democratic party, and received more 
from it, than any other man in America. 



1^8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Hon. Edward Everett to Washington Hunt.) 

Boston, May 14, i860. 

Mv DE.'\R Sir, — Colonel Seaver handed me yesterday your 
official communication of the nth, with your priv^ite note in- 
closed. For the friendly tone and purport of both I pray you 
to accept my warm thanks. The nomination of the Vice-Pres- 
idency was not onl}- unexpected, but wholly unthought of by 
me, and embarrasses and distresses me. I could not be igno- 
rant that I should be thought of as a candidate for the Presi- 
dency. Many private letters and friendly journals indifferent 
parts of the country had spoken of such an event, though never 
with any encouragement or stimulus from me. The convention 
in this city, at which delegates were chosen for Baltimore, had 
named Mr. Crittenden and myself, giving him very properly the 
precedence, but no intimation of which I could take notice was 
ever made to me that I should be brought forward. A few days 
before going to Baltimore, my friend Hillard asked me semi- 
officially if I would accept a nomination, and wished to know 
what he should say if he were asked the question at Baltimore. 
I needed no time to make up my own mind, but I thought it 
due to the importance of the subject to tell him I would con- 
sider it and write him a word, adding that he knew my inten- 
tion and wish not to return to public life. On the morning of 
the 9th (the day on which the convention met), I sent him this 
telegrai)hic message : " Withdraw my name at the proper time; 
more by mail." At the same time I dropped a letter to him 
into the post-office, of which I inclose a copy. At the first 
ballot, the vote was so strong for Messrs. Houston and Bell that 
on the second ballot my friends from Massachusetts and else- 
where, with a few exceptions, ver)' properly withdrew their 
votes. Unfortunately, my friend Hillard forbore to state to the 
convention that this was done at my own request, and that I 
did not wish to be voted for. There was no balloting for Vice- 
President, and ni)' nomination was carried in a wa}' which took 
my friend by surprise, and gave him no opportiniity to with- 
draw my name. Whether he was in possession of my letter at 
the time, he has not informed me, but I presume that he was,* 
and that it led him to state, as he did, that he could not answer 
for my acceptance. 

Had it been known to the convention that I had, both for 
reasons personal to myself and for the sake of promoting har- 
mony in the convention, withdrawn my name as a candidate for 
the first office, they would not, I suppose, have named me for 
the second. 



* Such was the case. 



AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE. ign 

I am now, as I said, embarrassed and distressed by the nom- 
ination. I cannot decline it without seeming to throw cold 
water on the movement, or to manifest discontent to the prefer- ■ 
ence given to Mr. Bell (and nothing can be further from my 
wish than to do either), or I must wear before the country the 
appearance, after frequent expressions of a purpose to retire 
from public life, of having stood as a candidate for nomination 
as President, and failing in that, accepted the nomination of 
Vice-President. 

Still, however, as no evil will result from my retirement when 
the circumstances are explained, and as a recommendation of 
the Executive Committee of some other person — yourself be- 
fore any other — can be made without difficulty, I rely upon the 
considerateness of my friends to allow me to excuse myself 

This, dear sir, is a private letter. I am earnestly requested 
here to withhold my official reply for a short time; and, with 
some doubt of the expediency of doing so, I shall, in compli- 
ance with their wishes, take that course. 

With much regard, truly yours, 

Edward Everett. 

To the Hon, Washington Hunt. 

(In Senate, May 24th, i860. Afiican Slave-Trade.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — I do not rise to prolong this debate for 
many moments. Here is a case of practical duty, a practical 
necessity, for providing for a particular case. This bill provides 
for that and such others as may occur like it hereafter. It meets 
the exigency of the case in the opinion of those who advocate 
the measure". We have been led into a debate of indefinite ex- 
tent as to the power of Congress to prohibit slavery. What 
are the implied obligations upon us in regard to these captured 
slaves, and whether the power ought ever to have been exer- 
cised by Congress of prohibiting the slave-trade ? Those are 
the questions suggested in this debate, and if pursued, might 
consume an indefinite period of time. Is it not better, sir, to 
perform that duty which is right before us, which we can see 
clearly, which, if we will, we can do completely ? Then we 
may hope to put an end to this sort of legislation. On the 
other hand, if we wait until we have meditated upon the subject, 
and have made up our minds upon all the great issues past, 
present, and future, which have been suggested, and then legis- 
late, the present necessity will have passed away, the present 
duty will have been neglected. This is an urgent duty, — some- 
thing to be done now. Wait but a month, and you have vio- 
lated that duty; a portion of the very objects for which you are 
now called to legislate will have perished, or, what might be 



200 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

still more touching to our sympathies, they might have created 
a pestilence among our own countr}'mcn in their vicinity. The 
senator from Virginia is willing to make provision for this case. 
This bill does no more. Let us pass this bill. If that medita- 
tion to which the gentleman has invited us shall enable us to 
make a better and wiser provision on this subject hereafter, let 
us do it; and, in doing it, we can dispense with and annul any 
provisions of law we make now. The passage of this bill will 
not preclude us from that meditation and better legislation 
which the gentleman assures us further experience and reflection 
ma\' enable us to adopt. I see nothing here but the simple, 
isolated question between those gentlemen who think that the 
performance of this duty requires of us not only to land them 
upon the shores of Africa, but to land them there with a provi- 
sion that may enable them to reach their homes, and those who 
think we ought merely to land them upon the shore. This is 
the only real practical difference of opinion. I cannot agree 
with either of my friends from Mississippi on this subject. To 
land them there would indeed be performing our contract to 
the letter; but we read in the good book that " the letter killcth 
and the spirit giveth life." To land them upon the naked, 
barren shores of Africa would be literally to kill them. If you 
are under any obligation to return them, that same obligation 
binds you to land them in such a form and manner, under such 
protection, and with such means of subsistence, as will enable 
them to reach their homes, and be restored to their former con- 
dition and rights, whatever they might have been. That is our 
iluty ! I am for performing it "in the spirit," and would much 
rather go a step too far than to stop one inch short of that 
measure of justice due to beings situated as they are. I am 
an.xious to close this debate, anxious for the passage of this bill. 
I want to show a promptness on the part of the American peo- 
ple to fulfill our treaty obligations, and perform the duties which 
the laws require of us. As to the suggestion that the President 
of the United States shall be required to have these negroes 
apprenticed, or hired out for a term of years, and out of the 
profits arising from this to send them back to Africa, I appeal 
to any gentleman if he would not prefer to send them back at 
the public expense than undertake to execute any such theory 
as that. What !— the President of the United States to be en- 
gaged by himself, or through an agent, in hiring out this year 
and that year, to a good master or a bad master, these poor 
speechless savages, and out of the miserable gains and profits 
made from their labor to raise a fund to send them back to the 
country from which your people have dragged them ? That is 
lettuig them work their passage back with a vengeance. Is this 



RELATIONS OF STATES. 201 

sending them back ? Sir, I do not want the land to be troubled 
with them ! They are useless to us. We do not want them. 
Send them back, and get rid of them, and be rid of the sight 
of the crime our countrymen have committed against our laws. 
Send them back, no matter what it costs. I wish to be eco- 
nomical in every matter, even in humanity. Economy is a 
virtue that applies to everything, to the performance of every 
duty. Let it be done as economically as possible. I think this 
bill is pretty stringent. It is framed with a view to execute, 
substantially and fully, our obligations on this subject. I am 
for it as it is. I will try no such experiment as is proposed by 
the gentleman from Florida, nor will I consent to give up a 
single provision that the bill contains. It provides simply and 
clearly for the existing evil, and for all others like it which may 
hereafter occur, and saves us the trouble of perpetual legislation 
on the subject* 

(In Senate, May 24th, 1S60. Relations of States. Resolutions of Mr. Davis, 

of Mississippi.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — I understand the question now is on the 
first resolution. To the substance of that resolution I not only 
have no objection but I heartily approve it ; but in regard to 
the first part of it I wish to ask a question. It says : 

" That in the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the States 
adopting the same acted severally as free and independent sov- 
ereignties, delegating a portion of their powers to be exercised 
by the Federal government for the increased security of each 
against dangers domestic as well as foreign." 

Now, taking this in connection with some remarks made by 
the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Mason, a few days since, I do 
not know but that gentleman intended, by the language used 
here, " the States adopting the same," to establish a constitu- 
tional doctrine upon the subject. I had supposed it was not the 
purpose of these resolutions to raise that question. I wish, 
however, to know from my friend from Virginia, if he sup- 
poses " 

Mr. Davis. — It will give me great pleasure to answer the sen- 
ator from Kentucky, and I think probably I can do so most 
briefly by stating that in 1837 and 1838 this exact question 
was before the Senate, and was argued by men who have been 
considered the ablest in our history as debaters, and not only 
voted upon it but with such concurrence that the minority vote 
against the proposition was so small as to be scarcely observ- 

* These short speeches, upon the questions then agitating the country so pro- 
foundly, are given here entire. 



202 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

able. It was admitted to be true constitutional doctrine, and I 
have borrowed the language from the resolutions of that day. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I had the honor to be one of the men who 
took part in the debate on the resolutions at that time, though 
not certainly of tJiat class to which the gentleman has particu- 
larly alluded " as the greatest and best men of the country." 

Mr. Davis. — I would include the senator among that class, 
and the country certainly includes him among them. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I did not intend to make any question about 
it, but to avoid all egotism by saying simply I was there. I 
know the question was then made. I wanted to ask the sena- 
tor from Virginia whether he supposed that it affected the char- 
acter of the government which was established, whether it was 
done by the States or by the people. 

Mr. Davis. — Oh, yes, materially, I think I will say in the 
absence of my friend from Virginia. To say that it was a gov- 
ernment established by the States and not by the people is a' 
material distinction. 

Mr. Crittenden. — On that question I have a different opinion. 
It has seemed to me that the Constitution having been made and 
its obligations acknowledged, it was not the less sacred for having 
been made by the States or by the people. It was the same 
instrument; it had the supreme authority of the United States 
for its sanction in one form or other. I wished to know whether, 
in the opinion of the gentleman, holding that it was made by 
the States, they considered it varied the character of the Consti- 
tution or the character of the government formed under it? 

Mr. Davis. — There is so much confusion in the chamber that 
I do not know whether I heard the gentleman distinctly or he 
heard me. The historical fact intended to be asserted here is, 
that the Federal Constitution was adopted by the States sev- 
erally; that is, the people of each State acting independently, 
not by the people en i/iasse. It is merely the statement of a 
historical fact, and intended to guard the State right and sov- 
ereignty which has never been surrendered. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I do not intend to take exception to this 
phraseology, but only wished to know if the gentleman who 
had used it intended it as I understood it; that is, as signifying 
that the Constitution was made by the highest sovereign power 
in this country. 

Mr. Davis. — I say so. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Whether made by the people through the 
States or by the States for the people, in my judgment the 
phraseology is not important. I wished to know if that was 
also the case in the judgment of others. I am content with it 
in that sense. My opinion is that it was made b)' the people 



RELATIONS OF STATES. 203 

of the United States. The States themselves derived their au- 
thority from the people. I do not intend to make any argument 
on this subject, nor to pursue it, much less to enter into a 
history of the manner in which the Constitution of the United 
States was formed. My authority is this, the first line of the 
Constitution : " We, the people of the United States, in order 
to form a more perfect union, etc., have made this Constitu- 
tion." Now, sir, I say there is no higher authority than that. 

Mr. Mason. — Will the senator indulge me ? I was out of the 
Senate, but I understand the senator has made allusion to me 
on some question. 

Mr. Crittenden. — The inquiry which I made has been an- 
swered. I will not press the matter further. 

Mr. Davis. — The venerable and distinguished senator from 
Kentucky, — I use the language towards him which the coun- 
try has applied to him, — has read from the first line in the 
Constitution the words, " We, the people of the United States." 
Our fathers used the word " people " as a collective noun ; I use 
it so. I believe never until the advent of Kossuth did we ever 
have in this country a plural to that collective noun. Perhaps 
now if the Constitution were rewritten to express the same 
idea, it would appear, " We, the peoples of the United States." 
There it meant simply the people of each one of the United 
States ; could have meant nothing else, because it was done by 
their delegates and submitted to the States for ratification. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I have not participated in 
the long debate which has arisen on these resolutions, because 
there was much of it which I did not regard as interesting to 
the country at large, and from which I was somewhat excluded 
by the nature of the topics which entered into the discussion. 
I had nothing to do with the long discussion that has taken 
place in regard to the proceedings of the Charleston conven- 
tion. I had nothing to do with the long argument; and vindi- 
cation, and accusation in relation to Mr. Douglas, his transgres- 
sions or his orthodoxy, his fidelity to bargains made with his 
political confederates or his infidelity to them. I had nothing 
to do with them. I have said nothing about them. The sub^ 
ject proper for discussion was so ably argued by others that I 
must really claim for myself the right of adding that my diffi- 
dence prevented me from taking a part in the debate. But I 
have feared that it might appear to others as if I was shrinking 
from the responsibility of these questions. No such feeling 
ever influenced me; and I feel now, without any intention of 
entering into the general argument, disposed to make an expla- 
nation of my opinions in regard to the power of the Territories 
on the subject of slavery (if that must be the topic), always an 



204 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

unpleasant one to me. And here, in the commencement, let me 
say that when the Missouri Compromise was repealed, when 
that established line had been the line of peace to this country 
for years and years 

Mr. Polk. — Mr. President, it is now late; if the senator 
wishes to give his views at all at length, I think it due to him 
that we adjourn. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I would not ask it, but I am weary and 
not well, have been unwell for several days, but I am unwilling 
to be the cause of delay. 

The motion was agreed to, and the Senate adjourned. 

Much discussion as to the relations existing between the ter- 
ritorial government and the government of the United States 
had taken place while the resolutions of Mr. Davis were before 
the Senate. On the 25th of May, i860, Mr. Crittenden made 
a speech on this subject. Nothing but such measures as seemed 
to promise pacification had any political interest for him. His 
idea was that a territorial government was a mere creature of 
Congress, made and fashioned by Congress, with the power it 
thought proper to confer, and that all powers thus conferred 
were liable to be resumed at any time, or changed, according 
to the discretion of Congress. He considered the people of 
the United States the natural owners of all supreme power. 
Tlicy had delegated a portion of that sovereignty to Congress. 
Congress, in constituting a territorial government, might grant 
as much as it pleased of power to govern. If Congress had 
the power of expelling slavery from the Territories, they might 
grant even that to the territorial government. The power of 
the government was invoked in the resolutions of Mr. Davis 
for the purpose of securing slave property in the Territories. 
The Supreme Court of the United States had determined that 
any citizen of the United States might go into a Territory and 
carry his slaves with him, and hold them there. Mr. Critten- 
den was of the opinion that the Constitution was bound to pro- 
tect the property which it had authorized to go. When such 
property shall require such interposition, it would be the duty 
of Congress to interpose and grant protection. There was no 
case 71010 demanding interference. The evil in a territorial 
government was but temporary. He thought there was no case 
calling for congressional interference now, and none likely to 



RELATIONS OF STATES. 205 

exist. Kansas was soon to be taken from the class of tmitor'ial 
govermnents, and there would be no question about slaves in 
Washington, Utah, or New Mexico; the evil was too distant to 
be the cause of agitation. When, in 1854, the Missouri Com- 
promise was repealed, one of its promised benefits was that the 
discussion as to slavery would be removed from the halls of 
Congress and transferred to the Territories, — made a local and 
not a national question. The Kansas-Nebraska bill was framed 
with that view, but the promised effect has not been produced. 
The effect of that law has been modified by the decision of the Su- 
preme Court. Mr, Crittenden would not say that the law would 
have warranted the legislature of Kansas in excluding slavery 
altogether. It was not known whether this was in the power of 
Congress to grant such a power. The Dred Scott case was then 
depending. That case now determines that Congress had not the 
power, and could not of course convey it by the Kansas act. The 
Constitution, as interpreted by the Federal court, declares that 
slavery is not a subject of legislation on the part of Congress. 
Government was the combination of the powers of all to protect 
the rights, lives, and liberties of each. Slave property must be 
protected, but unless the case imperiously demanded it, he 
would be slow to interpose the positive authority of the govern- 
ment, — would try other means. The salus popiili is at last the 
great law of nations. The Republican party has made progress, 
and this beautiful scene of human happiness and peace which 
our country presents has received its wound from the agitations 
they have made on the subject of slavery. Moderation is de- 
manded of us all now, on all sides. We are told in the good book, 
that if we are at the altar, and remember that our brother is 
offended with us, to go and be reconciled to our brother, and 
then offer to our Maker the evidence of our devotion. Let us 
thus act both North and South. 



CHAPTER XII. 
i860. 

Amos A. Lawrence to Crittenden — Everett to Crittenden — Senate — Oregon War 
Debt — Pension for Mira Alexander — Letter to Smallwood and Bowman — 
Washington Hunt — Mr. Crittenden to his Wife — Senate — President's Message 
— George Robertson to Crittenden. 

(Amos A. Lawrence to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, May 25, i860. 

MY DEAR SIR, — If you had allowed the convention at 
Baltimore to nominate you for President, it is possible 
that we might have stirred up some enthusiasm here in favor 
of the ticket. That appeared to be the only course if we aspired 
to any degree of success ; but, from what has transpired since, I 
think you maybe congratulated upon having avoided so trying 
a position. If Mr. Bell could see how difficult it is for us to make 
even a respectable opposition to the enthusiasm of the Repub- 
licans, he would cease to look in this direction for available 
support. •Circumstances may change this, but so it stands now 
all through New England. The whole public sentiment which 
appears on the outside is in favor of *' Old Abe'' and his split 
rails. The ratificial meeting here last night was completely 
successful. Faneuil Hall was filled and the streets around it. 
Meantime we have not found the material for a meeting at all, 
except in collecting a crowd of boys to hear one hundred guns 
fired on Boston Common. In addition to this we have the 
weight of Mr. Everett's indecision about accepting the nomina- 
tion, and it appears probable that he may decline at last. The 
intelligent conservative men, the great merchants and manu- 
facturers, express great satisfaction at our nominations, and 
always add — it is of no use. They avoid politics altogether, 
cxcej)t to vote ; some refuse to do that. All this is discourag- 
ing, and I would not write it to any one but yourself, nor would 
I do t/iat, except that I presume you desire to know the real 
facts. We have no idea oi sunendcr in any contingency. 
With great respect and regard, yours truly, 

Amos A. Lawrenxe. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 
V. 206 ) 



LETTER FROM HON. EDWARD EVERETT. 207 

(Amos A. Lawrence to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, May 26, i860. 

My dear Sir, — Had I known when I wrote you yesterday 
that you had a design of coming here, I would not have said a 
word of our present condition. In fact, it has been impossible not 
to believe that there would be some interposition to save us from 
an inglorious defeat. Now that there is a prospect of your coming 
to Massachusetts, I see almost a providential way of escape. 
If you do come, the whole aspect of the campaign will be 
changed in this section. You will have a welcome such as no 
other Constitutional Union man can receive. You will see old 
Faneuil Hall packed from top to bottom. The inert mass of 
conservatism here in Massachusetts will 'be stirred into life and 
hope. You will see exactly the difference between yourself 
and Mr. Bell as a popular leader. Therefore we all earnestly 
hope you will come. 

It would be a great source of gratification to myself and 
my family if you and Mrs. Crittenden would make your home 
at my house while you remain here. I live a short distance 
from the centre of the town, enough to give you quiet when 
you want it. It will be easy to arrange for you to receive com- 
pany in town at appointed hours if you wish to do so ; and, in 
fact, you will be forced to see our people if you come. They 
will not let you off. 

But if you choose to be in the town, you will have a great 
choice of hosts. I will not urge you, except so far as to provide 
for your greatest comfort. 

With respects to Mrs. Crittenden, I remain faithfully yours, 

Amos A. Lawrence. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden, U. S. Sen. 

(Hon. Edward Everett to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, May 28, i860. 

My dear Sir, — I have, this morning, received the letter 
of the 25th, signed by yourself and other friends at Wash- 
ington. I have not time to-day to reply in a proper manner 
to the principal suggestions in the letter; but there are one 
or two statements on which, in justice to myself, I must at once 
make a few remarks. You say that my " nomination was made 
without any intimation that it would be accepted." It is certainly 
true that it was made in a manner which, though highly flat- 
tering to me, rendered any explanation at the time difficult, if 
not impossible. Mr, Hillard, however, did state that he was 
not authorized to accept it on my behalf, and if there had been 
opportunity for full explanation would, no doubt, have added 
that he had a letter in his pocket, in which I requested that if 



2oS LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

my name was brought forward as a candidate it might be 
withdrawn. 

You observe that the nomination has been published to the 
whole country for a number of weeks, without any dissent on 
my part brought to your knowledge or that of the public. On 
the da)' on which I received Governor Hunt's communication, 
I met, on my accustomed evening walk, the Honorable George 
Lunt, editor of the Boston Coimcr, and told him I was meditat- 
ing an answer declining the nomination. He begged me to 
reserve it till I could hear the opinions of friends. On the 
14th I wrote the letter addressed to Governor Hunt, of which 
a copy is inclosed. I addressed it to him at Lockport, but have 
received no answer, I have some reason to fear that it was 
misdirected. 

You state that not only yourself but the whole country was 
authorized to hope that the nomination was already informally 
accepted. I have from other sources been informed that state- 
ments were made at the convention that I would accept a 
nomination ; but I assure you they were made without the 
slightest authority from me. 

You express the earnest wish that I would, at an early day, 
in a formal manner, accept the nomination. In a letter from 
Mr. Gilmer, of the 24th, he requested me, " if I have said 
nothing yet, to withhold my answer a k\w weeks. 

I remain, dear sir, in great haste, sincerely your friend, 

Edward Everett. 

P.S. — As this is a private letter addressed to you, allow me to 
observe that the letter of the 25th, headed by yourself, is in 
some portions a letter less kindly in its tone than I could wish. 
My friends here think me entitled rather to sympathy than im- 
plied rebuke. 

To the Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Hon. Echvaid Everett.) 

Washington, May 30, 1S60. 

My dear Sir, — I received, last night, your letter of the 28th 
inst, and I extremely regret to find that you think our late letter 
to you " less kindly in its tone" than you could wish. 

I pray you, my dear sir, not to allow any unguarded expres- 
sion in that letter to give you the slightest displeasure. 1 am 
sure it was furthest from the intention of its signers to say any- 
thing offensively or rebukingly to you. Whatever may have 
that tone or appearance I beg you to attribute to the great 
earnestness with which they desired that your name should 
continue to add dignity and popularity to their party or their 
ticket, I had no knowledge of any intention to address you at 



OREGON WAR DEBT. 209 

all. When the letter, signed by three gentlemen, was handed 
to me in the Senate for my signature, I perused it hastily, and 
waiving some diffidence which I felt about the propriety of our 
urging or addressing you at all on the subject, I united with 
our friends in affixing my name to their letter to you. 

I have read with interest and care your letter to me, and also 
the copy which you were pleased to send of your letter to 
Governor Hunt, and it is made clear that you were under no 
coiiimitnient whatever to accept the nomination made by the 
Baltimore convention, however desirable it may be to others 
that you should accept. 

Your character gives assurance to the country that your con- 
duct on this occasion, whatever it may be, has been well and 
patriotically decided upon. And I will only add, sir, that what- 
ever disappointment it may cause, your course — be it what it 
may — shall be acceptable to me. 

I am, etc., 

To the Hon. Edward Everett. J. J. Crittenden. 

(In vSenate, May 30, i860. Oregon War Debt.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — I wish to inquire of the honorable senator 
when this war terminated, and, if he will permit me to add an- 
other question, I wish to know of him what was .the military 
force of the United States army at that time in the Territory. 

I have, Mr. President, the most full and entire confidence in 
all statements made by the honorable senator from Oregon ; and 
I can say, furthermore, that I desire that every man who rendered 
service on the occasion should be paid to the last cent, without 
further inquiry into the cause of the war. According to this 
bill, four Hundred thousand dollars has been estimated as neces- 
sary to be appropriated for the payment of these troops for their 
personal services. That is the sum intended to cover the whole 
of that claim. Then we come to another article of appropria- 
tion, "For the payment of supplies, transportation, personal 
services, three millions." This is a very extraordinary dispro- 
portion between the payment made to men for services and that 
which remains to be paid for supplies and transportation. I 
can well imagine that provisions were dear at that time in a new 
country, but, I confess, it seems to me that three millions to 
supply four hundred thousand that are employed in the payment 
of the troops is a very exaggerated sort of a bill. 

I remember, in past times, an expedition of as much public 
consequence, and apparently as costly, where the transportation 
was not half this amount. Upon proclamation of old Governor 
Shelby, during the last war, three hundred Kentuckians were 
assembled from every part of their State, at Urbana, in the State 
VOI,. II. — 14 



210 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

of Ohio. In twenty days they were to march clear acioss our 
whole countr)' over into Canada, and tJicy did so. My friend, 
Dr. Mitchell, who was the Surcfeon-Gcneral of the armv at 
Urbana, applied to Governor Shelby for transportation for the 
medicine. The old governor smiled at him. "A wagon and 
team to carry medicine, do you say, sir?" "Yes, sir; I want a 
wagon to carry medicine." "In all my life," said the old 
governor, "I never heard of such a demand." Though a good 
Presbyterian, I confess he did swear a little in time of war; but 
his oaths were all patriotic, every one of them. He swore he 
would allow no such thing. He would not put the United 
States to that sort of expense for medical stores. He would 
have nothing to do with a doctor who would not carry his own 
medicines. So the excellent and worthy Surgeon-General of 
the army had to find wa}^s and means to carry his own medi- 
cines. Now, I can but think, if there had been a little of that 
kind of firmness and hardihood in the present instance, less 
than three millions would have been found sufficient. I cannot 
conceive what could have been carried along to make a bill of 
three millions to supply a number of men whose services four 
hundred thousand dollars would pay for. I do not know how 
such an amount could be mustered up in such a countr)\ The 
campaign did not last more than a year. It commenced in the fall 
of 1856, and in October of the next fall you had commissioners 
of peace there settling accounts. In one single year, with an 
army of militia, — mind you, this does not include the regular 
troops, or their services, or their supplies, — in this one year, to 
supply a little army furnished by a Territory then in its infancy, 
three millions were required. My friend, Mr. Davis, says 
" there were two Territories." I reply, yes, one Territory which 
had been made into two. That does not vary the matter, I 
suppose, much. I shall not oppose this bill; but I trust that 
in the settlement of the accounts by the officers of the treasury, 
due attention and scrutiny will be paid to all these matters. We 
mu.st pay, and I want to see the last cent that is due paid; but 
I rose to express my a.stonishment at this enormous amount for 
transportation. My old friend from Oregon recollects the time 
when an Indian war was not so much dreaded. An Indian war 
was considered a thing which brought expense and bloodshed 
on the settlers. Why it is that our people, as soon as they get 
to the Rocky Mountains, — the same men as their brethren on 
this side, — cannot have a little Indian war now and then with- 
out putting the government to the expense of three millions 
for transportation only, is to me matter of great surprise. War 
is a costly luxur>', — indeed a very costly one. These little 
Indian wars, as they become rare as the Indians become fewer 



OREGON WAR DEBT. 21 1 

and less warlike than of old, begin, like other rarities, to rise in 
price, and the cost, even of a short indulgence, seems immeas- 
urable. I venture to say, that the transportation of the army 
that was marched to the river Thames, in Canada, did not 
amount to twenty thousand. The War Department will con- 
firm this. We marched ourselves along. Many a man, for 
days, carried his provisions in his pocket. Old Shelby would 
not allow a wheel-carriage for the medicine-chest, — he thought 
we got along well without it; and he even intimated to me, 
privately, that he thought the doctors brought diseases with 
them, for he had marched troops across Alleghany Mountains 
for hundreds of miles to the mouth of the Kanawha River — 
where the great battle was fought with the Indians — and back 
again, without a doctor, and not a man was sick. [Laughter.] 
I think the old gentleman was strong in this opinion. 

But, sir, I will not go back to those old heroic times. I sup- 
pose those men were pretty much like the men of the present 
time, except in one thing, and that is in their expenses. I am 
willing to pay the debt, — to pay for the fighting, for the feed- 
ing. That is a clear account, easily settled ; but, at this rate, I 
should suppose the soldiers might have been maintained like 
princes, and have gone to battle in carriages. [Laughter.] Let 
us hope the accounting officers will do their duty. I do not 
intend to debate this subject further. I rose to express my sur- 
prise at the enormity of the amount. In order to show that I 
had some reason for my surprise I referred to other cases that 
have come within my knowledge, I know nothing of the other 
side of the Rocky Mountains, or of the Indians there ; how 
warlike or unwarlike they may have been ; but when my friend 
Mr. Davis talks of the difference in the character of the In- 
dians on the other side of the Rocky Mountains, and the war- 
like Indians who lived on the other side of the Ohio, I think 
he is greatly mistaken if he gives any superiority to the Rocky 
Mountain Indians, — a poor race, without heroism, without the 
brave endurance of the Indians of Ohio. They were the most 
warlike that ever existed on this continent, according to all his- 
tory and all tradition. It was not to those little skirmishes 
with twenty or thirty men, pursuing roving bands of depre- 
dating Indians, I alluded. For that there never was any pay- 
ment. The government of the United States never heard of 
them. They were paid for at the expense and in the brave 
blood of the men themselves. But there were other campaigns. 
Was the campaign of Tippecanoe a little skirmish ? Were the 
campaigns under Scott and Wilkinson little skirmishes ? Was 
the battle of the Blue Lick a small affair? California and 
Oregon never saw such Indian battles as these, and I hope they 



2 12 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

never may. They were fought by volunteers, and the govern- 
ment never paid one dollar. There was no one present but the 
settlers of the country, and nearly one-half of the population 
of men perished on that day in that battle. Were these little 
skirmishes in comparison to what they have had in Oregon? 
No ; they were dreadful and bloody battles, fought hand to 
hand. I mention tiiis battle with reluctance, because on that 
day the white man had to fly before the Indian, leaving half his 
numbers behind. I do not contend that these cases are exactly 
parallel, but the question waked up reminiscences. I am anx- 
ious that every man who serves his country shall be paid for it, 
and enormous as the bill seems, I shall vote for it. I intended 
to confine myself to perhaps a very idle expression of my as- 
tonishment, and to declare that an Indian war which was once 
a sort of sport to our countrymen, is now a costly luxury, and 
I think its indulgence should be as much limited as possible. I 
think we should have something to do with making the wars, 
if we are to pay for them, and judging for ourselves what force 
is necessary to resist and repel them. Mr. Davis supposes there 
were about fifty men at the battle of Blue Licks ; there were 
four or five hundred.* 

(Edward Everett to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, June 2, i§6o. 

My DE.A.R Sir, — I have your letter of the 30th, and I am 
much obliged to you for its kind expressions and friendly tone. 
The doings of the meeting at Faneuil Hall last evening will, I 
suppose, preclude the necessity of dwelling on the causes which 
led me to hesitate in accepting the nomination, and will make 
it unnecessary for me to reply formally to the letter of the E.x- 
ecutive Committee of the 25th. Being in the country, I was not 
able to attend the meeting. I judge from the report in the 
Courier that it was eminently successful, and the character of 
those who acted as officers and took part in the proceedings is 
such as to give them all weight in the community. My only 
regret is that I must, for a time, creep out of the shell into 
which I had withdrawn ; and yet, not my only regret, for I must 
add, with all frankness and with entire regard for Mr. Bell, that 
if it was necessary my name should be used, I should have pre- 
ferred that it had been under your lead, as the acknowledged 
head of the Constitutional party. I remain, dear sir, with the 
greatest regard and sincerity. 

Yours, 

Edward Everett. 

* Speech given entire. 



MIR A ALEXANDER. 213 

(In Senate, June 8th, 1S60. Mira Alexander.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, this lady is a daughter of 
George Madison, of Kentucky, and a man that every Ken- 
tuckian is well acquainted with who knows anything of the his- 
tory of his State. George Madison grew up at the close of the 
Revolutionary war, and had the honor of firing some of the last 
guns on that occasion. He went to Kentucky,— then the seat 
of Indian warfare, — and was one of its earliest pioneers and 
settlers ; he took part in all the Indian wars — was shot through 
by an Indian — was always fighting where fighting was to be 
done. In St. Clair's defeat, he had an arm broken and fell from 
exhaustion and loss of blood upon the field, and was borne off 
by a poor, faithful, and attached Irishman. After recovering, 
he was engaged in the war of 18 12. At the battle of the River 
Raisin, his battalion was the only one that maintained its 
ground, having the benefit of a little picket surrounding a gar- 
den. There he stood firm. While the Indians were gone in 
pursuit of the flying troops, he proposed to his men to leap the 
pickets and with his raw militia to charge the regular British 
troops. Naturally feeble in constitution, he had not strength to 
execute this himself, and it was not done. He was taken pris- 
oner and carried to Montreal in the depth of winter, and from 
there, to Quebec, and, because of some retaliations then going 
on between the two countries, George Madison was put in prison 
and kept there some time ; was at last exchanged and got home 
to Kentucky. At the first election of governor after his return, 
nobody would satisfy the people but George Madison. He had, 
however, returned fatally diseased; just lived to be elected and 
take the oath of office ; never entered upon his duties ; lie died 
leaving this girl, his only surviving child. She married a gen- 
tleman of great respectability, who shortly afterwards was 
caught in the machinery of a mill and torn to pieces, leaving her 
a widow. About fifteen years ago, her sight began to fail, and 
for ten years she has been blind ; her children have grown up, — 
some of them have not been successful in life; she is poor, she is 
blind; she is the daughter of the man I have described to you, who 
was as well known to us as any man now present; he was gentle 
as a woman, as brave as Julius Caesar or as my friend here, Mr. 
Davis. If George Madison's death in his country's cause does 
not give him a claim upon you, I do not know what man under 
God's heaven is entitled to rewards for services. He never 
asked aid from, you ; his daughter, in her blindness and her 
want, asks for it. I hope the Senate will pass the bill. I have 
no more to say. 



214 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(In Senate, June 22d, i860. Bill for the relief of Robert Johnson.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — It does not seem to me that this bill ought 
to pass. If I recollect the laws in reference to this matter, there 
had been no opportunity to refer to them ; they forbade the as- 
signment. It was foreseen that the needy soldier would dis- 
pose of his claim upon the government for a trifle. Here the 
sale was made before the warrant was issued. Very possibly 
the ignorant soldier did not understand what he was doing. 
Under these circumstances, a speculator steps in, pays him full 
price — for what ? Not for the land — that was not granted — but 
for the discharge. I do not see that we should recognize such a 
transaction. Leave this, gentlemen, to the law of Congress. 
If we interpose at all, it ought first to be upon an inquiry made 
whether justice has been done to the soldiers. We ought not 
to step in upon an cx-partc statement of the speculator and sanc- 
tion his speculation. I call it a speculation, not that I know 
anything about the contract, but I infer it from the character of 
die parties. One is a banker, a rich man, a capitalist in a great 
city; the other is a poor soldier, just returned from the wars, 
and he sells, not a definite thing which he has in his hand, a 
warrant for land, but he sells his discharge. When the assignee 
comes with that discharge in his hand to the department, it will 
not command a warrant; he is not entitled to have one merely 
upon that; but in this state of the case we are to interpose and 
give him the title to demand a warrant. We not only interpose 
on the wrong side but we interpose for a wrong purpose. There 
is, to be sure, a reservation of the claim of the soldier, a pro- 
vision that if he shall ever come forward, he may impeach and 
question this transaction. But, sir, with whom is he to question 
it ? He is to question it with the man who holds the legal title 
to his bounty-land, and he is obliged to make proof of the fraud. 
The burden of proof rests on him. If these warrants are to 
issue, let them issue in the name of the soldier, and then you 
give the soldier the defensive position, and those who claim his 
warrant will have the burden of proof Is not that course in- 
finitely more just ? I think it is, and we are thus taking the 
side of the poor and ignorant, — such, from their classes, I infer 
them to be, and that is the only ground on which I would 
interpose. 

I simply wish to call this bill to the attention of the Senate. 
I have never known such an application before, nor can I see 
that the simi:)le purchase of a soldier's discharge is a purchase 
of his bounty-land. Can }-ou sa}' it is? Gentlemen should 
consider that. This discharge maybe the evidence upon which 
the man may entitle himself to pay. His name is on the roll ; 
but to identify him is the thing. He is best id(^ntified by the 



LETTER TO W. M. SMALLWOOD, ETC. 215 

possession of his discharge. What did the soldier sell ? By 
the terms it does not appear that he sold his bounty-warrant. I 
do not doubt at all the perfect sincerity of the senator from 
Oregon, and his sympathy with the soldier. It is natural that 
he should have that sympathy ; it is in consonance with his 
character. But why does he believe that this transaction was 
so entirely fair ? Is it upon the evidence submitted to Con- 
gress? Was it ever known that a party who made such a 
speculation was not very careful that the writings should be 
properly, carefully, and critically drawn ? Shakspeare has said 
that " the world's law is not the poor man's friend," and I say, 
with as perfect certainty, that whenever a written contract is 
made between the poor soldier and a banker upon such a trans- 
action as this, the paper will be sure to read against the soldier, 
and show a fair contract on the part of the banker. He is a 
poor speculator who does not see to this. Why not go on and 
issue these patents in the name of the soldiers, and then let this 
claimant go before a court of equity on these papers, and ask 
them, on an examination of the case, and an establishment of 
an equitable title, to convey the land to him ? He has a fair 
legal remedy. Why should Congress interpose to take a ju- 
dicial cognizance, as it were, of this case, where the rights of 
two parties are concerned and one party only is heard ? Why 
should we take this case and place ourselves in the seat of judg- 
ment of the judiciary and decide, ex parte, that the patent for 
this man's land shall go to another, leaving him a merely nomi- 
nal right to impeach the transaction in a court of equity ? You 
may just as well defer it to the sound of the last trumpet, when 
all men shall appear at the judgment-seat, to make his claim. 

Sir, there is a plain legal remedy. This gentleman can apply 
in the name of the soldier, and on the establishment of his 
claim the patent will issue to the soldier, and then (if his claim 
be a fair and equitable one) he can, by a suit in equity and the 
production of this contract, and after both parties shall have 
been heard by the chancellor, get a decree. There is nothing 
more just and plain than that this man ought to be left to his 
legitimate rights before a court of justice, and that Congress 
ought not to interpose in favor of a claim accompanied by so 
many circumstances that justify and warrant suspicion. We 
should not take the place of a court of justice. 

(J. J. Crittenden to W. M. Smallwood and John P. Bowman.) 

W. M. Smallwood, Jno. P. Bowman, Esqs. 

Gentlemen, — I have had the honor to receive your letter of 
the 22d of August last, inviting me, in the most cordial and 
flattering terms, to visit you at the city of Lexington, Lafayette 



2i6 LJFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

County, Missouri, for patriotic counsel (in relation to the ap- 
proaching presidential election), for social reunion, and to share 
the hospitality of your homes and hearts. 

I thank you, my friends, for the expression of your ap[)roba- 
tion of my public conduct, and of your undiminished confidence 
in me. These arc the rewards that are dearest to my heart, and 
if I can carry such with me into that retirement whither I shall 
soon most willingly go, little will I care for the loss of office, 
its vanities or flatteries. 

I agree with you that the state of our public affairs is gloomy, 
and that it is not easy to find the path of duty through that 
conflict of parties in which our country is now involved, — par- 
ties, some of which seem to be at war not only with them- 
selves, but with the country and the Union. Two fatal symp- 
toms mark the character of two of the presidential parties that 
now agitate the country, — sectionalism and disunion. The one 
indirectly, the other directly, endangering the dismemberment 
of the United States. I mean the Northern party, supporting 
Mr. Lincoln, and the Southern party, supporting Mr. Brecken- 
ridge. 

The party supporting Bell and Everett is fairly indicated by 
the name it bears, — the Constitutional Union party. It has 
arisen out of the troubles and dangers of the country, and for 
the protection and preservation of our institutions, shaken by 
the dangerous controversies of collisions of the North and 
South. This is, in my judgment, the party that is safest and 
most conservative; and I think its candidates, Bell and Everett, 
from their position, as well as from their high qualifications and 
characters, afford to the country the best prospect of security 
and peace. They will, therefore, have my support, though I 
admit that the party supporting Mr. Douglas is entitled to be 
regarded as national, and that he himself has shown a patriotic 
devotion to the Union. Still, as he and his supporters are en- 
gaged in the hottest of the present party warfare, we could not 
expect from his administration of the government as much tran- 
quillity as would be assured to the countr>^ by the administration 
of Mr. ]kll, who would come into office without those fierce 
excitements through which Mr. Douglas, under existing cir- 
cumstances, can alone reach it. Good men now fear for the 
peace of the country and for the union of the countr}-. The 
election of Bell and Everett will most effectually ciuiet a'll those 
apprehensions ; and it therefore seems to me to be our duty to 
support and vote for them. 

Wy the cordial and generous character of your invitation, you 
have made it almost impossible to decline. I cannot say no to 
It. I must accept it, and, notwithstanding all obstructions, I 



LETTER FROM WASHINGTON HUNT. 



217 



must endeavor to comply with it; but in candor I must qualify 
my acceptance. 

Before your invitation, I had received another very kind and 
cordial one to attend a great mass-meeting and convention of 
the friends of Bell and Everett, at St. Joseph, on the 4th and 
5th of October next. 

I had then, as I have now, so many previous engagements 
of the like character on my hands in the State of Tennessee, 
that I was at a loss to know whether I should have either time 
or strength to go to St. Joseph by the day appointed ; I con- 
cluded, however, in my anxiety to comply with their wishes, 
that I would accept their invitation, and by a great effort get 
through with my other previous engagements in time to com- 
ply also with my invitation to St. Joseph. I wrote to them to 
that effect, a few days ago, stating my previous engagements, 
and the difficulties in my way, but promising to make every 
effort I could, and to be with them, if possible, at their meeting, 
and that I hoped to be able to accomplish it all. 

Before my answer to their invitation, I had received yours, 
and in answering them I was influenced by both invitations, for 
if I could go to St. Joseph to see them, I would, of course, go 
to Lexington to meet you. This is all that is possible for me 
to say at present. 

Yours respectfully, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(Washington Hunt to J. J. Crittenden.) 

LocKPORT, N. Y., Sept. 3, i860. 

My dear Sir, — You will see what we are doing in this State. 
Our effort is to unite the national men sufficiently to take New 
York from the Republicans. We feel some confidence in our 
ability to effect this result ; but it is to be a very severe and trying 
conflict. The presidential problem is reduced to a single point. 
If the vote of this State can be turned against Lincoln and 
Hamlin, they are defeated ; otherwise, in all human probability, 
they will be elected. This gives a peculiar importance to the 
canvass here. It is the battle-ground, the turning-point in the 
campaign. Therefore we deem it of the greatest consequence 
that you should " come over and help us." I know it is asking a 
good deal, but your patriotism, so often tested, will, I trust, prove 
equal to the emergency. 

Our people want to hear your voice. They want to display 
their feelings of love, veneration, and gratitude towards you. 
We will put no heavy burdens upon you. Even one speech 
from you in favor of " union, for the sake of the Union," may 



2i8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

turn the scale in New York, and thus insure the election of 
Bell and Everett. You may consult your own convenience as 
to time and place. We are to have a mass convention in Albany 
about the ist of October (probably the 3d), and your presence 
there would be most desirable. If you can come earlier, and 
speak at other places, it will be better still. We would not 
overtax your strength. Only come within our borders, and you 
may choose your own time and place. I would not be im- 
portunate, but I must make an earnest appeal. If you decide 
that you will come, please give me an early answer, and I will 
also ask you to notify Brooks, in New York, that the fact may 
be promptly announced. Much of my time, during this month, 
will be spent away from home, on a tour through the counties. 
The Republicans are alarmed, and very ferocious towards me 
personally; but I meet them in the spirit of knightly detiancc. 
The path of duty appears plain to me in the present crisis, and 
I am not afraid to pursue it. My faith is strong that Providence 
will smile on our efforts, and deliver the country from peril. 
I remain, dear sir, faithfully and truly yours, 

Washington Hunt. 

P.S. — Our friends in New York city are anxious to have you 
at the great Union meeting there on the 17th. If you can come 
in time, that is the occasion of all others for you to speak. It 
is proposed that General Scott preside, and I think he will 
consent. 

To the Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Nashville, Tuesday, Sept. 24, 1S60. 
My dear Wife, — I am here ; have been received in this city 
in the most distinguished manner; have been honored and wel- 
comed as if I had been twenty Presidents. I spoke to-day to a 
great audience, and am not dissatisfied with the speech I made. 
I believe my audience was well pleased. There was applause 
from the crowd and from individuals. I have since received 
many compliments. That, however, only proxies their polite- 
ness. But the trials of the day are o\-er, and I am now in 
Mr. Edgar's study writing this letter to my dear and charming 
wife. Your two letters were received last evening. I see that 
)-ou have been disappointed in your expectation of letters from 
me. I could not help it. I have been so continually occupied, 
writing was impossible. I thought with regret of the disap- 
pointments I should occasion you ; but this is nothing more 
than -A fair requital for your not coming with me. Everybody 
asks ichy you did not come, and I, injured man as I am, make 
the best excuse I can for you. I have seen but little of the 



LETTER FROM GENERAL SCOTT. 219 

ladies ; visited none of them ; shall commence this evening. 
Mrs. Bell is all kindness and compliment; so is Mr. Bell, and 
in all sincerity I do believe. He came to Bowling Green yesterday 
morning to meet me, and accompanied me to this place ; was 
seated with me in the carriage of state, in which I was drawn 
through 'the city in the midst of the multitudes, the military, 
the music, the banners, and shoutings. Upon the whole, I have 
been zchat is called a great man for two zvhole days, besides having 
a grand dinner yesterday at Mr. Edgar's. 

I shall have a great deal more to write to you to-morrow ; 
so farewell, dear wife. Yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. E. Crittenden. 

(General Scott to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, Nov. 12, i860. 

My dear Crittenden, — You are right in supposing that I 
have not rested supine during this alarming state of our Union. 
A copy of the accompanying circular would have been sent to 
you earlier, but that I supposed it might pass you on your way 
here. It has been widely scattered over Virginia, indorsed, " If 
Virginia can be saved from secession, she may save the Union." 
My suggestions seem to have no good effect at Washington ; 
in other words, I have had no acknowledgment from either the 
President or Secretary ; nor has a single step been taken. I am 
sorry that you will not be here on your way to Washington. / 
do not expect to be there before the 15th. In the mean time, 
the Union is at the mercy of the President elect, even before 
his inauguration ; that is, his silence may be fatal, whereas it is 
probable that his inaugural will be soothing, if not perfectly 
satisfactory, to the South. It is the common hope here that 
Mr. Lincoln may call into his cabinet some two or three of the 
following persons, with proper assurances to them of good 
intentions : Crittenden, Bell, Rives, Badger, Stephens, Bates, 
Everett. With sufficient assurances, it is the opinion of all 
conservatives that neither of those statesmen ought to decline. 
My circular may be wrong about the affinities of Kentucky and 
Tennessee, but I think not. 

We have lost our friend Carneal, and I hear nothing of our 
friend Burnley. Kind regards to him and Letcher. To my ex- 
cellent friend Mrs. Crittenden I would send my love, but I fear 
you are too niggard to deliver it. 

Always yours, most faithfully, 

Winfield Scott. 



220 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(In Senate, December 4th, i860. President's Message.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I regret that the honorable 
senator from North Carolina, Mr. CHngman, has thought proper 
to make the speech which he has just addressed to the Senate. 
I did hope that we had all come together upon this occa- 
sion duly impressed with the solemnity of the business that 
would devolve upon us, duly impressed with the great dan- 
gers that were impending over the country, and especially with 
those dangers which threaten the existence of our Union. That 
was the temper in which I hoped we were now assembled. The 
gentleman has scarcely uttered a sentiment or an opinion in 
which I do not disagree with him, — scarcely one, sir. I have 
hopes of the preservation of the Union under which I have so 
long lived ; I have hopes that that Union, which was the glory 
of our fathers, will not become the shame of their children. 
But I rise here now, sir, not for the purpose of making a speech, 
and I shall abide by my purpose. I wish the gentleman had 
maintained his purpose, having said he did not rise to make a 
speech. I rise, sir, only to express the hope that the bad ex- 
ample of this gentleman will not be followed, and that we will 
not allow ourselves now to be involved in an angry debate. 
We had better not be here at all if that is our purpose. If we 
have not come here to give a deliberate and a solemn consider- 
ation to the grave questions which are thrust upon us, we are 
not fit for the places which we occupy. This Union was estab- 
lished by great sacrifices. The Union is worthy of great sacri- 
fices and great concessions for its maintenance. I trust there is 
not a senator here who is not willing to yield and to compro- 
mise much, in order to preserve the government and the Union. 
I look forward with dismay and with something like despair to 
the condition of this country when the Union shall be stricken . 
down and we shall be turned loose again to speculate on the 
policies and on the foundations upon which we are to establish 
go\ernments. I look at it, sir, with a fear and trembling that 
predispose me to the most solemn considerations I am capable 
of feeling; to search out, if it be possible, some means for the 
reconciliation of all the different sections and members of this 
Union, and see if we cannot again restore that harmony, that 
fraternity, and that union which once existed in this country, 
and which gave so much of blessing and so much of benefit to 
all. I do hope we shall not now engage in any irritating or 
any angry debate. Our duties require of us very different dis- 
positions of mind, and trust none of us will allow ourselves to 
be provoked or, by aii)- inadvertence, involved in angry dis- 
cussions now. Calm consideration is demanded of us, — a sol- 
emn duty is to be performed ; no invectives to be pronounced, no 



PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. 221 

passions to be aroused, no wrongs to be detailed and aggra- 
vated over and over again. Let us look to the future, let us 
look to the present, only to see what are the dangers and what 
are the remedies, and to appeal for the adoption of these 
remedies to the good feeling of every portion of this House. 
In this way only can we arrive at peaceable and satisfactory 
conclusions. 

I will not now allude further to any of the questions which the 
gentleman has presented. I shall not discuss the point whether 
]\Ir. Lincoln's election be, or be not, a good cause for resistance. 
I tell you, there is at least diversity, great diversity, of opinion, 
which should make us regard this as a question for grave con- 
sideration. We have parties, we have divisions, in Kentucky, 
but I do not believe there is a man in the State, of any party, 
who agrees with the gentleman on these questions. We are all 
a Union-loving people, and we desire that all these difficulties 
and dissensions may be healed, and a remedy applied to all the 
grievances of which we have a right to complain. What we 
desire is a restoration of peace and tranquillity. I hope, judg- 
ing from the general character of my friend from North Caro- 
lina, and from the noble character of the State which he repre- 
sents here, — a great State, which, while exhibiting the firmness 
that belongs properly to her, has always carried the olive-branch 
in her hand, and has taught peace, harmony, and union, — I 
hope from my friend that, on consideration and calmer reflec- 
tion, he will unite with us in as true a spirit of union and devo- 
tion to the country as any other patriot. I will waive any 
remarks I might have been disposed to make on the message. 
I do not agree that there is no power in the President to pre- 
serve the Union. If we have a Union at all, and if, as the 
President thinks, there is no right to secede on the part of any 
State (and I agree with him in that), I think there is a right to 
employ our power to preserve the Union. I do not say Jioio 
we should apply it; under what circumstances we should apply 
it, — I leave all that open. To say that no State has a right to 
secede, and that it is a wrong to the Union, and yet that the 
Union has no right to interpose any obstacles to its secession, 
seems to me to be altogether contradictory. As to the resolu- 
tion referring the President's message to a committee of thir- 
teen, I have not a word to say, — it presents no subject of debate. 
It is important to avoid premature debate on this subject, how- 
ever interesting it may be. We are in danger of collisions 
produced or excitements created. I wish to see the Senate, as 
I wish to see each one of us, observe calmness, and coolness of 
judgment, to act upon the specific measures which will so soon 
be presented to us for action. I hope that, without further 



222 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

delay, we shall take the question. I surrender my right to 

debate it. 

(Hon. George Robertson to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, December i6, i860 
Mv DE.\R Sir, — I should have written to you sooner, but I 
did not see B. till a few days ago, and then found that the result 
of his conference was indefinite and unsatisfactory. When he 
told Lincoln that, to save the Union and illustrate his own fame, 
he ought to organize a national and representative cabinet, con- 
sisting o{ three Southern Union men of good character, and_/b?^/' 
moderate Republicans, the reply was, "Does any man think 
that I will take to my bosom an enemy?" This he, on reynon- 
straiice, qualified by saying, " any man who voted against me." 
B. argued and illustrated for two hours, Lincoln being silent, 
and only saying at the close, "I thank you for your counsel." 
B. left him with some hope that he would follow his counsel, 
but with the impression at the same time that he was rather 
11/tra in the Republican faith. I had not doubted that his course 
would be substantially as B. advised, because there is nothing 
practical and unsettled on the question of slaver}^; because 
Lincoln can do nothing with it; and because his interest and 
duty plainly dictate a prudent abstinence and a magnanimous 
nationality, but the inclosed scrap squints aivfully the other way. 
If he pursues the course therein indicated, I apprehend that our 
border States cannot be Jicld. Does he suppose that Ed. Bates 
and Cash. Clay will be accredited by those States as their repre- 
sentatives? We would all prefer a Northern cabinet, and a 
.y^^/zV?;/*-// administration, — PresidcJit, Vice-President, and all. Ken- 
tucky would feel insulted at having forced on her as her organ 
a citizen over whom she would even prefer Seivard. 

If the South could know that Lincoln feels, and will act, as 
this scrap indicates, she would believe that there is some sub- 
terranean design to wage an exterminating crusade against her 
by all the power and patronage of the incoming administration, 
and they would certainly (though I would not help) go out 
unanimously, and either unite in a Southern organization, or the 
planting States into a Southern, and the border States (including, 
perhaps, the Northwest) into a central, republic, — which last, 
in the event of a sectional dissolution, I would prefer. But if 
Lincoln will — as I always till lately believed he would — adopt 
and adhere to a truly national and constitutional programme, 
and follow in the footsteps of Washington, as the President not 
of a faction but of the nation, not as the proscriptive leader of 
a spoils-band, but as the father of his whole countrj^ I feel a 
tranquil assurance that the Union will be ultimately safe. A 
large majority of those who elected him would approve his 



LETTER FROM G. ROBERTSON. 



223 



patriotic course, and even the ambitious leaders ought to see 
that their own welfare would be promoted by it. On the oppor- 
tune solution of the preliminary problem hangs, in my opinion, 
the fate of the Union. Governor Letcher is very ill, scarcely a 
hope of his surviving many days. 

Yours, with respectful salutations, 
Hon. J. J, Crittenden. ' G. Robertson. 



CHAPTER XIII. 
1860-1861. 

In Senate, Compromise of the Slavery Question, December 18, i860 — Crittenden 
Compromise Resolutions — Letter from General Dix — Letters from Everett, E. 
Whittlesey, Winthrop, Lawrence— In Senate, adopting Crittenden Compromise. 

(In Senate, December 18, i860. Compromise of the Slavery Question.) 

MR. CRITTENDEN.— I am gratified, Mr. President, to see, 
in the various propositions which have been made, such 
a universal anxiety to save the country from the dangerous dis- 
sensions which now prevail ; and I have, under a very serious 
view, and without the least ambitious feeling whatever connected 
with it, prepared a series of constitutional amendments, which 
I desire to offer to the Senate, hoping that the}' may form, in 
part at least, some basis for measures that may settle the con- 
troverted questions which now so much agitate our country. 
Certainly, sir, I do not propose now any elaborate discussion 
of the subject. Before presenting these resolutions, however, 
to the Senate, I desire to make a few remarks explanatory of 
them that the Senate may understand their general scope. 

The questions of an alarming character are those which have 
grown out of the controversy between the northern and south- 
ern sections of our country in relation to the rights of the slave- 
holding States in the Territories of the United States, and in 
relation to the rights of the citizens of the latter in their slaves. 
I have endeavored by these resolutions to meet all these ques- 
tions and causes of discontent, and by amendments to the Con- 
stitution of the United States, so that the settlement, if we can 
happily agree on any, may be permanent, and leave no cause 
for future controversy. These resolutions propose, then, in the 
first place, in substance, the restoration of the Missouri Com- 
promise, extending the line throughout the Territories of the 
United States to the eastern border of California, recognizing 
slavery in all the territorj' south of that line, and prohibiting 
slavery in all the territory north of it; with a provision, how- 
ever, that when any of those Territories, north or south, are 
formed into States, they shall then be at liberty to exclude or 
admit slavery as they please; and that, in the one case or the 
other, it shall be no objection to their admission into the Union. 
(224) 



COMPROMISE OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 225 

In this way, sir, I propose to settle the question, both as to 
territory and slaver}', so far as it regards the Territories of the 
United States. 

I propose, sir, also, that the Constitution shall be so amended 
as to declare that Congress shall have no power to abolish 
slavery in the District of Columbia so long as slavery exists in 
the States of Maryland and Virginia; and that they shall have 
no power to abolish slavery in any of the places under their 
special jurisdiction within the Southern States. 

These are the constitutional amendments which I propose, 
and embrace the whole of them in regard to the questions of 
territory and slavery. There are other propositions in relation 
to grievances, and in relation to controversies, which I suppose 
are within the jurisdiction of Congress, and may be removed 
by the action of Congress. I propose, in regard to legislative 
action, that the fugitive slave law, as it is commonly called, 
shall be declared by the Senate to be a constitutional act, in 
strict pursuance of the Constitution. I propose to declare that 
it has been decided by the Supreme Court of the United States 
to be constitutional, and that the Southern States are entitled 
to a faithful and complete execution of that law, and that no 
amendment shall be made hereafter to it which will impair its 
efficiency. But, thinking that it would not impair its efficiency, 
I have proposed amendments to it in two particulars. I have 
understood from gentlemen of the North that there is objection 
to the provision giving a different fee where the commissioner 
decides to deliver the slave to the claimant from that which is 
given where he decides to discharge the alleged slave; the law 
declares that in the latter case he shall have but five dollars, 
while in the other he shall have ten dollars, — twice the amount 
in one case than in the other. The reason for this is very 
obvious. In case he delivers the servant to his claimant, he is 
required to draw out a lengthy certificate, stating the principal 
and substantial grounds on which his decision rests, and to re- 
turn him either to the marshal or to the claimant to remove 
him to the State from which he escaped. It was for that reason 
that a larger fee was given to the commissioner, where he had 
the largest service to perform. But, sir, the act being viewed 
unfavorably and with great prejudice, in a certain portion of 
our country, this was regarded as very obnoxious, because it 
seemed to give an inducement to the commissioner to return 
the slave to the master, as he thereby obtained the larger fee 
of ten dollars instead of the smaller one of five dollars. I have 
said, let the fee be the same in both cases. 

I have understood, furthermore, sir, that inasmuch as the fifth 
section of that law was worded somewhat vaguely, its general 

VOL. II. — 15 



2 26 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

terms had admitted of the construction in the Northern States 
that all the citizens were required, upon the summons of the 
marshal, to go with him to hunt up, as they express it, and 
arrest the slave; and this is regarded as obnoxious. They have 
said, " In the Southern States you make no such requisition on 
the citizen ;" nor do we, sir. The section, construed according 
to the intention of the framers of it, I suppose, only intended 
that the marshal should have the same right in the execution 
of process for the arrest of a slave that he has in all other cases 
of process that he is required to execute — to call on the posse 
comitatus for assistance where he is resisted in the execution of 
his duty, or where, having executed his duty by the arrest, an 
attempt is made to rescue the slave. I propose such an amend- 
ment as will obviate this difficulty, and limit the right of the 
master and the duty of the citizen to cases where, as in regard 
to all other process, persons may be called upon to assist in 
resisting opposition to the execution of the laws. 

I have provided further, sir, that the amendments to the Con- 
stitution which I here propose, and certain other provisions of 
the Constitution itself, shall be unalterable, thereby forming a 
permanent and unchangeable basis for peace and tranquillity 
among the people. Among the provisions in the present 
Constitution, which I have by amendment proposed to ren- 
der unalterable, is that provision in the first article of the 
Constitution which provides the rule for representation, in- 
cluding in the computation three-fifths of the slaves. That 
is to be rendered unchangeable. Another is the provision 
for the delivery of fugitive slaves. That is to be rendered 
unchangeable. 

And with these provisions, Mr. President, it seems to me we 
have a solid foundation upon which we may rest our hopes for 
the restoration of peace and good will among all the States of 
this Union, and all the people, I propose, sir, to enter into no 
particular discussion. I have explained the general scope and 
object of my proposition. I have provided further, which I 
ought to mention, that, there having been some difficulties ex- 
perienced in the courts of the United States in the South in 
carrying into execution the laws prohibiting the African slave- 
trade, all additions and amendments which may be necessaj-y to 
those laws to render them effectual should be immediately 
adopted by Congress, and especially the provisions of those 
laws which prohibit the importation of African slaves into the 
United States. I have further provided it as a recommendation 
to all the States of this Union, that whereas laws have been 
passed of an unconstitutional character (and all laws are of that 
character which either conflict with the constitutional acts of 



COMPROMISE OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 227 

Congress, or which, in their operation, hinder or delay the 
proper execution of the acts of Congress), which laws are null 
and void, and yet, though null and void, they have been the 
source of mischief and discontent in the country, under the ex- 
traordinary circumstances in which we are placed. I have 
supposed that it would not be improper or unbecoming in Con- 
gress to recommend to the States, both North and South, the 
repeal of all such acts of theirs as were intended to control, or 
intended to obstruct, the operation of the acts of Congress, or 
which, in their operation and in their application, have been 
made use of for the purpose of such hinderance and opposition, 
and that they will repeal these laws or make such explanations 
or corrections of them as to prevent their being used for any 
such mischievous purpose. 

I have endeavored to look with impartiality from one end of 
our country to the other. I have endeavored to search up 
what appeared to me to be the causes of discontent pervading 
the land; and, as far as I am capable of doing so, I have en- 
deavored to propose a remedy for them. I am far from believ- 
ng that, in the shape in which I present these measures, they 
vvill meet with the acceptance of the Senate. It will be suffi- 
ciently gratifying if, with all the amendments that the superior 
knowledge of the Senate may make to them, they shall, to any 
effectual extent, quiet the country. 

Mr. President, great dangers surround us. The Union of 
these States is dear to the people of the United States. The 
long experience of its blessings, the mighty hopes of the future, 
have made it dear to the hearts of the American people. What- 
ever politicians may say; whatever of dissension may, in the 
heat of party politics, be created among our people, when you 
come down to the question of the existence of the Constitution, 
that is a question beyond all party politics; that is a question 
of life and death. The Constitution and the Union are the life 
of this great people, — yes, sir, the life of life. We all desire to 
preserve them. North and South ; that is the universal desire. 
But some of the Southern States, smarting under what they 
conceive to be aggressions of their Northern brethren and of 
the Northern States, are not contented to continue this Union, 
and are taking steps — formidable steps — towards a dissolution 
of the Union, and towards the anarchy and the bloodshed, I 
fear, that are to follow. I say, sir, Ave are in the presence of 
great events. We must elevate ourselves to the level of the 
great occasion. No party warfare about mere party questions 
or party measures ought now to engage our attention. They 
are left behind ; they are as dust in the balance. The life, the 
existence of our country, of our Union, is the mighty question; 



22S -^/^^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

and we must elevate ourselves to all those considerations which 
belong to this high subject. 

I hope, therefore, gentlemen will be disposed to bring the 
sincerest spirit of conciliation, the sincerest spirit and desire to 
adjust all these difficulties, and to think nothing of any little 
concessions of opinions that they may make, if thereby the 
Constitution and the country can be preserved. 

The great difficulty here, sir, — I know it — I recognize it as 
the difficult question, particularly with the gentlemen from the 
North, — is the admission of this line of division for the territory, 
and the recognition of slavery on the one side and the prohibi- 
tion of it on the other.' The recognition of slavery on the 
Southern side of that line is the great difficulty, the great ques- 
tion with them. Now, I beseech them to think, and you, Mr. 
President, and all, to think whether, for such a comparative trifle 
as that, the Union of this country is to be sacrificed. Have we 
realized to ourselves the momentous consequences of such an 
event ? When has the world seen such an event ? This is a 
mighty empire. Its existence spreads its influence throughout 
the civilized world ; its overthrow will be the greatest shock 
that civilization and free government have received, more exten- 
sive in its consequences, more fatal to mankind and to the great 
principles upon which the liberty of mankind depends than the 
French Revolution with all its blood and with all its war and 
violence. And all for what ? Upon questions concerning this 
line of division between slavery and freedom ? Why, Mr. Pres- 
ident, suppose this day all the Southern States being refused 
this right, being refused this partition, being denied this privi- 
lege, were to separate from the Northern States and do it peace- 
fully, and then were to come to you peacefully and say, " Let 
there be no war between us — let us divide fairly the Territories 
of the United States," could the Northern section of the country 
refuse so just a demand? What would you then give them? 
What would be the fair proportion ? If you allowed them their 
fair relative proportion, would you not give them as much as is 
now proposed to be assigned on the Southern side of that line, 
and would they not be at liberty to carry their slaves there if 
they pleased ? You would give them the whole of that ; and 
then what would be its fate ? 

Is it upon the general principle of humanity, then, that you 
[addressing Republican senators] wish to put an end to slavery, 
or is it to be urged by you as a mere topic and point of party 
controversy to sustain party power ? Surely I give you credit 
for looking at it upon broader and more generous principles. 
Then, in the worst event, after you have encountered disunion, 
that greatest of all political calamities to the people of this 



COMPROMISE OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 229 

country, and the disunionists come, the separating States come, 
and demand or take their portion of the Territories, they can 
take and will be entitled to take all that will now lie on the 
Southern side of the line which I have proposed. Then they 
will have a right to permit slavery to exist in it ; and what do 
you gain for the cause of anti-slavery? Nothing whatever. 
Suppose you should refuse their demand and claim the whole 
for yourselves ; that would be a flagrant injustice, which you 
would not be willing that I should suppose would occur. But 
if you did, what would be the consequence ? A State north 
and a State south, and all the States north and south would be 
attempting to grasp at and seize this territory, and to get all of 
it that they could. That would be the struggle, and you would 
have war, and not only disunion, but all these fatal consequences 
would follow from your refusal now to permit slavery to exist, 
to recognize it as existing, on the southern side of the proposed 
line, while you give to the people there the right to exclude 
it when they come to form a State government, if such should 
be their will and pleasure. 

Now, gentlemen, in view of this subject, in view of the mighty 
consequences, in view of the great events which are present be- 
fore you, and of the mighty consequences which are just now 
to take effect, is it not better to settle the question by a division 
upon the line of the Missouri Compromise ? For thirty years 
we lived quietly and peacefully under it. Our people. North and 
South, were accustomed to look at it as a proper and just line. 
Can we not do so again ? We did it then to preserve the peace 
of the country. Now, you see this Union in the most immi- 
nent danger. I declare to you that it is my solemn conviction 
that, unless something be done, and something equivalent to 
this proposition, we shall be a separated and divided people in 
six months from this time. That is my firm conviction. There 
is no man here who deplores it more than I do ; but it is my 
sad and melancholy conviction that that will be the consequence. 
I wish you to realize fully the danger; I wish you to realize 
fully the consequences which are to follow. You can give in- 
creased stability to this Union ; you can give it an exist^ice, a 
glorious existence, for great and glorious centuries to come, by 
now setting it upon a permanent basis, recognizing what the 
South considers as its rights ; and this is the greatest of them 
all : it is that you should divide the territory by this line and 
allow the people south of it to have slavery when they are ad- 
mitted into the Union as States, and to have it during the exist- 
ence of the territorial government. That is all. Is it not the 
cheapest price at which such a blessing as this Union was ever 
purchased ? You think, perhaps, or some of you, that there is 



2-0 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

no danger — that it will but thunder and pass away. Do not 
entertain such a fatal delusion. I tell you it is not so ; I tell 
you that as sure as we stand here disunion will progress. I 
fear it may swallow up even old Kentucky in its vortex — as true 
a State to the Union as yet exists in the whole Confederacy — 
unless something be done ; but that you will have disunion, 
that anarchy and war will follow it, that all this will take place 
in six months, I believe as confidently as I believe in your pres- 
ence. I want to satisfy you of the fact. 

Mr. President, I rise to suggest another consideration. I 
have been surprised to find, upon a little examination, that when 
the peace of 1783 was made, which recognized the independence 
of this country by Great Britain, the States north of Mason and 
Dixon's line had but a territory of one hundred and sixty-four 
thousand square miles, while the States south of Mason and 
Di.xon's line had more than six hundred thousand square miles. 
It was so divided. Virginia shortly afterwards ceded to the 
United States all that noble territory northwest of the Ohio 
River, and excluded slavery from it. That changed the relative 
proportion of territory. After that the North had four hundred 
and twenty-five thousand square miles, and the South three 
hundred and eighty-five thousand. Thus, at once, by the con- 
cession of Virginia, the North, from one hundred and sixt}^-four 
thousand, rose to four hundred and twent)'-five thousand square 
miles, and the South fell from six hundred thousand to three 
hundred and eighty-five thousand square miles. By that ces- 
sion the South became smaller in extent than the North. Well, 
let us look beyond. I intend to take up as little time as possi- 
ble, and to avoid details ; but take all your subsequent acquisi- 
tions of Florida, of Louisiana, of Oregon', of Texas, and the 
acquisitions made from Mexico. They have been so divided 
and so disposed of that the North has now two million two 
hundred thousand square miles of territory, and the South has 
less than one million. 

Under these circumstances, when you have been so greatly 
magnified, — I do not complain of it, I am stating facts, — when 
your %ection has been made so mighty by these great acquisi- 
tions, and, to a great extent, with the perfect consent of the 
South, ought you to hesitate now upon adopting this line which 
will leave to you, on the north side of it, nine hundred and 
odd thousand square miles, and leave to the South only two 
hundred and eighty-five thousand? It will give you three 
times as much as it will give her. There is three times as much 
land in your portion as in hers. The South has already occu- 
pied some of it, and it is in States; but altogether the South gets 
by this division two hundred and eighty-five thousand square 



COMPROMISE OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 23 1 

miles, and the North nine hundred thousand. The result of the 
whole of it is that the North has two million two hundred thou- 
sand square miles and the South only one million. 

I mention this as no reproach, as no upbraiding, as no com- 
plaint, —none at all. I do not speak in that spirit, — I do not 
address you in that temper. But these are the facts, and they 
ought, it seems to me, to have some weight ; and when we come 
to make a peace-offering, are we to count it, are we to measure 
it nicely in golden scales ? You get a price, and the dearest 
price, for all the concession asked to be made, — you have the 
firmer establishment of your Union; you have the restoration 
of peace and tranquillity, and the hopes of a mighty future, all 
secured by this concession. How dearly must one individual, 
or two individuals, or many individuals, value their private 
opinions if they think them more important to the world than 
this mighty interest of the Union and government of the United 
States ! 

Sir, it is a cheap sacrifice. It is a glorious sacrifice. This 
Union cost a great deal to establish it; it cost the yielding of 
much of public opinion and much of policy, besides the direct 
or indirect cost of it in all the war to establish the independence 
of this country. When it was done. General Washington him- 
self said, "Providence has helped us, or we could not have 
accomplished this thing." And this gift of our wisest men; 
this great work of their hands ; this work in the foundation and 
the structure of which Providence Himself, with his benignant 
hand, helped, — are we to give it all up for such small consider- 
ations? The present exasperation; the present feeling of dis- 
union, is the result of a long-continued controversy on the 
subject of slavery and of territory. I shall not attempt to trace 
that controversy; it is unnecessary to the occasion, and might 
be harmful. In relation to such controversies I will say, though, 
that all the wrong is never on one side, or all the right on the 
other. Right and wrong, in this world, and in all such contro- 
versies, are mingled together. I forbear now any discussion or 
any reference to the right or wrong of the controversy, — the 
mere party controversy ; but in the progress of part};, we now 
come to a point where party ceases to deserve consideration, 
and the preservation of the Union demands our highest and our 
greatest exertions. To preserve the Constitution of the country 
is the highest duty of the Senate, the highest duty of Congress, 
— to preserve it and to perpetuate it, that we may hand down 
the glories which we have received to our children and to our 
posterity, and to generations far beyond us. We are, senators, 
in positions where history is to take notice of the course we 
pursue. 



232 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN 

History is to record us. Is it to record that when the de- 
struction of the Union was imminent; when we saw it tottering 
to its fall; when we saw brothers arming their hands for hostil- 
ity with one another, we stood quarreling about points of party 
politics ; about questions which we attempted to sanctify and to 
consecrate by appealing to our conscience as the source of 
them ? Are wc to allow such fearful catastrophes to occur 
while we stand trifling away our time? While we stand thus, 
showing our inferiority to the great and mighty dead; showing 
our inferiority to the high positions which we occupy, the 
country may be destroyed and ruined; and to the amazement 
of all the world, the great republic may fall prostrate and in 
ruins, carrying with it the very hope of that liberty which we 
have heretofore enjoyed; carrying with it, in place of the peace 
we have enjoyed, nothing but revolution, and havoc, and anar- 
chy. Shall it be said that we have allowed all these evils to 
come upon our country, while we were engaged in the petty and 
small disputes and debates to which I have referred? Can it 
be that our name is to rest in history with this ev^erlasting stigma 
and blot upon it? 

Sir, I wish to God it was in my power to preserve this Union 
by renouncing or agreeing to give up every conscientious and 
other opinion. I might not be able to discard it from my mind. 
I am under no obligation to do that. I may retain the opinion; 
but if I can do so great a good as to preserve my country, and 
give it peace, and its institutions and its Union stability, I will 
forego any action upon my opinions. Well now, my friends 
[addressing the Republican senators], that is all that is asked 
of you. Consider it well, and I do not distrust the result. As 
to the rest of this body, the gentlemen from the South, I would 
say to them, Can you ask more than this ? Are you bent on 
revolution, bent on disunion? God forbid it. I cannot believe 
that such madness possesses the American people. This gives 
reasonable satisfaction. I can speak with confidence only of 
my own State. Old Kentucky will be satisfied with it, and she 
will stand by the Union and die by the Union if this satisfaction 
be given. Nothing shall seduce her. The clamor of no revo- 
lution, the seductions and temptations of no revolution, will 
tempt her to move one step. She has stood always by the side 
of the Constitution; she has always been devoted to it, and is 
this day. Give her this satisfaction, and I believe all the States 
of the South that are not desirous of disunion as a better thing 
than the Union and the Constitution, will be satisfied and will 
adhere to the Union, and wc shall go on again in our great 
career of national prosperity and national glory. 

But, sir, it is not necessary for me to speak to you of the 



COMPROMISE OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 233 

consequences that will follow disunion. Who of us is not 
proud of the greatness we have achieved? Disunion and sep- 
aration destroy that greatness. Once disunited, we are no longer 
great. The nations of the earth who have looked upon you 
as a formidable power, a mighty power, and rising to untold 
and immeasurable greatness in the future, will scoff at you. 
Your flag, that now claims the respect of the world, that pro- 
tects American property in every port and harbor of the world, 
that protects the rights of your citizens everywhere, what will 
become of it? What becomes of its glorious influence? It is 
gone ; and with it the protection of American citizens and prop- 
erty. To say nothing of the national honor which it displayed 
to all the world, the protection of your rights, the protection 
of your property abroad, is gone with that national flag, and we 
are hereafter to conjure and contrive different flags for our differ- 
ent republics according to the feverish fancies of revolutionary 
patriots and disturbers of the peace of the world. No, sir; I 
want to follow no such flag. I want to preserve the union of 
my country. We have it in our power to do so, and we are 
responsible if we do not do it, 

I do not despair of the republic. When I see before me 
senators of so much intelligence and so much patriotism, who 
have been so honored by their country, sent here as the guar- 
dians of that very Union which is now in question, sent here as 
the guardians of our national rights, and as guardians of that 
national flag, I cannot despair; I cannot despond. I cannot 
but believe that they will find some means of reconciling and 
adjusting the rights of all parties, by concessions, if necessary, 
so as to preserve and give more stability to the country and to 
its institutions. 

Mr. President, I have occupied more time than I intended. 
My remarks were designed and contemplated only to reach to 
an explanation of this resolution. 

The presiding officer (Mr. Fitzpatrick in the chair). — Does 
the senator desire the resolution to be read ? 

Mr. Crittenden. — Yes, sir; I ask that it be read to the Senate. 

Mr. Green. — The hour has arrived for the consideration of the 
special order. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I desire to present this resolution now to 
the Senate; and I ask that it may be read and printed. 

The presiding officer. — The secretary will report the resolution. 

The secretary read it, as follows : 

A JOINT RESOLUTION (S. No. 50) PROPOSING CERTAIN AMEND- 
MENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Whereas, serious and alarming dissensions have arisen be- 
tween the Northern and Southern States concerning the rights 



.34 L^F^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

and security of the rights of the slaveholding States, and espe- 
cially their rights in the common territory of the United States; 
and zvhenas, it is eminently desirable and proper that these dis- 
sensions, which now threaten the very existence of this Union, 
should be permanently quieted and settled by constitutional 
provisions, which shall do equal justice to all sections, and 
thereby restore to the people that peace and good will which 
ought to prevail between all the citizens of the United States ; 
therefore 

Resolved by tJic Senate anel House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assenibled (two-thirds of 
both Houses concurring), That the following articles be and 
are hereby proposed and submitted as amendments to the Con- 
stitution of the United States, which shall be valid to all intents 
and purposes, as part of said Constitution, when ratified by 
conventions of three-fourths of the several States : 

Article i. In all the territor}' of the United States now held, 
or hereafter acquired, situate north of latitude 36° 30', slavery 
or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is 
prohibited while such territory shall remain under territorial 
government. In all the territory south of said line of latitude, 
slavery of the African race is hereby recognized as existing, 
and shall not be interfered with by Congress, but shall be pro- 
tected as property by all the departments of the territorial gov- 
ernment during its continuance. And when any Territory, north 
or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may 
prescribe, shall contain the population requisite for a member 
of Congress according to the then Federal ratio of representa- 
tion of the people of the United States, it shall, if its form of 
government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an 
equal footing with the original States, with or without slavery, 
as the constitution of such new State may provide. 

Art. 2. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in 
places under its exclusive jurisdiction, and situate within the 
limits of States that permit the holding of slaves. 

Art. 3. Congress shall have no power to abolish slaveiy 
within the District of Columbia, so long as it exists in the ad- 
joining States of Virginia and Mar}'land, or either, nor without 
the consent of the inhabitants, nor without just compensation 
first made to such owners of slaves as do not consent to such 
abolishment. Nor shall Congress at any time prohibit officers 
of the Federal government, or members of Congress, whose 
duties require them to be in said District, from bringing with 
them their slaves, and holding them as such during the time 
their duties may require them to remain there, and afterwards 
taking them from the District. 



PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. 235 

Art. 4. Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder 
the transportation of slaves from one State to another, or to a 
Territory in which slaves are by law permitted to be held, 
whether that transportation be by land, navigable rivers, or by 
the sea. 

Art. 5. That, in addition to the provisions of the third para- 
graph of the second section of the fourth article of the Consti- 
tution of the United States, Congress shall have power to pro- 
vide by law, and it shall be its duty so to provide, that the 
United States shall pay to the owner who shall apply for it the 
full value of his fugitive slave in all cases when the marshal or 
other officer whose duty it was to arrest said fugitive was pre- 
vented from so doing by violence or intimidation, or when, after 
arrest, said fugitive was rescued by force, and the owner thereby 
prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for the 
recovery of his fugitive slave under the said clause of the Con- 
stitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof And in all 
such cases, when the United States shall pay for such fugitive, 
they shall have the right, in their own name, to sue the county in 
which said violence, intimidation, or rescue was committed, and 
to recover from it, with interest and damages, the amount paid 
by them for said fugitive slave. And the said county, after it has 
paid said amount to the United States, may, for its indemnity, 
sue and recover from the wrong-doers or rescuers by whom the 
owner was prevented from the recovery of his fugitive slave, in 
like manner as the owner himself might have sued and recovered. 

Art. 6. No future amendment of the Constitution shall affect 
the five preceding articles ; nor the third paragraph of the sec- 
ond section of the first article of the Constitution ; nor the third 
paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of said 
Constitution ; and no amendment shall be made to the Consti- 
tution which shall authorize or give to Congress any power to 
abolish or interfere with slavery in any of the States by whose 
laws it is, or may be, allowed or permitted. 

And li'licreas, also, besides those causes of dissension em- 
braced in the foregoing amendments proposed to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, there are others which come within 
the jurisdiction of Congress, and may be remedied by its legis- 
lative power ; and wJicrcas, it is the desire of Congress, as far 
as its power will extend, to remove all just cause for the popu- 
lar discontent and agitation which now disturb the peace of the 
country and threaten the stability of its institutions ; therefore 

I. Resolved by the Senate ayid House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, That the laws now 
in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves are in strict pursuance 
of the plain and mandatory provisions of the Constitution, and 



236 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

have been sanctioned as valid and constitutional by the judg- 
ment of the Supreme Court of the United States ; that the 
slaveholding States are entitled to the faithful observance and 
execution of those laws, and that they ought not to be re- 
pealed, or so modified or changed as to impair their efficiency ; 
and that laws ought to be made for the punishment of those 
who attempt by rescue of the slave, or other illegal means, to 
hinder or defeat the due execution of said laws. 

2. That all State laws which conflict with the fugitive-slave 
acts of Congress, or any other constitutional acts of Congress, 
or which, in their operation, impede, hinder, ox delay the free 
course and due execution of any of said acts, are null and void 
b}' the plain provisions of the Constitution of the United States; 
yet those State laws, void as they are, have given color to prac- 
tices and led to consequences which have obstructed the due 
administration and execution of acts of Congress, and espe- 
cially the acts for the delivery of fugitive slaves, and have 
thereby contributed much to the discord and commotion now 
prevailing. Congress, therefore, in the present perilous junc- 
ture, does not deem it improper respectfully and earnestly to 
recommend the repeal of those laws to the several States which 
have enacted them, or such legislative corrections or explana- 
tions of tiiem as may prevent their being used or perverted to 
such mischievous purposes. 

3. That the act of the i8th of September, 1850, commonly 
called the fugitive-slave law, ought to be so amended as to 
make the fee of the commissioner, mentioned in the eighth 
section of the act, equal in amount in the cases decided by him, 
whether his decision be in favor of or against the claimant; and, 
to avoid misconstruction, the last clause of the fifth section of 
said act, which authorizes the person holding a warrant for the 
arrest or detention of a fugitive slave, to summon to his aid the 
posse coiuitatus, and which declares it to be the duty of all good 
citizens to assist him in its execution, ought to be so amended 
as to expressly limit the authority and duty to cases in which 
there shall be resistance or danger of resistance or rescue. 

4. That the laws for the suppression of the African slave- 
tratie, and especially those prohibiting the importation of slaves 
in the United States, ought to be made effectual, and ought to 
be thoruughly executed ; and all further enactments necessary 
to those ends ought to be promptly made. 

(In Senate, 1S60. Crittenden Resolutions.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I move that the resolutions 
which I had the honor of offering some time ago be taken up 
now for consideration. I am only desirous to have a vote of 



LETTER FROM JOHN A. DIX. 237 

the Senate upon this subject; and if the measures I have pro- 
posed are not acceptable to the Senate, we may perhaps agree 
upon others which may find favor. I beheve, when we had 
this subject under consideration before, the question was upon 
the adoption of the first article of amendment which I had the 
honor of offering on that question. I ask the yeas and nays. I 
will submit to a motion to postpone it until to-morrow; but as 
for giving way to the Pacific Railroad bill, or to any other bill, 
I think the Senate will not consider it proper. The people ex- 
pect, at least, a decision upon this subject, and I insist upon it 
at the earliest period. If the gentleman makes a motion to 
postpone till to-morrow, I will vote for it; but I will not post- 
pone for the railroad bill. I call for the yeas and nays. It 
seems to me evident from this dilatory sort of proceeding that 
gentlemen are trying to postpone this subject. I do not wish 
to embarrass the Chair by questions about order. It is a point 
about which I have no great skill. I suppose it must be a clear 
proposition that the Senate has a right to order the course of 
its business, and say it will act upon such a subject until it is 
concluded, when that subject comes regularly up for action. I 
will, however, withdraw that part of the motion, and leave the 
question so that they shall be called up to-morrow to the exclu- 
sion of all other business. I suppose the Senate can make that 
order without question. Do not let us trifle with the greatest 
subject that can possibly be before the Senate, — I cannot con- 
sent to it. I hope the Senate will treat the subject with the 
solemnity which belongs to it, and manifest a temper and dis- 
position to act decidedly and promptly. 

(John A. Dix to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, December 22, i860. 

My dear Sir, — I have read your proposition for reconciling 
existing differences between the North and South. I would 
most cheerfully accept it. I feel a strong confidence that we 
could carry three-fourths of the States in favor of it as an 
amendment to the Constitution. Will not the Republicans in 
Congress take it ? They voted against the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise. Why may they not with perfect consistency vote 
to re-establish it, and give it permanency? 

I feel the deepest interest in the adjustment of this unhappy 
controversy; but our destinies are in the hands of those who 
would, I fear, listen to no words of mine. 

With sincere regard, yours, 

Hon, J. J. Crittenden. John A. Dix. 



238 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Edward Everett to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, December 23, i860. 
My dear Sir, — I am much obliged to you for a copy of the 
joint resolutions moved by you. I saw with great satisfaction 
your patriotic movement, and I wish from the bottom of my 
heart that it may succeed. There is nothing in your resolutions 
for which I would not cheerfully vote, if their adoption as 
amendments of the Constitution would save us from disunion, 
and, what I consider its necessary consequences, civil war, an- 
archy, desolation at home, the loss of all respectability and 
inllucnce abroad, and, finally, military despotism. I would agree 
to anything rather than incur the risk of these calamities. I sup- 
pose your resolutions will command the ready assent of all 
conservative members of Congress. Have you any encourage- 
ment that they will be concurred in by any considerable num- 
ber of Republicans ? I could wish that our Southern brethren 
would be contented without inserting the word slave in the 
Constitution, it having been studiously omitted by the framers, 
and also that the right of holding slaves south of the 36°3o' 
had been left to inference, as it was in the Missouri Compromise, 
and not expressly asserted. Both these points will be stumbling- 
blocks with many conservative members of the Republican 
party. My good friend, we are in a bad way. Cannot our 
Southern friends be persuaded to proceed more deliberately ? 
They give no time for healing counsels to take effect; nor do 
tliey consider in what a position they place" their friends here. 
I remain, with sincere regard, faithfully yours, 

Edward Everett. 

I ought to make my personal acknowledgments to you for 
your noble efforts in the canvass. The kindest compliments 
of tlie season to you. 

(Elisha ^Vhittlesey to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Canfield, Mahoning County, Ohio, 

December 24, 1S60. 

My dear Friend, — I have read with great pleasure your 
speech in the Senate on the i8th, as published in the Globe, and 
as far as I have been able to place it in the hands of my conser- 
vative neighbors, they express their high gratification in your 
able and patriotic effort to arrest the vuid designs of those who 
wish the dissolution of the Union. Although your propositions 
were too late to prevent the secession of South Carolina, we 
bless you as a peace-maker. How little the great mass of the 
people in the States, formed from the Northwestern Territory, < 
know of the obligations the few settlers were under to the 



LETTER FROM R. C. WINTER OP. 



239 



patriotic and noble spirits of Kentucky and Virginia during the 
war of 18 12, and during the previous Indian wars! The times 
are truly alarming, but whatever may be the result, our hearts 
are filled with gratitude to you for your exertions to harmonize 
discordant feelings, and thereby prevent a dissolution of this 
blessed Union. 

I thought my duty required me to say this much. 

Most respectfully yours, 

Elisha Whittlesey. 

(R. C. Winthrop to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, December 24, i860. 

My DEAR Mr. Crittenden, — I thank you for the copy of 
your compromise plan under your own hand. I shall value it 
always as an evidence of your having remembered me among 
those whom you thought would be glad to co-operate in any 
reasonable scheme for saving our beloved country. There are 
some features of the plan which I might wish modified; but I 
should try hard to sustain you in such measures as were essen- 
tial to rescue us from disunion and civil war. While I write, 
however, the telegraph brings me word that your committee 
has failed to agree upon anything, and that you are in despair. 
Never, never let us despair of the republic ! And yet one hardly 
knows how to hope for anything good while there is so much 
passionate and precipitate action at the South. It is due to the 
momentous interests at stake that time should be allowed for 
deliberation ; and I trust that some mode will be devised for 
protracting the final question until public opinion shall have 
had a chance to express itself Meanwhile, it occurs to me, 
that the North might be conciliated towards meeting the requi- 
sitions of the South, if a prohibition of the foreig.n slave-trade 
were incorporated with the Constitution instead of being left to 
rest upon legislation. The Constitution gave power to Congress 
to prohibit it after twenty years, and you propose a provision 
for more stringent legislation. Why not make its prohibition a 
constitutional matter? This would afford a strong inducement 
to the North to run the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific, or 
to adopt almost any other settlement of the internal slavery 
question, and would take the subject entirely out of the reach 
of congressional action. But I know not what may be practi- 
cable with you, or with us, and I only desired to thank you for 
remembering me, and to assure you of my heartfelt sympathy 
in your labors and trials. 

Believe me always, with the greatest regard, sincerely yours, 
^ Robert C. Winthrop. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 



240 LIFE OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

(Amos A. Lawrence to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, December 29, i860. 

My dear Sir, — We are all watching with interest your patri- 
otic and vigorous efforts for pacification. I inclose a paper, 
written by Judge Curtis, of which I am sending six thousand to 
all the clergymen, justices of the peace, members of the legis- 
lature, etc. in this State. These are to be followed by petitions 
to the legislature, in various forms, for the repeal of our "per- 
sonal liberty bills." One of the elements which produce reac- 
tion is disappearing, — I mean the scarcity of money. There is 
danger that we may soon lose another, viz., the unwarlike con- 
dition of the public mind. The contrast between us and the 
South, in this respect, is most striking. Here, and through the 
whole North and West, nobody has thought of war or of arms, 
not a musket or pistol has been boiiglit or sold for any civil 
strife. Nine out of ten of our people would laugh if told that 
blood must be shed. This condition of peace, which is condu- 
cive to calm reasoning and to reaction, may, and I fear zuill, be 
changed suddenly. The first blow struck, by any State or local 
authority, at the United States government will arouse and unite 
the whole Northern people. Partisan faults will be forgotten, 
and no retroactive legislation can be accomplished. The seces- 
sionists seem to be ignorant of the powers which their meditated 
treason will give the government. Mr. Buchanan himself seems 
not to be aware of the strength of the government for the re- 
pression of rebellion. The destruction of his little force would 
bring out the ivarlike feeling in a day. Mr, William Appleton 
was encouraged by his interview with the President. On re- 
ceiving your letter, I gave up importuning Republicans to sign 
the address in regard to the " liberty law," and have since made 
better progress. This is written to thank you, and inform you 
that we are at the old zuoi'k of saving the Union; but, under your 
direction, so far as you are willing to direct, I shall take the 
liberty to report to you occasionally, but not if it obliges you 
to reply. 

With great respect and regard, 

J. J. Crittenden. Amos A. Lawrence. 

(In Senate, January 3d, 1861. Adopting the Crittenden Compromise.) 

Mr. ]5igler presented proceedings of meetings held at Harris- 
burg and at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, desiring that the measures 
of adjustment, suggested by Mr. Crittenden, should be promptly 
adopted. 

(In Senate, January 14th, 1861.) 

Mr. Crittenden presented petition of citizens of Annapolis, 
Maryland, pra)-ing the adoption of the compromise measures 
proposed by him. 



PROPOSED COXSTITUTIOXAL AMENDMENTS. 



J4I 



(In Senate, January 15th, 1861.) 

Mr. Bayard presented petitions of citizens of Wilmington, 
Delaware, without distinction of party, praying to adopt the 
resolutions of the senator from Kentucky, J. J. Crittenden. 

Mr. Kennedy presented petitions of citizens of Frederick 
County, Maryland, praying adoption of Crittenden Compromise 
measures. 

Mr. Bigler presented petitions of Philadelphia, of Port Clin- 
ton, and of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, praying severally the 
adoption of the Crittenden Compromise. 

(In Senate, January i6th, 1861.) 

Mr. Crittenden presented petitions of citizens of Maryland 
praying the adoption of his compromise measures. 

Mr. Bigler presented petition of citizens of Easton, Pennsyl- 
vania, praying the passage of Mr. Crittenden's Compromise 
measures. 

(In Senate, January i8th, i86l.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I have been honored by the 
request of many of my fellow-citizens, unknown to me, to pre- 
sent petitions to Congress requesting the two Houses to adopt 
the resolutions of compromise which I had the honor to present, 
one from Monongalia County, Virginia, one from Philadelphia, 
one from Illinois, and one from Michigan. I present them to 
the respectful consideration of the Senate. 

(In Senate, January 21st, 1861.) 

Mr. Bigler presented petitions of citizens of Mount Bethel, 
Pennsylvania, praying the adoption of Crittenden Compromise 
measures; also petition of citizens of Chenango County, New 
York, to the same effect. 

Mr, Crittenden presented petition from citizens of Michi- 
gan, and asked that it might be read. They begged that the 
Crittenden propositions, as modified and agreed to by the com- 
mittee, be referred directly to the people of all the States for 
their action. 

Mr. Polk presented a paper from the city of St. Louis, ex- 
pressing the belief that the passage by Congress of the Critten- 
den resolutions will give peace to the public mind, and asking 
that they be passed, or the substance of them. The petition 
consists of between ninety-five and one hundred leaves of fools- 
cap paper, enveloped in the American flag, inscribed, " We love 
the North ; we love the East ; we love the West ; we love the 
South intensely." 

Mr. Crittenden. — I hope the petition will be read. 
VOL. 11. — 16 



242 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. Trumbull. — I believe it is not according to the rules to 
read petitions. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I should like to know where you learn that 
it is not according to rule to read petitions. There can be no 
rule against it. The secretary read : 

" We, the undersigned, citizens of St. Louis, believing that 
the adoption of the propositions for settling the issues now dis- 
turbing our country, introduced into the Senate by Senator 
Crittenden, of Kentucky, would have the effect of giving peace 
to the public mind, respectfully ask the Congress of the United 
States to accept of said propositions, and to offer articles of 
amendment to the Constitution to the people and the States 
for their acceptance." 

(In Senate, January 22d, 1861.) 

]\Ir. Crittenden presented petition of citizens of Michigan, 
also of Detroit, Michigan, praying for adoption of Crittenden 
Compromise. 

(In Senate, January 28th, 1861.) 

Mr. Crittenden presented petition of citizens of Ann Arbor, 
Michigan, praying for the adoption of Crittenden Compromise. 

(In Senate, January 29th, 1861.) 

Mr. Crittenden presented petitions of citizens of Massachu- 
setts, praying the adoption of Crittenden Compromise. 

(In Senate, January 30th, 1861.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I am honored by the request 
to present to the Senate a petition signed, as I am informed, by 
thirty-four hundred citizens of the State of Massachusetts, rec- 
ommending the propositions which I have submitted for the 
settlement of the difficulties which are now impending over the 
country. When I came in just now, Mr. President, f heard my 
friend from New Hampshire, who was on the floor, addressing 
the Senate in his usual pleasant and agreeable style, allude to 
a dispatch, which he had seen published, signed by myself and 
others, expressing a hope and a belief that these difficulties 
would in some way be adjusted by the present Congress. I do 
entertain that hope, sir, and that hope is encouraged and cher- 
ished not only by the anticipations that the patriotic' gentleman 
him.self may give assistance to such a settlement before the con- , 
elusion of the session, but I find a further and a higher exhorta- 
tion to that hope in the various petitions from the people com- 
ing up constantly to this body. The great heart of the country 
desires a settlement. I hope that as we met here so we shall 
part in peace, with such an adjustment as will send a thrill of 



PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. 



243 



joy throughout this vast country. I move that the petition be 
read and laid on the table. 

Mr. Wilson presented petition of citizens of Newburyport, 
Massachusetts, asking the passage of Crittenden Compromise 
resolutions. 

Mr. Bigler presented petition of citizens of Snyder County, 
Pennsylvania, praying the adoption of Crittenden Compromise 
measures ; also petitions of Claiborne County to the same 
effect. 

Mr. Crittenden presented the following petition from State of 
Massachusetts : 

" The undersigned, citizens of the State of Massachusetts, 
believing that the- proposition of Honorable J. J. Crittenden, of 
Kentucky, presents a practical basis for the settlement of the 
questions now disturbing the peace of the country, respectfully 
pray that the same may be adopted." 

Also petition from Grand Rapids, in State of Michigan, with- 
out distinction of party, solemnly entreating that Congress 
would pass the Crittenden resolutions and give them an op- 
portunity to vote on and decide at the ballot-box the constitu- 
tional amendments embraced in the resolutions. 

Another petition from citizens of Michigan, imploring Con- 
gress to adopt the Crittenden Compromise. 

Another petition from citizens of Michigan, 

Another from citizens of Michigan. 

Another from citizens of Michigan. 

Another from citizens of Michigan. 

Another from citizens of Michigan to the same effect. 

Mr. President, this is, indeed, a very patriotic State. I am 
requested to present an appeal to the Senate by the presidents 
of a great amount of railroad property in this country, who 
met here recently on business connected with these railroads, 
and, having finished that business, thought they might, without 
impropriety, venture to express their opinions on the great sub- 
jects of the day. They passed resolutions unanimously de- 
claratory of their opinions, and requested that I should present 
them to the Senate, which I now do, and ask that they may be 
read. 

Mr. Hale. — I rise to a question of order. I want to know if 
that is a petition or a memorial addressed to the Senate. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Yes. 

Mr. Hale. — If it is what I saw in the newspapers, it is not of 
that kind. Of course, I do not want to question the senator's 
word. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I stated exactly what it was. The gentle- 
man need not question my word. 



244 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Mr. Hale. — I did not. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Cannot a citizen appeal to Congress in the 
language of resolution as well as any other form of petition ? 
There is no form of petition prescribed. The Constitution 
guarantees to citizens the right of petitioning Congress. 

Mr. President, in the days when the Constitution was made, 
"the right of petition," which is nothing more than the right 
of a popular appeal to the representative body of the govern- 
ment, was thought to be of some value, — perhaps in that day 
it was of some value. Before the Parliament of Great Britain, 
in the days of our ancestors, it had occasionally exercised a 
great influence. I believe it has, in a great degree, lost power; 
but still it is a privilege and a right secured by the Constitution. 
The people have a right to petition Congress, according to the 
Constitution. What does that mean, Mr. President ? Was this 
right deemed a matter of substance, or was it intended as a 
mere formula to be exercised in a particular mode or in partic- 
ular phraseology?—" I pray the honorable Senate," " I beg the 
honorable Senate," " I desire to make known to the honorable 
Senate." Will all these forms be embraced by the general 
language of the Constitution under the right of petition ? We 
know that this right of petition is frequently exercised in the 
most positive and mandatory language that is consistent with 
respect to this body, and it may welfbe so. 

It is not the language of supplicants. The Constitution never 
intended that our people should hecomQ supplicants before they 
could have the privilege of expressing their opinions to their 
representatives. The Constitution intended that the doors 
should be kept open, that the people might speak in what lan- 
guage they pleased, provided it was respectful, to their repre- 
sentatives. This is the substance of the right of petition. It 
is the right of freemen; to be expressed like freemen, — and not 
the language of mere supplicants, who come with formal prayers 
in their mouths. 

Well, sir, if this is the true sense and understanding of the 
constitutional right of petition, I ask, what more effective, what 
more brief, mode can be adopted than that which these petitioners 
have selected? A great measure is depending before Congress. 
These gentlemen express their opinions, and ask that their 
views may be presented to the Senate of their country and to 
the House of Representatives. 

Now, sir, is not this a petition in the sense of the Constitu- 
tion ? How are you to distinguish between this and any other 
mode of written appeal by the citizen? They ask me to pre- 
sent It to the Senate. They ask. in effect and impliedly, if the 
Senate will receive this expression of their opinions. You can 



PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. 245 

make nothing more or less of it, sir; and unless we intend, by 
technical constructions and rigorous proscription of the rules, 
to confine the people to as precise a mode as possible of com- 
ing to the Senate, to make the road narrow and difficult for 
them, we should not be very careful about the form or language 
in which the people express themselves. They have a right to 
be heard when they wish to be heard. 

It is said there has been a case like this which has been other- 
wise decided. I take it for granted it was as gentlemen have 
stated. Another case was supposed to exist of resolutions of a 
convention in Kentucky. Their resolutions, however, did not 
express any wish that they should be presented to the Senate. 
This could not, therefore, be heard by the Senate under the 
"right of petition." But here, on the contrary, is the express 
wish and opinion that it shall be presented, and I leave it to the 
Senate to say whether the right of the people shall be con- 
strained and diminished — cut doivn to a particular form — before 
they can be allowed to be heard by their own senators and their 
own representatives. Instead of contracting we should enlarge, 
and keep open all sorts of communication with the people. 
There was a constitutional provision made that the people 
should be heard upon their petitions. The " right of petition" 
is but parliamentary language. It is the right of the people to 
appeal to and make known their opinions to their representa- 
tives in writing. This is the amount of it. If it does not 
amount to that, it is but the poor, miserable, pitiful right of 
supplicants, to come with folded arms, and bowed heads, and 
bated breath before Congress, and beg and supplicate. I hope 
no such doctrine will prevail here; and if ever such a decision 
has been given, that it will never be repeated in the Senate. 

Mr. Bigler presented a memorial of a thousand citizens of 
Lancaster, Pennsylvania, without distinction, praying Congress 
to adopt the resolutions of Senator Crittenden for settling na- 
tional difficulties. 

Mr. Crittenden presented petition from the people of Albany, 
Indiana. They inform me that, at the last presidential election, 
one thousand nine hundred votes were given in the town of 
Albany and its vicinity, and this petition contains the names of 
one thousand five hundred. They beg leave to say that the 
adoption of the propositions contained in the Crittenden reso- 
lutions would be received by the border States as satisfactory, 
and render us once more a united and happy people. I am also 
charged to present petition of a number of citizens of Michigan 
to the same effect. 

Also the petition of a number of citizens of New York, praying 
the adoption of the Crittenden resolutions. 



246 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Also the petition of citizens of Harford, in the State of 
Maryland. 

Also the petition of citizens of Indiana to the same effect. 

Mr. Wilson presented petition of five hundred citizens of 
Montgomery County, Indiana, praying the adoption of the 
Crittenden Compromise. 

(In Senate, February nth, 1861.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I rise again to discharge the 
agreeable duty of presenting to the Senate various petitions for 
settling our national troubles on the basis of the resolutions I 
had the honor to offer. The first is from citizens of Newbury- 
port, Massachusetts. From a part of the Union very remote 
from that has come another petition, which I beg leave to pre- 
sent. From citizens of Missouri, accompanied by a flag of the 
old Union, — one that /hope may last forever. I have another 
from Clay County, Missouri; two others from the same State; 
another from Attleborough, in Massachusetts; another from 
Clay County, in Missouri. 

Mr. Green. — I object to the reading; it is not according to 
rule. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Is there any rule of the Senate against the 
reading of a petition ? What is the right of petition ? Not to 
have the petition read ? I respectfully suggest that the Con- 
stitution makes a rule on this subject which neither the Senate 
nor anybody can violate. 

The gentleman pronounces very emphatically that petitions are 
never read. Sir, it is idle to enter into any controvcrs}' of mere 
assertions here. My understanding is that they are often read. 
Often the person presenting them does not desire it ; but there 
is no rule that they shall not be read, — far from it. The gentle- 
man misapprehends the rule he reads. The mover of a petition 
is required to state the purport of it, and the petition must be in 
respectful language ; this is preliminar)^ to the presentation of 
the petition. But he supposes it is intended as a substitute 
for the reading of the petition, — entirely misapprehends the rule. 

Presiding officer. — The secretary will read the rule. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, the rule exactly establishes 
what I have said, and I have not a word more to say. 

The motion to read the petition was agreed to. 

The citizens of Chester, Pennsylvania, humbly but earnestly 
pray that Congress may speedily adopt for the settlement of our 
national difficulties such measures as are substantially embraced 
in the j^lan of compromise presented by Senator Crittenden, 
believing that pro[)ositions so just to all sections of the country 
will restore tranquillity and peace. 



PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. 217 
(In Senate, February 14th, 1S61.) 

Mr. Cameron presented petitions from Lehigh County, Penn- 
sylvania, praying the adoption of Crittenden Compromise. 

Also petitions of citizens of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, to the 
same effect. 

Mr. Seward presented petitions from Waterford, New York, 
to the same effect. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, the senator from Ohio, Mr. 
Pugh, upon leaving here in consequence of sickness in his 
family, left with me a petition to present. It is from citizens 
of Portsmouth, Ohio, about five hundred, praying the adoption 
of the propositions I have submitted to the Senate for the set- 
tlement of our national troubles. 

Also a petition from Oyster Bay, New York, to the same 
effect. 

Also from citizens of Bradford, Vermont, to the same effect. 

Mr. Polk presented petitions of Pike County, Missouri, pray- 
ing the adoption of Crittenden resolutions. 

Mr. Rice presented petition of citizens of Minnesota, respect- 
fully recommending adoption of Crittenden Compromise. 

Mr. Bigler presented petitions of citizens of Bradford County, 
Pennsylvania, praying the adoption of Crittenden Compromise. 

Also petitions from citizens of Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania, 
to same effect. 

Mr. Douglas presented petitions from Trenton, Michigan, to 
the same effect. 

Mr. Crittenden presented petitions from citizens of Westfield, 
Massachusetts, praying adoption of his compromise measures. 

Also petitions from Morgan County, Illinois, to the same 
effect. 

Also petition from Michigan to the same effect. 

Also petitions from York, Maine, praying adoption of Crit- 
tenden Compromise. 

Vice-President presented memorial of the Common Council 
of city of Boston to Senate and House of Representatives, 
saying that in the propositions offered for compromise by the 
Honorable J. J. Crittenden we recognize a satisfactory basis of 
adjustment. 

(In Senate, February 19th, 1861.) 

Mr. Rice presented memorial of citizens of St. Anthony, Min- 
nesota, praying the adoption of Crittenden resolutions. 

Also petition of citizens of St. Cloud to the same effect. 

Also petition of citizens of Stillwater, Minnesota, to the same 
effect. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I present a petition of legal 



24$ LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

voters of Machias, Maine, and its vicinity, without distinction 
of party, praying Congress to adopt the measures of concilia- 
tion and compromise offered by me, or any other similar plan 
which will insure tranquillity and the peaceful perpetuity of the 
present American Union, I have no speech to make, but I may 
say that those petitions arc about the best speeches I hear on 
this subject. 

(In Senate, February 2 1st, i86l.) 

Mr. Powell presented a petition of citizens of Superior City, 
Wisconsin, praying for the adoption of Crittenden Compromise. 

Mr. Bigler presented petitions of Elk County, Pennsylvania, 
to the same effect. 

Also a memorial of citizens of Schuylkill County, praying 
Congress to enact a law to submit to a vote of the people the 
proposed Crittenden Compromise. 

Also proceedings at Alleghany, approving Crittenden Com- 
promise. 

Mr. Crittenden presented a petition of five hundred and sev- 
enty-eight citizens of Jefferson, Illinois, praying for the adop- 
tion of Crittenden Compromise. 

Also petition of citizens of Liberty Corner, New Jersey, to 
the same effect. 

(In Senate, February 23d, 186 1.) 

Mr. Crittenden presented petition of citizens of Michigan, 
praying the adoption of his compromise measures. 

Also from citizens of Lincoln, ]\Laine, to the same effect. 

(In .Senate, February 27th, 1861.) 

Mr. Crittenden presented petition of citizens of Iowa, praying 
the adoption of his compromise measures. 

Also petition of citizens of Muhlenburg, Kentucky, to the 
same purport. 

Mr. Bigler presented petition of citizens of Blair City, Penn- 
sylvania, to the same purport. 

(In Senate, March ist, 1S61.) 

Mr. Bigler presented petitions of citizens of Mercer County, 
Pennsylvania, praying adoption of Crittenden Compromise. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, at the instance of a very 
venerable and distinguished lady of the State of New York, it 
becomes my duty this morning to present the petition of her- 
self and a very large number of the women of the United 
States — I am told about fourteen thousand. They are from 
the States of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Ohio, Indi- 
ana, New Jersey, Delaware, Illinois, Vermont, New Hampshire, 



PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. 249 

North Carolina, and District of Columbia, praying Congress to 
take such measures as wisdom and patriotism may direct to 
restore peace. I present this petition to the serious considera- 
tion of the Senate. I think it is entitled to it not only from the 
character of the petitioners but from the critical condition of the 
country. I hope this petition will be respectfully and gravely 
regarded by the Senate of the United States. It would not be 
the first instance in history where the interposition of women 
had prevented the horrors of war. We learn in Roman history 
that when the Sabines and Romans were engaged in battle, the 
Sabine women rushed between the contending hosts. Their 
arms fell powerless, and peace was restored. We cannot hope 
for such effects ; but I do hope that their interposition may have 
some influence upon the sterner nature of man, and incline us 
to a humane and patriotic consideration of this great subject. I 
know the precious value of every moment of the time of the 
Senate, and I forbear to make any observations. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
1861. 

Leonard Myers to J. J. Crittenden — Harry Conrad — G. K. Shirley — George S. 
Bryan — Thomas H. Clay — Robert Anderson — In Senate, January 16, 1861, 
Slavery Question, Amendment to the Constitution — Letter from Horatio Sey- 
mour — In Senate, January 18, 1861, Constitutional Conventions — In Senate, 
January 21, 1S61, Slavery Question — In Senate, January 23, 1861, Postponing 
Joint Resolutions — Beauchamp and Townsend — In Senate, February 9, 1861, 
Proceedings of Meetings and Conventions, etc. — In Senate, February 12, 1861, 
State of the Union — Letter from A. T. Burnley. 

(Leonard Myers to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Philadelphia, Januaiy 4, iS6i. 

HONORED SIR, — I see in the morning's paper your reso- 
lutions, offered in the Senate of the United States, that a 
provision be made by law for obtaining the sense of the people 
oil your resolutions. I trust you will pardon me for suggesting 
that Xhcjiuiginent of the people under your resolutions, and their 
heartfelt feelings and fraternal love towards our Southern brethren, 
in fact, towards all our brethren, may be obtained by having your 
resolutions printed upon good paper (petition form) and sent 
broadcast over our beloved country, submitted to the people in 
every State, city, town, and borough for their signature ; and 
thus would our people give an honest and patriotic expression 
of approval apart from the corrupting influence of mere politi- 
cal leaders. The time has arrived, dear sir, now that many of 
our political leaders seem to have lost the patriotism of states- 
men, that an immediate and simultaneous appeal be made at 
once to the ivhole people. If Congress delays action upon your 
resolutions, then proceed by the way which the loftiest patri- 
otism suggests, — private action. Apply to all true patriots of 
our beloved country, and let the expense be borne by them. I 
will give my mite cheerfully. I would that the hearts of our 
peoj)le, of every sex, age, and condition of life, — the national 
heart, — be fully allowed utterance, and avow their fraternal love 
to each other, and their juialterable devotion to their country, 
its Constitutions, and laws, — their firm resolve to accord to all 
their brethren their rigJits for the future, and their earnest desire 
for the restoration of peace. Oh, yes, summon to your aid all 
(250) 



LETTER FROM GEORGE S. BR VAN. 25 1 

patriots to the standard of our country, — from the North, the 
South, the East, the West, — meeting them in council, and, ani- 
mated by fraternal love and devotion towards each other, and 
lovingly forgetful of the past and of the present, resolve to re- 
dress all grievances, real and imaginary, that any portion of our 
people have a right to claim. That Almighty God may aid and 
inspire you, that you may continue to discharge your high duties 
in this dark hour of your country's trial, and that your noble 
efforts in her behalf may be crowned with success, is my sin- 
cere prayer. I have the honor to be, dear sir, 

Your servant, 

Leonard Myers. 

(Harry Conrad to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Philadelphia, January 5, 1S61. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

Dear Sir, — The resolutions offered by you will be indorsed 
by the people of Pennsylvania by two hundred thousand ma- 
jority, if we can get a vote; on this you may rely. As I am 
unknown to you, you can, by inquiring of either of the repre- 
sentatives from this city, ascertain that I am not the person to 
make such an assertion without due consideration. 

God grant that your noble and patriotic efforts to bring peace 
to our beloved countiy maybe successful. It will be the noble 
crowning of a noble career. 

I am, with great respect, 

Harry Conrad. 

(George K. Shirley to J. J. Crittenden.) 

January 17, 1861. 

Dear Sir, — Persevere in your noble efforts to save the " old 
ship of state." You have the eternal gratitude of thousands of 
thousands of young Democrats north of " Mason and Dixon," 
who will fight for your compromise to the death. 

Sincerely yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. George K. Shirley. 

(George S. Bryan to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Charleston, January 6, 1861. 
My dear Sir, — I write you a very brief line, to beg you to 
exert any influence you have — and it must be great — to prevent 
any vessel from being sent into our harbor. The peace of the 
country depends upon it ; and, what is even of more conse- 
quence, priceless as peace is, all chance for the Union.^ Our 
people will not bear a menace, and if a vessel is sent to reinforce 
Fort Sumter, they will strike, in my opinion, if it cost a thousand 



252 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 

lives. Receive this from one infinitely indebted to you for your 
boundless efforts to keep the peace and preserve the Union, 
and believe him to be ever faithfully in the bonds of the Union, 
Your friend and fellow-countryman, 

George S. Bryan. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden, U. S. Sen. 

On the 3d of January, 1861, Mr. Crittenden offered a resolu- 
tion to the Senate and House of Representatives, that provision 
be made by law, without delay, for taking the sense of the people 
and submitting to their vote the resolutions he had offered on the 
1 8th of December, i860, as the basis for the final settlement of 
the disputes at that time disturbing the country and threatening 
its existence. He said, in a speech made on the ist of January, 
that he had no hope that the amendments he had proposed to 
the Constitution could obtain a majority which would recom- 
mend them to the States for their adoption by convention or 
legislature ; he therefore made this motion for a reference to the 
people. Extraordinary circumstances had induced him to at- 
tempt so extraordinary a resort. Amendments could not be 
recommended except by a two-thirds majority, and tJiat he could 
not hope for. He now wished to invoke the judgment of the 
people upon that great question, on which their government 
depended. He considered the people the great source of all 
political authority. " The government was theirs, the Union 
was theirs, we their representatives. This mode was not for- 
bidden by the Constitution. Some gentlemen are averse to 
compromise. Well, these amendments might be called a com- 
promise." He thought they might, with equal propriety, be 
called an honest adjustment of rights. "All human life is but 
a compromise ; from the cradle to the grave every step is a 
compromise between man and society. In respect to the com- 
promise of a lawsuit, a man purchased his peace, and certainly 
there was nothing dearer. If there were no compromises, all 
important questions would be settled by force or war. Could 
the present majority plead a conscientious scruple as an apology 
for usurping all the territory of the country, — monopolizing all 
the common property? If men can make titles to common 
property in this way, this anti-slave dogma is a great nursery 
for conscientious scruples." 



LETTER FROM ROBERT ANDERSON. 



(Thomas H. Clay to J. J, Crittenden.) 



253 



Mansfield, near Lexington, 

January 9, 1861, 

My dear Sir, — As it is possible that some terms of compro- 
mise — either your own, which, as far as I can learn, meets with 
the approval of a large majority of the conservatives of the 
country, or some other — may be adopted before the meeting 
of our legislature on the 17th inst., I have forborne to write to 
you, hoping and trusting that a majority of our legislature will 
be found, at this crisis. Union-loving, and resolved to stand by 
the "Stars and Stripes" to the last. But I do not know what 
appliances may be resorted to. 

Our governor, in a recent letter to the Alabama commissioner, 
avows himself favorable to a Southern convention. I cannot 
go for this, viewing it as sectional. 

There is also much mooted a call for a convention of the 
people of Kentucky. Under the present excited state of the 
public mind, I do not view this as either wise or proper. 

I should be pleased to hear your opinion on these two points, 
viz., a Southern convention and a State convention. 

For God's sake, and for the sake of humanity, persevere in 
the noble efforts at conciliation. 

Can it be possible that this Union is to be destroyed by dem- 
agogues and political empirics ? Forbid it every consideration 
of patriotism and humanity. 

Yours sincerely, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Thomas H. Clay. 

P.S. — I am afraid that our friend. Governor Letcher, is near 
the time of his departure from among us, as I have received on 
yesterday a letter to that effect. 

T. H. C. 

(Robert Anderson to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Fort Sumter, S. C, 

January 12, 1861. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden, U. S. Senator. 

My dear Sir, — My friend, Robert Gourdin, Esq., of Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, will, I hope, start as soon as practicable to 
Washington on a mission of peace. God grant that the shedding 
of blood may be avoided. I am doing, and shall continue to 
do, all that honor will permit to keep the peace here. 

I need not appeal to you to exert your influence towards the 
same result, as I know that no one would be firmer or more 
resolute in maintaining peaceful relations with our sister States 
than yourself. 

My brother will see you with Mr. Gourdin; and it will give 



2-4 ^^P^ OP JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

me great pleasure to learn that you have all worked together in 
so good a cause. 

God save our poor Union from fratricidal strife. 

Your friend, 

Robert Anderson. 

(In Senate, January i6lli, iS6i. Slavery Question. Amendments to Constitution.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, the resolutions which I offered 
provided no mode pointed out in the Constitution to let the 
people vote in each State for or against these amendments; but 
the senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Bigler) has been so good as 
to introduce a bill here prescribing the manner in which the 
vote shall be taken, — as it was taken at the presidential election, 
and by the same officers. 

Mr. Simmons. — Mr. President, I think I shall not utter a 
sentiment in which the senator from Kentucky will not agree. 
If I do, I will take it back immediately. He and I have lived 
too long together for me to say anything disrespectful to him. 
I never had any uneasiness in reference to him but about one 
thing, and that was about my children. 

I was not afraid that they would love him any better than I 
did, but I ivas afraid that they would love him better than they 
did me [laughter], and that is really the case with all Rhode 
Island. 

There is no Prince of Wales, or his mother, or any other 
crowned head of Europe, that Rhode Islanders would travel so 
far to see as they would to see the senator from Kentucky 
(J. J. Crittenden). This is so now, and it has been the case for 
a quarter of a century. 

(Horatio Seymour to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Buffalo, N. Y., January i8, 1861. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

DicAR Sir, — Though I have not the pleasure of a personal 
acquaintance, I am, in common with thousands of your coun- 
trymen, an admiring observer of your patriotic and Herculean 
efforts to rescue our beloved nation from threatened destruction. 
I trust I will be pardoned for presuming to address you. 

I am satisfied that your great measure of reconciliation strikes 
the popular heart. 

Put I mainly wished to say, that the proposition of Hon. Mr. 
Bigler, to have what I suppose your bill (with some unim- 
portant modification) submit ted to the people, is here regarded 
vastly important. Could that be effected, all would be well. 
The Republican leaders at Washington, with their present sur- 
roundings, and the influences of an incoming administration, 



CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS. 255 

entirely lack courage. But could the people have an oppor- 
tunity to speak on this subject, those gentlemen Avould hear a 
voice which would not be misunderstood. I feel perfect confi- 
dence that New York would give one hundred and fifty thou- 
sand majority for this measure. 

You, of course, understand that thousands and thousands 
voted for the Lincoln ticket, in this State, who had no partiality 
for, or confidence in, Republican doctrines. They, however, 
judged that success of the Union ticket here would, at best, 
throw the election into the House, and possibly result, after 
bitter animosity, finally in the selection of Mr. Lane by the 
Senate. 

From their point of observation this large class regarded the 
evils of Republicanism more tolerable than those of Yancey- 
ism, — the election by the people of a candidate they did not 
approve, less disastrous than a long, embittered, congressional 
contest. 

This fact, together with the immense change in public senti- 
ment since election, render it, to my mind, a moral certainty 
that -A. popular vote would insure the triumphant adoption of your 
proposition. 

Besides, I have some hope that Republican Congressmen 
who, from various motives, dislike to vote directly in favor of 
the measure, may yet be quite willing to throw upon the people 
the responsibility, and be guided by such decision. 

And should the Northern vote (which is not among the pos- 
sibilities) reject so fair a compromise, then the entire Middle 
States, whose sentiments you so nobly vindicate, would be 
amply justified, before the world and posterity, in casting their 
lot with their more Southern brethren. In such event, too, the 
line of duty and action for Northern conservative men would 
be more clear and defined. Give the people once a chance to 
vote on that bill, however, and that contingency will never occur. 
Their decided approval will forever end this miserable agitation. 

Excuse this lengthy epistle, and God grant there yet may be 
sufficient sense in the halls of Congress to sustain your just 
recommendations. 

With great respect, I am yours, 

Horatio Seymour. 

(In Senate, January i8th, 1861. Constitutional Conventions.) 
Mr. Green, of Missouri, introduced the following resolution: 
Resolved, That for the purpose of protecting the rights of all 
the people and of all the States, so far as devolves upon federal 
authority, and to maintain the Union in its purity and excel- 
lence, or, failing in that, to provide for peaceable separation, it 



256 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

be and hereby is recommended to the several States to take 
immediate steps, by convention or otherwise, and make such 
propositions to the several States, each to the other, or by the 
conventions of States, as may best conduce to the restoration 
of harmony consistent with the principles of justice and equality 
to all. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I wish to say a word in ref- 
erence to the resolution, 7iot to debate it, but to signify to the 
honorable gentleman from Missouri that I feel myself a little 
constrained in respect to this resolution. I would gladly per- 
form towards him and towards every other of my brother sen- 
ators any kindly act of courtesy, but I cannot vote for a reso- 
lution, in any form, to make preparation for the separation of 
the States of this Union. I will not anticipate such a contin- 
gency. I will not seem to recognize the probability, even the 
possibility, of such an event. I will not vote even in this indi- 
rect manner for a proposition that implies its possible dissolu- 
tion, much less makes provisions for it. For this reason, and 
this only, I shall vote against referring the resolution to a 
committee of inquiry. I hope the Senate will consider gravely. 
Are we here already to assume the dissolution of the Union, 
and to provide for the wreck ? Is the Senate of the United 
States to be employed in that manner, presupposing, implying, 
granting, in the face of the whole world, that the imminence is 
such, the probability of danger such, that we are called upon, 
not in our capacity as senators, for as such we have nothing to 
do with it, but as men exercising, however, an official authority 
to provide for the destruction of that very Union that we are 
sent here and sworn to maintain ? I can, I will, give no such 
vote, sir. 

(In Senate, January 21st, 1861. Slavery Question.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — What is the question ? 

Mr. Polk in the chair. — The question is that the subject be 
postponed till Wednesday at half-past twelve. 

Mr. Crittenden. — And the reason assigned is that the Pacific 
Railroad bill is set for to-morrow. Sir, I do not intend to con- 
tinue this debate. The question is probably in the hands of the 
friends who sit on my left [alluding to the Republican senators]. 
Shall this great subject be postponed and a railroad bill be pre- 
ferred? Do you intend, gentlemen, do you desire — I am sure 
you do not — to manifest to the country your indifference to the 
great question of our national difficulties? Is it indifference 
to the Union ? This is the question. You must decide it. I 
am content to see questions of this sort in your hands, to be 
decided by you. Notwithstanding all the votes which have 
been given, I have confidence in you. I think /can answer 



POSTPONING CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE. 257 

the question of my honorable friend from Virginia, when he 
asks, Who is here for the Union ? I hope we who are now 
here, every one of us, will continue to the end of the session, 
and that in the mean time we shall re-establish the bonds of 
national and fraternal brotherhood. I hope we shall see those 
who have gone out of this chamber return, and rejoicing in that 
reunion which is to take place. This must be done by some 
action in Congress, to satisfy (it may be) the susceptibilities or 
the apprehensions or claims of those who are gone. I think it 
will cost nothing to grant this. I think it will be granted, not- 
withstanding all the inauspicious appearances now presented. I 
believe we will come together in peace and brotherhood as 
heretofore. I hope the motion to postpone will not prevail. It 
may be of but little significance, but it will harden the public 
feeling North and South to see this treatment of this great sub- 
ject. Let us arrive at some decision ; and God grant that it 
may be conciliatory and compromising. 

(In Senate, January 23d, 1861. Postponing the Joint Resolutions of Senator 

Crittenden.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — I hope this will not be postponed. The 
gentleman from Pennsylvania has perhaps given good reason 
why his bill ought to be taken up; but he has given no reason 
why these resolutions ought to be postponed. I think he can 
hardly contend that the subject to which the bill relates is of 
more importance than that to which the resolutions relate. There 
is no reason — there can be none — for postponing them for any 
business of the Senate. He proposes the tariff Well, sir, it is 
a melancholy question to ask, but we are compelled to ask it, — 
To what part of the United States would this tariff apply? 
What ports? What harbors? These are important questions, 
sir. Let us settle the questions relating to the stability of the 
Union, and then adopt a policy on the tariff 

Mr. President, I think that the resolutions I had the honor to 
submit, considering the subject to which they refer and the con- 
dition of the country, are entitled, before all other subjects, to the 
consideration of the Senate. I do not wish to be importunate 
about this matter. I feel it my duty to be urgent, and feeling 
thus, I often, no doubt, make myself disagreeable to gentlemen 
who have favorite measures to propose by continually asking 
for the consideration of this subject. I do this as a duty. While 
I am up, sir, I desire to say another word. On a former day, 
in the Senate, while we were in secret or executive session, I 
made some remarks on subjects then before the Senate. This 
was in secret session. I understand that something purporting 
to be a speech of mine, delivered on that occasion, was pub- 
voL. II. — 17 



258 LTFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

lished a day or two aftenvards. I do not know that any one 
would be so fairly an object of suspicion as I myself It might 
be thought that I connived at, or authorized, or assisted its 
publication. I cannot think that any of my brother senators 
would suspect that I had any agency in this publication. I take 
this occasion, and I feel it to be a duty to myself, to say that I 
not only had no agency in it, but I consider it a violation of the 
rules of the Senate, and the publication should be looked upon 
as spurious. I have not seen it; I have not read it; and never 
intend to read it; nor willingly to hear a repetition of its con- 
tents. I gave no countenance to anything published in this 
way. in violation of all rule. I disavow it. It is made by no 
authority entitled to credit or belief 

I have heard casually that I am represented as having, in that 
speech, advocated strongly, indeed fiercely, the \)o\\zy o{ cooxioii 
in respect to the seceding States. Mr. President, I did no such 
thing, — and you know it. I did say that in my judgment the 
Congress of the United States had the power, but the exercise 
of it was always a question of expediency, and that there might 
be cases to which that power was plainly applicable, and where 
it ought to be exercised, — no one can be at a loss to imagine 
such cases, arising in either States or Territories. If the District 
of Columbia was to undertake to secede, and give us notice 
that, having resumed her ancient sovereignty, she desired us to 
abandon the Capitol, does any man suppose that the government 
would acquiesce in such a proceeding? or if persisted in, would 
not employ force to put it down? Certainly not. I expressly 
said that nozv was not the occasion for the application of any 
doctrine of coercion, but by some strange misunderstanding I 
am represented as a determined and fierce advocate of coercion 
upon the seceding States. 

I said the direct contrary. 

(In Senate, January 30th, 1861. Beauchamp and Townsend.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Now, if gentlemen have made their private 
arrangements, I wish to make a few remarks, — they shall be 
feio. I wish to say a word or two in reply to my friend from 
Illinois. There never was a case for charity or benevolence or 
softening the rigor of justice that did not admit of exactly the 
argument which my friend from Illinois has made here. 

General principles and theories will cut down all this benefi- 
cence on the part of society or on the part of legislation. The 
general theory upon which the general rule is made is, of course, 
sustained theoretically upon all these grounds. 

The application for particular redress, or for particular indul- 
gence, is founded upon the circumstances of the case. It is 



RIGHT OF PETITION. 



259 



easy to say, " If you grant the request here, you may set aside 
all your laws upon the subject." There is no soundness in the 
argument. Now, sir, here is an old man. I know him. An 
honest, worthy, plain, old farmer, whose experience in the world 
has been pretty much limited to his few acres of ground and 
their cultivation. A son of his is unfortunately betrayed into 
a crime. The father, swayed by natural affection, governing 
above and beyond aU reason, becomes his son's bail. The son 
absconds. My friend says, " Let the penalty of the government 
be exacted." If you exact it, as the petition shows, besides the 
mortification that has visited the honest household of the old man 
for the crime of the son, his wife, and other children are turned out- 
of-doors, and he is reduced to poverty. Sir, what father, under 
the circumstances, could do otherwise? Nature herself betrays 
him into it. The criminality of the son renders the penalty 
doubly severe. Will you not rather suffer this petty offense to 
go unpunished, so far as regards this honest old man, than that 
he should be entirely and utterly ruined? This is the question. 
Let the Senate decide. 

Mr. Clark. — Will the honorable senator from Kentucky allow 
me to ask whether the court had any power over this bailbond 
to relieve it? 

Mr. Crittenden. — No, sir. The court had no power, and the 
President had no power. I was privy to the old man's journey 
all the way to this city. He came, during this inclement winter, 
from the uttermost part of Kentucky to apply to the President 
of the United States for mercy, — he made his appeal to him. 
I can tell the gentleman the court had no power; and the Presi- 
dent declined to interfere because he was informed by the 
Attorney-General that he had no power in the case. For these 
reasons the subject is brought before you. Let the Senate 
decide. 

(In Senate, February 9th, 1861. Proceedings of Meetings, Conventions, etc.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I desire, as the question has 
been for some time pending before the Senate upon the petition 
I presented, that it may be allowed now to supersede the present 
question and be decided. I am clearly of the opinion that 
wherever such papers are directly or indirectly, by plain inten- 
tion if not by word, intended to be addressed to the Senate, 
they come within that provision of the Constitution which al- 
lows petitions, and which declares that no law shall be passed 
to abridge the right of petition. This is a plain highway, not 
to be contracted by hedges and fences or technical forms. Sir, 
the people may come in any form they choose ; they are not 
very stylish people. Many of our constituents are not versed in 



26o LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the ceremonies and forms and etiquettes by which great bodies 
arc to be approached ; but they have a right to express their 
free will on these subjects in whatever language they may 
choose. I am glad that the yeas and nays are called for. It is 
a question of general importance ; I can scarcely imagine a 
more important one. When their government is tottering to 
its fall, when not only government but society is in danger of 
subversion, when peace is not only in danger but war stands 
frowning and confronting us, shall the people be restrained as 
to any form in which they may express themselves, begging to 
be rescued from these imminent perils ? No, sir ; the people 
are using their privilege — most patriotically are they using it. 
Morning after morning is consumed in the presentation of their 
petitions. They have a deep interest in this subject; they feel 
its importance, and they have a right to make their thoughts 
and feelings known without trammel or restraint. I vote for 
receiving their resolutions. 

(In Senate, February 12th, 1861. State of the Union.) 

Mr. Crittenden, on the 12th of February, 1861, asked leave 
to present a petition from the people of Massachusetts, praying 
the Senate and House of Representatives to make a settlement 
upon the basis of the Crittenden resolutions. He said he was 
cheered by such a voice coming from Massachusetts in favor 
of the Union ; they had had more than fourteen thousand peti- 
tioners from the city of Boston. 

Mr. Sumner rose and moved that the petition be printed; 
said that he understood that the petitioners asked the adoption 
of what was familiarly known as the Crittenden propositions, 
and that their best apology for this petition was their ignorance 
of the character of the propositions. 

Mr. Crittenden said in reply that it would be a little ungra- 
cious in him to step between the honorable senator and his con- 
stituents who had sent the petition. He was surprised to hear 
the senator, who was, no doubt, well acquainted with his constit- 
uents, charge them with ignorance. It was claimed that Mas- 
sachusetts took a parental care of her people, and that they 
were more enlightened than the population of any other State. 
Mr. Crittenden thought that every senator was bound to con- 
tribute as far as he could to the settlement of our great national 
troubles, and if the propositions he had offered were not ade- 
quate, why had the honorable senator sat there from month to 
month and proposed no amendment to propositions which he 
condemned his constituents for approving? Why did he sit 
silent and sullen here for a month or more with a breast full of 
resentment? [Applause in the galleries.] The senator says 



LETTER FROM A. T. BURNLEY. 261 

" we want a guarantee for slavery." Sir, the gentleman only 
half speaks the truth; he states this as though wc had risen up 
here in time of peace to ask an alteration of the Constitution 
for the purpose of extending slavery. This is not the case. 

Mr. Crittenden then turned to the Republican senators : 
Your platform, gentlemen, is a little thing of but a hand's 
breadth, manufactured by a few politicians. You are governing 
a great nation. Are you to look to the platform or to the na- 
tion ? You are pledged to preserve tlie Union of this country. 
Devotion to the Union was assumed by you as the peculiar 
duty of your party. That is forgotten. When you cannot 
preserve every little peculiarity of doctrine (not belonging to 
the Constitution) which you entertain, you let the Union go. 
You call this a compromise^ and then make war upon the word 
you use. I am an advocate of the Union. I do not hate the 
North. I love the South. Why is it that gentlemen are impa- 
tient when anything is said with regard to the preservation of 
the Union ? We know that resolution has already dismem- 
bered the land. 

Mr. Sumner rose and said he wished to make two remarks in 
reply to Mr. C: The Senator from Kentucky is not aware of 
his own popularity in Massachusetts — of the extent to which 
his name is authority there, and of the willingness of the people 
to adopt anything that bears his name ; he is not aware how 
easily the people of Massachusetts may be seduced to adopt any 
proposition of his. If they examined the proposition, they would 
reject it. Another point : If I understand the senator, he inti- 
mated that his propositions, at least in his own mind, were not 
applicable to territory hereafter acquired. 

Mr. Crittenden. — No ; I do not mean to be understood as 
saying that I said that proposition was not an essential part of 
mine. If I found it unacceptable, I would not insist upon it ; it 
should not be an obstacle to adjustment. I would strike it out 
if necessary. I did, upon the motion of my colleague, vote for 
his amendment, and would be content with it, but subsequent 
reflections and the objections made to it have satisfied me that 
I ousfht not to adhere to it if it would become an obstacle and 
prevent the passage of the resolutions. 

(A. T. Burnley to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, February 12, 1861. 
My dear Mr. Crittenden, — By reference to the proceedings 
of our legislature, just adjourned, you wnll see that they have 
done nothing to compromise the proud position which, much 
under your advice, Kentucky has assumed in the present peril- 
ous condition of the country. 



262 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Impressed with the importance of the services you have al- 
ready rendered to the country, and deeply regretting the fact 
that your official connection with the federal government is so 
soon to terminate, a general and a strong desire that your ser- 
vices may still be secured to save the imperiled Union, led to 
the introduction of a resolution in the Senate, requesting you to 
remain in Washington, or to visit other States, where you think 
you can be of any service to the great cause, as long as you may 
think you can do any good. These resolutions passed the 
Senate by a majority of twenty-eight to six, but unfortunately 
reached the House on the last day of the session, when it re- 
quired a majority of two-thirds to suspend the rules and take 
them up. Consequently, a few malcontents, and a few others 
who would not have dared, upon a direct vote on the resolu- 
tions, to vote against them, voted against suspending the rules, 
and thus prevented a vote upon the resolutions. In that vote 
there was a majority of six in favor of the suspension ; and thus 
you are virtually, though not officially, requested to remain, 
and do what you can for the country as long as you think you 
can do any good. My opinion is that, under the circumstances, 
you ought to consider yourself virtually requested by the legis- 
lature to remain in the service of the State to the last minute 
you think you can do any good; and such is the opinion of all 
your friends with whom I have conversed. I wish, therefore, 
that )'ou will reply to this letter (or perhaps it would be better 
to address it to a more known and prominent man than my- 
self), stating your observance of what the legislature has done, 
and your determination, regardless of your own convenience, to 
stand by the country and struggle for its integrity and unity as 
long as there is the least hope for its preservation, with authority 
to publish your letter. Since the death of our old friends, Car- 
neal and Letcher, I never wanted to see you at home as much 
in my life; but I am willing never to see you in this world 
again if you can save the Union, which I sincerely believe you 
have more power to do than any hundred in the United States. 
My kindest regards to Mrs. Crittenden, and I beg you to be- 
lieve me always 

Your devoted friend. 

To J. J. Crittenden. A. T. Burnley. 



CHAPTER XV. 
1861. 

Invitation from the Board of Aldermen of Boston to visit that City — Thanks of 
the People of Virginia for his efforts to bring about an Honorable Peace — Invi- 
. tation to Philadelphia, and Approval of the Compromise Measures proposed by 
INIr. Crittenden — House Resolutions, March 2, State of the Union — House 
Resolutions, Credentials of J. C. Breckenridge — Joint Resolution, Mr. Critten- 
den's Last Speech, and Farewell to the Senate. 

(George T. Curtis to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, February 12, 1861. 

MY DEAR SIR,— The Board of Aldermen of this city 
unanimously adopted a resolution, yesterday, inviting 
you to visit Boston, after the adjournment of Congress, as the 
guest of the city. It will pass the Common Council on Thurs- 
day evening, and the mayor will communicate it to you imme- 
diately. I hope you will accept the invitation, and give our 
people an opportunity to thank you for your public services. 

We shall do this thing handsomely, if you will let us. Don't 
refuse. 

Your visit will do good here and elsewhere. 
With kindest regards to Mrs. Crittenden, always faithfully 
your friend, 

George T. Curtis. 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(In Convention, March lith, 1861.) 

Resolved, That the thanks of the people of Virginia be, and 
they are hereby, most cordially tendered to the Hon. J. J. Crit- 
tenden, for his recent able, zealous, and patriotic efforts in the 
Senate of the United States to bring about an honorable ad- 
justment of our national difficulties. 

A true copy. 

Jno. L. Eubank, Secretary. 

(Josiah Randall and others to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Philadelphia, January 12, 1861. 
Dear Sir, — A mass-meeting of the Democratic citizens of 
Philadelphia has been called for Wednesday evening next, the 

(263) 



264 ^^^^ OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

1 6th inst, at seven and a half o'clock, at National Hall. The 
call embraces within its terms all those who maybe desirous of 
co-operating with them at this time. The object of the meet- 
ing is to give expression to our sense of the wickedness and 
folly of any endeavor to maintain the union of the States by 
force, and to express our approval of the compromise measures 
proposed by Mr. Crittenden in the Senate of the United States. 
We have been instructed to extend to you an invitation to be 
present and address our citizens upon this occasion. We hope 
that you will comply with this request. 

We remain, with respect, your friends and fellow-citizens, 

JosiAH Randall, 
Vincent L. Bradford, 
Samuel Megargee, 
Robert V. Kane, 
A. C. Cetti, 
To Hon. J. J. Crittenden, John Samuel. 

U. S. Senate, D. C. 

(Edward Everett to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, February 16, 1S61. 

My dear Sir, — I promised our worthy mayor that I would 
write you a line, urgently requesting you to accept the invita- 
tion extended to you, and to Mrs. Crittenden, to visit Boston 
after the adjournment. You will receive a most cordial wel- 
come, public and private, and confer the greatest obligation 
upon our political friends, who are extremely desirous to greet, 
you. As soon as I heard that such an invitation was contem- 
plated, I told the mayor I should claim Mrs. Crittenden and 
yourself as my guests. This he will not hear of; but insists 
that you shall be entertained at one of the great hotels as the 
city's guests. If, after your public visit is over, Mrs. C. and 
yourself would secede from the hotel, and pass a few days more 
privately with me, I should deem it a great fevor. 

I remain, dear sir, with great regard, sincerely yours, 

Edward Everett. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

On the 1st of March, 1861, the propositions of the Peace 
Congress or Convention were before the Senate. The majority 
of the Senate was opposed to any compromise, and one subter- 
fuge and another was used to annul the convention and dis- 
credit their proceedings. Mr. Hunter declared that the propo- 
sitions had been voted upon in the convention, section by 
section, and not as a whole, and he made a proposition to 



THE PEACE CONGRESS. 265 

amend by inserting the resolutions of Mr. Crittenden, upon 
which many of the border States had said they were wiUing 
to settle. Mr. Crittenden said the Peace Congress had made 
known the result of their deliberations and their will through 
their president and secretary. Their resolutions had the sanc- 
tion of the majority of the convention. He said he would not 
stop to inquire whether he liked the resolutions better than those 
proposed by himself, or the amendments offered by the senator 
from Virginia. He declared he was for peace and for compro- 
mise; that he had not an opinion on the subject that he would 
not be perfectly willing to sacrifice to obtain any reasonable 
measure of pacification that would satisfy the majority. He 
felt no selfish attachment to any of his opinions. "Senator 
Hunter offers my own propositions as an amendment to this. I 
shall vote against my own propositions !" At this moment 
there was loud applause in the galleries, and Mr. Mason said 
he would be constrained to require that the galleries should be 
cleared. Mr. Baker hoped the galleries would not h^ cleared; 
that the admiration of a noble sentiment was never out of place. 
Mr. Crittenden declared he would vote for the amendments pro- 
posed by the convention, — they came from an authority much 
higher than himself, from a hundred and thirty of the most emi- 
nent men of the country. He thought no senator should com- 
pare the little atom of his production with the great end and 
object proposed to be attained for the nation. Mr. Crittenden's 
settled policy was to have no more territory. He believed the 
magnitude of the territory we had already acquired was our 
great trouble, — he wished to beware of national aggrandizement. 
These resolutions he thought sufficient for the dreadful occasion. 
If we could be free from this, he was willing to meet the perils 
of every day as it came. He said he had no hope for his own 
propositions ; they had not secured the favor of his colleagues 
from the North, and their sanction was necessary to give them 
effect. All his hopes of peace were now fixed upon the terms 
proposed by the convention. 

After a long and exciting debate, Mr. Crittenden expressed 
his conviction that the propositions of the Peace Convention 
could not be passed. Gentlemen were very zealous in keeping 
up these propositions merely to strike a blow at others; pre- 



266 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tending to favor a thing they meant to trample upon. In his 
opinion, the best way of manifesting their respect for the propo- 
sitions was to vote for them. 

It was Saturday night, and the session drawing to a close. 
Mr. Crittenden proposed that the Senate should adjourn to 
meet on Sunday at eleven o'clock. Mr. Bright approved this, 
and said it had been done before. Several senators objected. 
Mr. Crittenden thought it was necessary; that if we might help 
an ox out of the pit on Sunday, we might surely try to help a 
nation out of its difficulties. He thought he had a proper idea 
of the uses to which the Sabbath-day should be applied; it was 
the last day of the session and might be the last of the Union. 

Mr. King said, "The Sabbath-day is no day in law for busi- 
ness, and I hope the Senate will not proceed in open violation 
of the Sabbath." 

Mr. Crittenden. — :The meaning of all this is that the Senate 
shall not have the responsibility of voting on the House reso- 
lution. There are many senators here who voted to-day for 
the second reading of the resolution, and many senators who 
are here now have made it necessary to sit to-morrow. They 
have erected a perfect security to themselves against being called 
upon to take the responsibility of voting on it. That is the 
meaning of it. Violate the Sabbath! You are keeping the 
Sabbath holy, — holier than you have ever kept any day in the 
week by serving your country on that day, endeavoring to save 
it from bloodshed and ruin! This is the question! Will you 
keej) a nominal observance of the Sabbath which may produce 
such results ? 

(In Senate, March 2d, iS6i. State of the Union.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I shall pursue, on this occa- 
sion, the course I have pursued throughout. My object is to 
attain a great end, and, if possible, to give entire satisfaction to 
the country, and restore it to peace and quiet, or to go as far in 
that direction as it is in my power to go. I shall vote to take 
up the resolution of the House, because we can act upon it im- 
mediateK'. I am an advocate of the resolutions from the Peace 
Conference. I have shown it. I have expressed my determi- 
nation to vote for them, and I will do so ; but I confess that I feel 
somewhat as the gentleman from Illinois does, surprised at the 
great zeal with which gentlemen want to keep up these propo- 
sitions, merely to strike a blow at others, claiming a precedence 
for a thing the}' mean to trample upon. Sir, the way to mani- 



STATE OF THE UNION. 267 

fest respect for their proposition is to vote for it. I do not nn- 
dcrsta?td this sort of proceeding on the part of gentlemen who 
desire to afford any means of pacification to the country. I 
am for the resolution of the House, and I hope the Senate will 
vote upon it. We can act upon it, we can vote upon it, and we 
know well that we cannot pass the propositions of the " Peace 
Conference." There are but two hours more of session in the 
other House, from ten to twelve o'clock, on Monday morning. 
I cannot indulge in a hope, sanguine as I have been throughout, 
of the passage of these resolutions; and indeed the opposition 
here and the opposition on the Democratic side of the chamber 
to these resolutions, are confirmation strong as proofs of holy 
writ that they cannot pass. Do gentlemen want to press them 
forward in order to prevent a vote on this resolution of the 
House ? I hope not. I hope the motion of the gentleman 
from Illinois will prevail, and that we shall take up the House 
resolutions. 

The secretary now read the resolution, as follows : 

Resolved, That the following article be read to the legisla- 
tures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution 
of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of 
said legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as 
part of the said Constitution, namely. Article XHI. No amend- 
ment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or 
give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere within any 
State with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of 
persons held to labor or service by the laws of such State. 

Mr. Pugh. — I think it was De Quincey who said, that next 
to the duty which a man owes to God, and his country, and his 
family, it was his duty to preserve the purity of his mother- 
tongue. The Constitution of the United States is written in 
excellent English, but if this amendment be expressed in the 
English language, or by any rule of grammar, I do not under- 
stand it. If any senator can reconcile it by any rule, I shall be 
happy to hear it; but I do not wish to set an example to our 
children of putting into the fundamental rule and organization 
of government such a shocking example as the House of Re- 
presentatives has now sent us. I move to strike out the words 
" authorize or ;" that, at least, will make it English. 

Mr. Douglas. — Mr. President, I will only say, I hope no 
amcndincnt will be made. The resolution is clear and specific. 
No one can fail to understand it. An amendment sends it back 
to the House, and defeats the measure. I hope all who are in 
favor of the proposition will refuse to amend it. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, I can bear with bad English 



268 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

when it expresses a good thing. I prefer bad English express- 
ing a good thing to good English expressing a bad thing. I 
am content to take it as it is, and I hope my friend from Ohio 
will be reconciled to it. But why shall we put this resolution 
at hazard by an amendment to correct some misprision in lan- 
guage ? It is but an awkward and bad expression. Its offense 
is not that it is false grammar ; in my opinion it is only an un- 
graceful expression. It is as much as to say that no future 
amendment shall authorize Congress, or give power to Con- 
gress, to do so and so. My friend from Ohio is mistaken in 
saying that this is of no consequence. It is true it does not 
cover the whole ground, but it covers a part of it, particularly 
in the present condition of our country. There are seven out 
of the fifteen slaveholding States that we may consider as se- 
ceding. This leaves but eight in the Union, so that already the 
«t»//-slaveholding States have a two-thirds majority. With this 
great majority the slaveholding States have increased apprehen- 
sions ; they only ask, for their satisfaction, an increased security 
exactly proportioned to their altered condition in the Union. It 
seems to me this will be manifesting some sort of disposition 
to satisfy and content them, and in that view I hope it will be 
adopted. But, unless some gentleman will change his vote, the 
question is decided. On a mere question of grammar and cor- 
rection of language, we put this joint resolution at hazard. I 
move that the vote adopting the amendment be reconsidered. 

(In Senate, March 2d, iS6i. House Resolution proposing Amendments to the 

Constitution.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. President, the debate has been of a 
character so discursive that the Senate will scarcely recollect 
the question that is now before them. The original subject of 
debate was the resolution from the House of Representatives 
proposing an amendment to the Constitution, the effect of 
which is to render the Constitution unchangeable in its nega- 
tion of power to this government to interfere with slavery in 
the States. That far it is an additional security. If the present 
border States are to remain a portion of the Union, they will be 
but as eight to perhaps twenty-five in a very short time. Is it not 
manifest to gentlemen that the altered condition of things would 
require some additional guarantees for the security of their 
property, — this peculiar and special property, — the object of such 
dislike and op[)osition to our fellow-citizens of the North? 
Why should we reject it ? It does not give all the satisfaction 
we desire ; it is a remedy entirely inadequate to the whole 
cause of complaint ; but it removes our apprehension of por- 
tions of our people. Why reject it ? I apprehend you can 



HOUSE RESOLUTION. 269 

have no objection to granting this, as you continually announce 
here that it is exactly in accordance with your feelings and 
purposes. But some gentlemen say " they will give no bonds 
for their good behavior." How inappropriate is this language 
to the argument ! They would have us go upon the principle 
of confidence altogether. If so, let us throw aside all consti- 
tutions. ' What are they made for? Are they not mutual 
bonds between different portions of the country ? This is no 
otherwise a bond than every other provision of the Constitution 
is a bond. All gentlemen profess not only to regard but to 
reverence that bond as sacred, to be held inviolable ; and yet, 
when an altered condition of things manifestly requires, when 
logical conclusions from its own principles would lead to the 
extension of the security given in the Constitution itself, gentle- 
men say that they will bind themselves to no bonds for good 
behavior. Senators, I leave you to judge how far that is an 
answer to be accepted. I am sure the Senate of the United 
States will not give this answer to such a proposition. I have 
intended and desired to make a few remarks on this subject, but 
at this late hour I hate to practice such an imposition upon the 
Senate. 

Mr. Bigler. — Let us have them. I hope the senator will 

go on. 

Mr. Crittenden. — I do not know if we are to sit here all_ night, 
or to adjourn for an evening session to-morrow night; if so, I 
would rather postpone these remarks until to-morrow ; but it is 
of little consequence and importance as to the remarks I wish 
to make. They are the last I ever expect to address to the Senate 
of the United States. 

(In Senate, March 2d, 1861. Credentials of J. C. Breckenridge. Joint Reso- 
lutions.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Before I proceed, I desire to present to the 
Senate the official evidence of the election of Hon. John C. 
Breckenridge, now Vice-President of the United States, as a 
Senator elect to the United States Senate from the State of 
Kentucky, as my successor. He succeeds to a post of great 
difficulty and high duties. I have no doubt that he will, and I 
hope he may, occupy the seat much more successfully than I 
have done for the good of our common country. 

The credentials were read, and ordered to be filed. 

The presiding officer. — The joint resolution to amend the 
Constitution of the United States is before the Senate as in 
committee of the whole. 



2/0 L^FE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(Mr. Crittenden's Farewell to the Senate.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — I\rr. President, I have not risen with any 
vain ambition or purpose to play the orator. I have no set 
speech to make. The subject upon which I wish to address 
the Senate is altogether too solemn, and too interesting to the 
country, to be made the occasion for declamation. J do not 
aim at it. I am a plain man, and wish to speak plainly what I 
think and believe on this great subject, and I wish to do this 
with as much brevity as possible. 

Nothing is more strange than the great and deplorable change 
which has taken place in the United States within a few months. 
A short time since, we were a united and happy people. Oc- 
casionally a spirit of discontent was heard to manifest itself in 
different sections of the country, but we hoped that these agita- 
tions would subside, when the great controversy then on hand 
had passed away. How different has been the result! In these 
few fital months we have seen six, I may say seven, States go 
out of this Union, and dissolve, as far as they could do so, their 
constitutional connection with us. Our Union is dismembered. 
The spirit which produced this fearful result is now making its 
dangerous progress throughout the country, endangering the 
stability of other States and their adherence to the Union. 

Mr. President, it is an admitted fact that our Union, to some 
extent, has already been dismembered ; and that further dis- 
memberment is impending and threatened. It is a fact that the 
country is in danger. This is admitted on all hands. It is our 
duty, if we can, to provide a remedy for this. We are, under 
the Constitution and by the election of the people, the great 
guardians, as well as the administrators, of this government. 
To our wisdom they have trusted this great chart. Remedies 
have been proposed ; resolutions have been offered, proposing 
for adoption measures which it was thought would satisfy the 
country, and preserve as much of the Union as remained to us 
at least, if they were not enough at once to recall the seceding 
States to the Union. We have passed none of these measures. 
The differences of opinion among senators have been such that 
we have not been able to concur in any of the measures which 
have been proposed, even by bare majorities, much less by that 
two-thirds majority which is necessary to carry into effect some 
of the pacific measures which have been proposed. We are 
about to adjourn. We have done nothing. Even the Senate 
of the United States, beholding this great ruin around them, 
beholding dismemberment and revolution going on, and civil 
war threatened as the result, have been able to do nothing; we 
have done absolutely nothing. Sir, is not this a remarkable 
spectacle ? Mow does it happen that not even a bare majority 



STATE OF THE UNION. 2/1 

here, when the country trusted to our hands is going to ruin, 
have been competent to devise any measure of pubHc safety? 
How does it happen that we have not had unanimity enough to 
agree on any measure of that kind ? Can we account for it to 
ourselves, gentlemen ? We see the danger ; we acknowledge 
our duty ; and yet, with all this before us, we are acknowledging 
before the world that we can do nothing ; acknowledging before 
the world, or appearing to all the world, as men who do nothing. 

Sir, this will make a strange record in the history of govern- 
ments and in the history of the world. Some are for coercion ; 
yet no army has been raised, no navy has been equipped. Some 
are for pacification ; yet they have been able to do nothing ; the 
dissent of their colleagues prevents them ; and here we are in 
the midst of a falling country, in the midst of a falling state, 
presenting to the eyes of the world the saddest spectacle it ever 
has seen. Cato is represented by Addison as a worthy spec- 
tacle, " a great man falling with a falling state ;" but he fell 
struggling. We fall with the ignominy on our heads of doing 
nothing, like the man who stands by and sees his hoase in 
flames, and says to himself, " Perhaps the fire will stop before it 
consumes all." 

Ml*. President, I impute no exclusive patriotism to one side or 
the other ; but I am sure, that on neither side can there be a 
single senator who is satisfied with this condition of things. I 
have had the honor, among others, of feeling it to be my duty 
to offer propositions of this character, — others have done so. 
Honorable friends here have made various propositions. My 
friend who represents the great State of Pennsylvania — the hon- 
orable senator who sits before me [Mr. Bigler] — has been among 
the foremost. The senator from Tennessee [Mr. Johnson] has 
offered propositions. There has been no want of propositions; 
and with perseverance and zeal these resolutions have been 
pressed from time to time, and day to day, with fruitless exer- 
tion to obtain, if possible, some system of saving policy out of 
them or under them. I shall never forget the zeal and the in- 
dustry with which my honorable and honored friend from Penn- 
sylvania has acted in this great matter. With a zeal untiring 
and a hope inextinguishable, he has toiled on from day to day 
with a labor that no other one scarcely could have borne. Yet 
nothing has come out of all this. Nay, sir, the policy of at- 
tempting to make peace, the policy of attempting to offer propo- 
sitions for reconciliation, has been denounced by a senator from 
Massachusetts as the most fatal policy that could be pursued. 
I, for performing the simple act of duty which I have done, 
have been described as acting here as if I had been commis- 
sioned to make peace. Sir, have I assumed any such thing? 



272 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Have I done more than other senators have done, more than 
other senators ought to have done, in attempting, as far as their 
judgment enabled them to do, to suggest measures which 
might save the country and put a stop to the great evil which 
was overthrowing it in every direction ? What right had the 
gentleman to say that I have assumed to come forward as though 
I had been commissioned? He says also that he does not know 
whether this is a task which I have voluntarily undertaken, or 
which has been imposed upon me by others. Sir, I am unable 
to understand what the senator means by this. I will not sup- 
pose that the gentleman had any serious intention of casting 
any taunt upon me, much less of intimating anything of a dis- 
honorable or improper character. Who does he think could 
impose a task on me ? What part of my life, what part of my 
action, has shown that I was a man upon whom others could 
impose a task ? What the gentleman means I do not know. 
I will consider it all as unmeaning personality, and pass it by. 

But, sir, the other question involves something of more con- 
cern. Propositions which I have offered, he says, are founded 
on a policy most fatal to this country. What does the honor- 
able senator mean by this ? That nothing ought to have even 
been attempted ? If anything else in place of it would* have 
been proper policy, I should be glad that the gentleman were 
here to state what that other policy was. It must be to do 
something, or to do nothing. Few will say we ought to have 
sat here and witnessed this ruin and witnessed this revolution, 
and done nothing ; that we, the senators of the people, we, the 
guardians of the Constitution, are to see that Constitution over- 
thrown, and that country that had confided in us brought to 
ruin, to misery, and to dismemberment, and have done nothing. 
If the gentleman would do something, what is that something 
that should be done ? Mind, to attempt to make peace by these 
resolutions is a fatal policy. What good policy, what saving 
and beneficial policy, would he have us adopt? He has not 
explained, and I shall not think it necessary to trouble myself 
further with this part of the subject. 

Mr. President, the cause of this great discontent in the coun- 
try, the cause of the evils which we now suffer and which we 
now fear, originates chiefly from questions growing out of the 
respective territorial rights of the different States and the un- 
fortunate subject of slavery. I have said before to my brother 
senators that I do not appear on this occasion as the advocate 
of slavery ; I appear here as the advocate of Union. I want to 
preserve that from overthrow ; and lam suggesting that policy 
which, according to my poor judgment, is adequate to the 
object. 



STATE OF THE UNION. 273 

What is the great question out of which this mighty mischief 
has grown ? What is this question about territory ? Practically, 
it is reduced to a very small matter. We have passed through 
many of these territorial difficulties ; we have now arrived at 
the very last one of them. Neither the climate nor the wishes 
of any portion of this Union have induced the people anywhere 
to desire really to extend slavery above the line of 36° 30' north 
latitude. That was the line adopted in 1820 by wise men, who 
did it not so much with a view to equality of division as they 
did it with a view to strike upon that line north of which there 
might be no controversy, and where no such system of labor 
as that which required servitude could be useful. That has set- 
tled, very much, public opinion on that line with respect to the 
slavery question. We have now much territory north of that 
line ; but there is no pretension to any rights there by those 
who hold slaves. We have, since that compromise line was 
first established, acquired territory south of it. That territor}- 
south of it is composed of the Territory of New Mexico, and 
nothing else; and there slavery now exists bylaw. What is 
the resolution that the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. Wilkin- 
son] read yesterday, offered, in 1850, by Mr. Clay, whom he so 
justly eulogized? Mr. Clay said he would not vote for any 
specific measure that would introduce slavery into any Territor>^ 
where it did not actually exist ; but to avoid the question and 
the controversies arising out of it here, he proposed to give to 
the territorial government ample power on the subject, without 
any restriction in regard to slavery. In the compromise of 
1850 that was done; territorial governments were established, 
and power was given them over this subject. That was the 
policy and design of .Congress ; they wanted to keep the ques- 
tion out of Congress ; they therefore left it to the territorial 
legislature, and that legislature, in conformity to_ the power 
given it, has passed a law recognizing and admitting slavery. 
This may have been right or wrong ; I do not undertake to de- 
cide that. They acted under a discretionary power given for 
this very purpose. They established slavery. Its existence 
there, then, is just as legitimate as its existence can be anywhere 
by force of local law. Well, what is the question now and al- 
ways ? The South, having seen itself excluded, its system of 
labor denounced and excluded from all the other Territories of 
the United States, have supposed their brethren were monopo- 
lizing all this description of property,— the territorial property 
of the United States,— and excluding them. The States hold- 
ing slaves thought they had as much right as the States that 
were non-slaveholding had in this common property of the 
Union. You deny it ; you say that you will govern it by an 

VOL. II. — 18 



274 ^^^^ ^^ JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

exclusive, a superior, a sectional power, and exclude a certain 
class of States who, under the Constitution of the United States, 
are uoon an equal footing with yourselves. It makes to the 
Nortli, so far as this matter goes, a monopoly of the public ter- 
ritory ; it excludes by classes States of the Union equal in all 
the means of contribution by which these Territories were ac- 
quired, their blood and their money having equally gone to 
acquire them. One section of the Union turns around upon 
another after they are acquired, and says, " Though acquired as 
common property by common means, we do not like your sys- 
tem of labor, and nobody insisting upon that system of labor 
shall settle in the country ; but those who adopt our system of 
labor shall go there." I am not stating this matter now for the 
purpose of showing that you are absolutely wrong, or that the 
South is absolutely right. I am stating the nature and character 
of the controversy. 

In the course of this controversy we have come to a point 
where we are obliged to halt. Party must halt. The contro- 
versy has reached the vitals of our country. It is no longer a 
mere question of party opinions. It is no longer a question of 
pirty. It is a question of country and of Union. These points 
of controversy have reference practically now to no other Terri- 
tory which we have except the Territory of New Mexico ; and 
to show how infinitely small that is, there is another considera- 
tion to which I wish to advert. What are the worth and value 
of that Territory to white or to black ? It is the most sterile 
region of country belonging to the United States, the least 
happy. It has been open to slavery for ten years, and there 
is a controversy, I believe, whether there are twenty-four or 
twenty-six or twenty-eight slaves within the whole Territory. 
As I believe, it can never be made a slave State. It is not a 
country where slaves can be profitably employed; and that 
great law of profit and loss governs with invariable power and 
invariable efficacy. Here is a mere question of abstract right, 
in the deprivation of which the South has supposed itself to be 
offended, not only in its right, but offended in its equality and 
in its just pride as States, a whole class of which is suffering a 
sort of ostracism under the operation of a policy which insists 
that no one shall adopt there any other system of labor than 
that which prevails at the North. It maybe the better one; 
but we arc all standing as equals under a common Constitu- 
tion ; we arc not here upon the original question as to the 
rightfulness or wrongfulness of slavery, as to the sin of it, the 
propriety or advantage or disadvantage of it. We are not here 
upon any of these questions. Rights under the Constitution 
arc in question, and on that question the South insist that they 



STATE OF THE UNION. 2/5 

have an equal right in the Territories to adopt their own system 
of labor in this common property, as you have to carry with 
you in your emigration your habits and customs and your sys- 
tem of labor. Which has the advantage of the other ? You 
say that the Southern people holding slaves are very bad fel- 
lows for that reason. I shall not argue that. The good man 
cannot say to the bad man, who has with him purchased a tract 
of land and has an equal right to it, that is a reason why the 
good man shall take the whole, and exclude the bad man from 
the purchase which was made in common by common money. 
I make these remarks merely to show you that there must be, 
even in your own judgment, a plausible ground for the claim 
which these States of the South set up, and that they have at 
least a plausible subject for discontent. If it be only plausible 
in your view, in their view it is so just a cause of complaint 
that it is worth all those wretched evils to which I at first 
adverted. They would rather go out of the Union than oc- 
cupy a place in it where they are denied equal rights in all 
particulars with their fellow-citizens ; but they are willing to 
do, for the sake of peace, what we have done once before 
for the sake of the same peace, and to avert the same evils. 
We say now, as we cannot agree upon this subject, let us 
divide the territory; you go on the one side of it, and we 
on the other. That was the doctrine held of old. We talk a 
great deal here about the fathers, about their example. When 
this difficulty, or one very like it, occurred in 1820, — now forty 
years ago, and we may well rank as fathers those who were old 
enough to legislate in this body upon that question then, — what 
did they do ? Did they say as we now say, " No compromise 
with our brethren ; stick to the law ; no compromise ; let us 
take all" ? No, sir, they made a compromise : you call it a 
compromise ; let us say it is. What does it propose ? To give 
up to you all the territory north ? From what I have said 
before, you may well infer that, in giving that up, the South 
has only given up a territory where their system of labor 
cannot avail, cannot exist; but as to the South, it is alone 
one solitary Territory that we now possess, and that is a Ter- 
ritory where slavery does to some extent exist, where by law 
it is authorized ; and all that we ask in respect to that is, let 
the condition of things as it is now in that Territory remain 
as it is. You have now grown greater than those who adopt 
this system of labor. You have grown great. You have 
just now triumphed in a great national controversy. The Re- 
publican party are coming into power with a President to exe- 
cute their will, and with a majority here to proclaim the will of 
the whole nation. Now give us some security that you will 



2/6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

not abuse that power. History is full of examples of the abuse 
of power by those who have the means of executing- it. Strong 
arms have been the law all over the world much more than 
written constitutions and right. It may be so in our own country. 
Does it express any dishonorable distrust of you, any distrust 
at which you ought to take any offense, real or pretended? Is 
it anything more than a matter of prudence that great political 
communities should endeavor to guard themselves against pos- 
sible injustice and possible encroachment? Upon what princi- 
ple is your whole Constitution made ? It is made to guard 
your rights. Do you reproach that for its want of confidence 
in men? It is upon a want of confidence in men that all human 
law is made. With a perfect confidence in men, why are your 
laws made against murder, against theft, against robbery ? Why 
do nations all over the world cry out for written constitutions? 
\<\\\ do they ask, give us bonds, against which the senator from 
]\Iinnesota [Mr. Wilkinson], who spoke yesterday, seems to de- 
claim so much, as if he considered them already as manacles 
upon his hands ? Have not the people a right to suspect gen- 
tlemen who hold that sort of language of intending to abuse 

1 • XT O C5 O 

their power? He will not submit even to reasonable and rational 
securities to be given to others. He calls it tying his hands, 
and says that he will not submit to it. 

This is a sort of argument that will satisfy no one. It can- 
not satisfy the honorable senator himself, I am sure, when he 
comes to think over the argument which he has addressed to 
us. Here, then, is the controversy. All we ask, all that is 
necessary, I believe, to settle this great mischief that is now 
going on in the country is, that you shall agree that in that 
sterile country, where there never can be any number of slaves 
— ^you being in power, you having the power to change every- 
thing, even the Constitution itself— you having all power, shall 
now agree with us that the state of things there shall remain as 
't is--until when ? Forever, the gentleman says. He says it 
establishes it there forever. It is very easy to make speeches 
in this round and unmeasured sort of language. Let it remain 
as it is— until when? Until this Territory of more than one 
hundred thousand square miles — twice as large as the State of 
New York — shall contain in its borders a hundred thousand, or 
a hundred and twenty, or a hundred and thirty thousand inhab- 
itants. Will that require all time? P'^or that short period let 
thmgs remain as they are just now, that we may not be per- 
plexed with the fear of change from your superior power. 
When it does come in, as it shall do when it has one hundred 
and thuty thousand inhabitants, then they will be entitled, and 
we will give them the right to form themselves into a State and 



STATE OF THE UNION. 



277 



be admitted into the Union ; and when so admitted, they shall 
have the right to dispose of this question of slavery just as 
they please; only, for the sake of peace, let this question rest 
in silence for that short time. Give the country, who are now 
greatly alarmed and greatly agitated upon the subject, a little 
repose. Give them time for their confidence to be restored. 
Give them time for better feelings to take the place of the bad,^ 
feelings which now prevail. Cease your action for a moment. 
Give to the nation breathing-time. 

What else is asked? This is all; and this is refused. I say 
this is all; because, in respect to fugitives from bondage, there 
is no difficulty. That is fixed by the Constitution, and we can 
settle all that without any danger. What are all the other 
questions which affect and touch this question of involuntary 
servitude? They relate to the little District of Columbia, and 
this is the greatest spot to which they do relate. Now, as to 
the District of Columbia, how came that to belong to us? How 
came that involuntary servitude within the District of Columbia 
to be subject at all to our jurisdiction ? By a voluntary cession 
from the State of Maryland. I speak only of that which we 
now hold; originally it was larger, and Virginia was one of the 
grantors. All that we now retain — having relinquished that on 
the other side of the Potomac — was granted to us by the State 
of Maryland. Do you suppose, gentlemen, that when the State 
of Maryland granted that, there was any thought in the mind 
of the grantor or grantee — of Maryland or of the general 
government — that any question should ever arise in respect to 
this slavery which then existed here by the laws of Maryland ? 
W^ould not some regulation have been made in respect to it, in 
some way or other, as to how it should be abolished, if it should 
be done at all, and upon what terms done; or that it should not 
have been done at all? This is not good faith. No such thing 
being in the contemplation of the State which granted, or the 
States which received it, would it not be bad faith to use it for 
a purpose not within the intention and not contemplated and 
not thought of by any one of the parties to the bargain? So 
it would have been in respect to a private transaction, and so it 
ought to be regarded here. Though the exercise of such a 
power might not be absolutely unconstitutional by Congress, it 
would be an exercise of power in bad faith, and contrary to the 
expectations, and contrary, I may say, to the interests of the 
party who made it. 

Now, sir, all the other places under the special jurisdiction 
of the United States perhaps do not amount to one hundred 
and fifty acres in all the Southern States. They are the places 
for arsenals, for navy-yards, and for dock-yards. They are the 



278 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

only places which are specially subject to the jurisdiction of the 
United States in the States; and the proposition only provides 
that, in respect to those which are in the States, Congress shall 
pass no law hindering or abolishing slavery there. Is there 
anything improper in all that? Is there anything of difficulty 
or question about it? Surely there cannot and ought not 
to be. 

Then I return to the original question : that which respects 
territory and slavery in connection with it. I have made all 
the remarks upon that which I intend ; and my whole and 
sole object in those remarks is not to attempt to convince you 
that the South is right, but to convince you that the South has, 
at least, some plausible reason to be discontented w^ith any con- 
struction which gives you the whole and takes from them all ; 
and that from that discontent and lone: irritation has now cfrown 
this flame which is consuming our country, and has severed 
from us a valuable and important portion of it. Under these 
circumstances you are called upon to make this sacrifice. Let 
this poor sterile country of New Mexico remain as it now is in 
regard to this vexed question. What said Mr. Clay in the 
compromise of 1 850, when slavery was attempted to be excluded 
or established in New Mexico? "No," said he, "we will not 
exclude it; I will not vote for any specific measure to carry it 
there; others may do that; the people who are to live there 
may do that; and I will agree to give to their territorial govern- 
ment a power to exclude it or a power to disallow it, as they 
please;" and so they did. What do I ask of you more than 
Mr. Clay himself did? He gave them power to establish it 
there. Now, in the great commotion which exists in our public 
affairs, when change and the fear of change perplex the whole 
country, I just ask, let us make one firm point here; let us 
agree that the state of things in this poor Territory shall remain 
just as it is; and then our country can be preserved. Was 
there ever a revolution so permitted to go on, — ever the dis- 
memberment of a great country so allowed to take place, — ever 
the overthrow of a mighty nation like this allowed, in the face 
of the whole world, plainly and obviously in the sight of its 
legislature, and all allowed to go to wreck and ruin, when it 
could have been preserved in peace by a grant no larger than 
that which I have shown you? All the gentlemen from those 
States, I believe, with great unanimity, have said and declared 
that this compromise, if it could be adopted, or this measure, 
for I prefer to call it such, would save the secession of the States 
that have gone out with one single exception, perhaps. But if 
it be too late now to recall them at once by a mere vote of the 
Senate upon or for any proposition, you can at least assure the 



STATE OF THE UNION. 279 

fidelity and allegiance of other States dissatisfied fi-om the same 
causes,'but yet not willing to let go the banner of their country. 
You can satisfy and assure them ; and by so doing insure their 
continued attachment and allegiance to the Union. There re- 
main of these States — some of the most important in this 
Union — North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Tennessee, Ken- 
tucky, Missouri, Delaware. Is it not worth something to secure 
them ? Or is an idea, is a dogma, to prevail, — a dogma not of 
the Constitution, a dogma not derived from the Constitution, a 
dogma having its origin, its whole value, to consist in the pecu- 
liar opinions — I will not discuss them — in one section of the 
country, and which is attempted to be placed above the Con- 
stitution, and made an inseparable barrier to those measures of 
policy which, in the present exigency, seem to be necessary to 
save the country from overwhelming ruin ? "Slavery shall not 
be extended in any Territory;" yet here I have endeavored to 
show you, to remove any scruple as far as I can, that slavery 
does exist there now, and probably to almost as great an extent 
as ever it will in the future. The dogma, if insisted upon, and 
the denunciation implied upon a whole class of States, that 
their system of labor shall be excluded, and they thereby par- 
tially excluded, is destroying the equality of the States, is not 
doing justice to common owners, is a usurpation, and a monopoly 
by a part of that which belongs to the whole, and which the 
whole have an equal right to enjoy. 

But to take away from it the mischief it might do as a gen- 
eral principle, if insisted upon everywhere, for the peace of the 
country let that line of partition be made; you take the greater 
half; you take two-thirds of it all; and say as to the other 
third, and that the poorest and most sterile and most uninhab- 
itable, which you nominally leave to the South, that the state 
of things as it now is there shall continue to exist until it be- 
comes a State, when it may dispose of this pestiferous subject 
exactly as it pleases. That little boon has not been granted. 
That is too great an offering to make to the safety of the coun- 
try. My friends, on the right and on the left, is this not a 
marvel in the history of the world? Gentlemen deny this little 
item of satisfaction. Gentlemen deny it here, seeing the conse- 
quence of it. They see the country going to ruin, limb by 
limb falling from it, and some of its strongest and most potent 
arms falling from it, and yet they adhere to a dogma, and refuse 
the remedy which can avert the evil. Was ever exaction so 
small to avert an evil so great ? 

Gentlemen, however, say they will not do this, because they 
will make no compromise. Gentlemen, if this is a compromise, 
who offers it? Does the South offer it ? Does the North offer 



2 So LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

it ? There must be two parties to a compromise. Has there 
been any negotiation between them on the subject? We are 
one and an integral body, composed of senators of the United 
States. I have the honor to be one of that honorable body. I 
offer a resolution. Do I offer it as a compromise? I am not 
only elected by the State of Kentucky as her representative, 
but I am the representative, as I understand it, of every State 
of this Union. I am a senator of the United States; and it is 
in that right that I offer my propositions here. If those propo- 
sitions had contained, on any controversy that might have 
existed, such terms as the North insisted on, whose terms would 
they have been then ? Would you have called them a compro- 
mise offered by the North to the South? And yet a Southern 
senator offered them. No, sir; I offered them as no compro- 
mise from the South to the North or the North to the South. 
I offer them to your wisdom and for your consideration as a 
measure for the benefit and common good of the whole coun- 
try. I offer them as indicating the best policy for the whole 
country; and you call them a compromise, and say you will 
have no compromise; and petitioners are instructed to say, "No 
compromise." 

Sir, I am very sorry to hear such language employed in a 
petition from the people, and in such a connection as this. This 
is no compromise. The petition does not apply to the case. It 
is a measure of government which I offer as a senator, standing 
equal and just between the States North and South. I offer it 
as a measure of government for your good of the North as 
well as the good of the South. It would have to be a task im- 
posed on me, indeed, though I do not know who could impose 
such a one, if I were to offer, as a senator of the United States, 
to this body any proposition of a character so partial and selfish 
as to amount to an unfair advantage to any part of the countiy, 
and to the disadvantage, much less to the dishonor, of another. 
I would as soon dishonor my fellow-citizens in one section of 
the country as in another; and I hope and trust in God, neither 
my principles nor my feelings would allow me to attempt or 
permit an)' such thing, either to the one section or to the other 
section. I have offered it in no such spirit. I am not bargain- 
ing for the South or bargaining against the North. I am pur- 
suing a policy which I think the country ought to pursue, and 
submitting it to your common judgment. By that common 
judgment nothing can be done, nothing can be granted, and no 
compromise can be made. 

Thirty-seven thousand men from the noble old State of Mas- 
sachusetts have said, " Let there be no compromise." Nothing 
is more justly boasted of by Massachusetts than her school- 



STATE OF THE UNION. 28 1 

houses and her churches. Her churches and her school-houses 
were the first houses she built; and now here have arisen out 
of these churches over thirty thousand men who, when a great 
controversy arises in the country, when revolution is seizing 
arms on every side, and brethren are ready to slay and destroy 
each other, and when such terms as those which I have en- 
deavored to explain can settle the whole matter, with an appar- 
ently pious and religious cr>', say, " No compromise ; let blood 
flow; but no compromise." Where did they learn that? Did 
they learn it in church? Did they learn it in the Bible ? The 
Bible says, " If you bring your offering to the altar, and there 
remember that thy brother has aught against thee, lay thy offer- 
ing down; go and be reconciled to thy brother; and then come 
and present thy offering to the Almighty; then thy offering will 
be acceptable to thy Maker." Here the pious thirt}^-seven 
thousand say, "No compromise; that is the offering we carry 
to the altar; blood and battle we carry to the altar, and lay 
there as our offering." That is the bloody trophy they offer up. 
They say, "No compromise." I have no doubt, sir, there are 
many venerable and good men among them, because they are 
neighbors to at least forty thousand Massachusetts men who 
have petitioned in a very different tone, and say, " Compromise, 
I pray; make peace with them ; let us not slay and destroy one 
another." That is the language of the petition which I pre- 
sented. 

Sir, if old Bunker Hill now had a voice, it would be, of course, 
as it should be, a voice like thunder ; and what would she pro- 
claim from her old and triumphant heights ? No compromise 
with your brethren ? No, sir ; that would not be her voice ; 
but I fancy to myself, if that venerated and honored old scene 
of American bravery, hallowed by the blood of the patriots 
who stood there hand in hand, brethren of the North and South, 
could but speak, it would be but one voice, a great and patriotic 
voice : Peace with thy brethren ; be reconciled with thy breth- 
ren. It is less than the value of a straw that is asked from you 
as compromise, and you will not give a straw. You prefer the 
bloody doctrine of " no compromise ; battle first ;" and woe be 
to those who first draw the sword ! 

Mr. President, I am endeavoring plainly and frankly to pre- 
sent to the minds of my brother senators the view which I take 
to some extent, perhaps not the whole extent, of what will sat- 
isfy the South, and leave it to yourselves to judge how far it is 
true. Of course, it would be idle in me, and worse than idle, 
if I were to make an untrue statement, or an unfounded state- 
ment, as to the exact merits of this paltry question which now 
divides us. I do not believe there is a State in this Union, the 



282 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

people of which would not, upon a fair presentation of this 
question, put perhaps in less offending language than can be 
found in some of these resolutions, who would not vote for 
peace on the terms proposed ; who would not grant all that is 
asked, and more than that, if the consequence on the one side 
was to be reconciliation and reunion, and on the other battle 
and blood. 

But now, to pass from this view. We are likely soon to part, 
and what a spectacle do we present! We have done nothing. 
The country is inflamed, and nothing has been done to quench 
the destroying fire; yet that is our business here, to preserve 
the Union, to make the people contented and happ)'. That is 
our great and high mission. The country is in flames, and 
nothing has been done to extinguish the fire. What, senators 
and Mr. President, is to be the consequence of it? No one can 
exactly answer; but the question must awaken the forebodings 
of every man within the reach of my voice. What consequence 
will follow from our failure to do anything? God only knows. 
They are fearful to think of, in my judgment. I do not know 
what they will be. I fear for further revolution ; for revolution 
to such an extent as to destroy, in effect, this Union. I hope 
not. I would advise against it. I would say to the people, the 
distraction which exists in the opinions of those that constitute 
Congress are such that they cannot agree upon an)' measures 
now ; you may think and feel that justice is denied you ; it may 
be so ; but it is denied you by whom ? In a time of high party 
excitement, by one Congress. Your Constitution is so framed 
as to give to you, in a short period, many Congresses. The 
power returns to the people of electing their representatives ; 
and this government is worth being patient for, and worth bear- 
ing a great deal for. Be patient and bear it, even though you 
think you are wronged. Rather bear the wrongs }'ou have 
than fly to others which you know not of Hold fast to the 
Union. The Union is the instrument by which you may obtain 
redress, by which you will in the end obtain redress. Congress 
may err. It may err from error of judgment, from passion, from 
e.xcitement, from party heats ; they will not last al\va>'s. The 
principles upon which your government was founded recognize 
all these frailties, recognize all these sources of occasional and 
temporary wrong and injustice, but they furnish a remedy for 
it. They furnish a remedy in the often-recurring elections 
which the people make. It is not for the first offense that dis- 
memberment and disunion are justified. Hold fast to the Union. 
There is safety, tried safety, known safety; and that same Union 
is the best assurance you can have of eventually obtaining from 
your fellow-citizens a generous recompense for all the wrongs 



STATE OF THE UNION. 283 

you have received, and a generous remedy against any wrongs 
hereafter. 

These are my feehngs, and this would be my advice. My 
advice is that of a Union man earnest for its preservation ; and, 
without the fullness of my heart, the words which I utter are 
worth nothing. This would be my advice at all times upon 
this question, and upon every question which threatened the 
Union : stay in the Union and strive in the Union. We m.ay 
have had evidences enough here of the impossibility of obtain- 
ing any agreement from our Northern brethren to these meas- 
ures of policy which I have offered. I will not call them a 
compromise, for that seems to offend gentlemen ; though I was 
willing that each of our brethren. North and South, might 
think, by the word compromise, that, in a generous and affec- 
tionate spirit and sentiment, nominally, at least, he had given 
up something. But gentlemen object to the term, if the stern, 
warlike cry of " no compromise" is heard, like the ancient ciy 
of the Roman conqueror. When oppression was complained 
of, they answered it by a vcb victis, — woe to the conquered — now 
translated "no compromise." The vcs victis of the Romans, 
and the " no compromise" here, apply to different ages, but they 
are the same language, and convey the same terrible denuncia- 
tion, — woe to the conquered ; no compromise. Take our dog- 
mas ; take our platforms ; it is not sufficient that you obey the 
Constitution ; it is not sufficient that you adhere to the Union ; 
go out of the Constitution ; go out of the Union ; look at our 
platform ; study that ; that is the idol to which you must bow 
down ; otherwise, " no compromise" — woe to you. Sir, this is 
not the language of the heart or of the judgment. It is the 
language of excitement. It may be uttered by good men; but 
it is the language of passion. It is the language of excitement. 
It regards nothing here to be a compromise that is within the 
Constitution. 

These amendments only ask you to make some additions to 
your Constitution because of the altered state of things. When 
we met here at the commencement of the session, you had 
fifteen States which adopted the same system of labor — invol- 
untary servitude. The Constitution was framed to a state of 
things, when almost every State in the Union, with but one ex- 
ception, adopted that system of labor. You have now in the 
Union, of those who acknowledge this system of labor within 
it, only eight of those States; supposing Texas out. In the 
old Constitution, when almost all were slave States, you gave 
guarantees that fugitives from one State to another should be 
returned. Now there has got up, what is unknown to the Con- 
stitution, an agitation against slaveholding, which the Consti- 



284 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tution recognizes, for which the Constitution did not disqualify, 
or place any inequality upon the States holding it. There have 
been got up in our country questions arising out of that, beyond 
the limits of the Constitution, which rest above the Constitution, 
and which are worked up into platforms, and to which the obe- 
dience of all other sections is demanded. Now, my brother 
senators, is there anything like that in the Constitution, in fact 
or in truth ? Did not the Constitution interid to leave us free 
on that question as regards ourselves ? Did it not intend to 
leave the States choosing to adopt that system of labor just as 
free as it intended to leave them in regard to other questions ? 
It seems so to me. 

Sir, another reason for my confidence is, that this cry of V(2 
victis, or no compromise, is not the sentiment of the American 
people. Although we have been unable to agree upon anything 
here, is it known to any senator, the oldest and the most expe- 
rienced, cither in his own experience or what happened in the 
country before his time, that there ever was such an expression 
of public opinion given within so short a time as has been given 
here in reference to these very propositions ? What is the 
number of petitions forwarded? I suppose, if I should say we 
have received petitions from not less than a quarter of a million, 
I should be within bounds. In addition to that, societies every- 
where have been petitioning in the name of their whole body. 
State legislatures have memorialized, and, in fact, petitioned 
Congress in the name of the people of their States. I do not 
know how many. The chief agents of the great railroad com- 
panies, owning railroads in value to the amount of more than 
three hundred million dollars, traversing the country from north 
to south in every direction, have petitioned in favor of the 
adoption of these propositions of peace, and they, gentlemen 
of the highest standing and the highest respectability, have de- 
clared that, as far as all their travels extended along all these 
mighty railroads, they have found the people, with great una- 
nimity, of the same opinion, and in favor of the adoption of 
these propositions. 

Now, sir, I do not want confidence in legislators. I have 
been one of them too often and too long to endeavor to cast 
any discredit upon them, or the differences of opinion which 
e.xist among them. I do not intend to do any such thing ; but 
I intend to say this : that my confidence in the intelligence and 
public virtue of the people is greater than it is in any body of 
their representatives. The people have given me assurances 
upon this subject by these petitions, that right will eventually 
be done ; that they, the true sovereigns oi the country, will 
take this subject into consideration, and that they will not allow 



STATE OF THE UNION. 285 

them and their children, and their children's children, scattered 
about through all this land, to go to war with one another upon 
such a comparative trifle. 

I hope, too, that the South, the State which I represent, and 
all others, will find in these petitions a generous spirit of frater- 
nity, a generous spirit, a sense of justice, that will remove those 
misrepresentations which have been so long and so often im- 
pressed by party upon their minds, that one section hates an- 
other. I do not believe any such thing. I have been to the 
North, and I have been to the Northwest ; I have been to the 
country of the honorable senator from Minnesota. I observe that 
the names of the petitioners that he presents are limited to very 
small pieces of paper, who cry out " no compromise" there. 
Why, sir, let me tell the gentleman an anecdote which will re- 
deem his people from the unchristian spirit of hostility with 
which they seem to desire to impress their opinions exclusively 
upon the minds of all their fellow-citizens, or at any rate not to 
compromise. 

There was a little party of us that were out in the mighty 
country of the Northwest, amusing ourselves with hunting and 
fishing and camping about. We got to St. Paul. There was a 
servant with us that attended our party, and was very useful to 
us, and enjoyed it about as much as any of the whole party. 
We found it at St. Anthony so pleasant, and there was such a 
grand, magnificent, and accommodating hotel there, that we 
stayed there some time, the servant with us. They did not act 
in the spirit of no compromise (we will not pull a hair from the 
head of the littlest dogma that is embraced in the Chicago 
platform), but they treated us with the most open hospitality 
and kindness to be found anywhere ; and told us particularly, 
" Take no alarm about your servant ; do not trouble yourself 
about him at all; he is just as safe here as in Kentucky; no 
man here will disturb him; the town will not permit it." There 
was not a word said about him ; and every man there knew he 
was there, and knew he was a slave, and there was nothing said 
about it. That was the sort of hospitality and kindness, that 
was the sort of compromise, they gave: "Stay; you are our 
fellow-citizen from a distant land, come among us, and we want 
to show you that we know how to meet you, and treat our 
fellow-citizens ; we are glad to see you, and there will be no 
disturbance about your servant;" and exactly did they fulfill 
their kind and hospitable words. They compromised. 

But the senator feels himself called upon not to compromise 
a great nation ; and yet, through this great nation common 
blood flows. What man is there here that is not of a blood, 
flowing — meandering — perhaps through every State in the 



286 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Union ? And we talk about not compromising a family quar- 
rel; and that is to be held up as patriotism or party fidelity. In 
the name of God, who is it that will adopt that policy? We 
are one people in blood ; in language one ; in thoughts one ; 
we read the same books ; we feed on the same meats ; we go to 
the same school ; we belong to the same communion. If, as 
we go through this quarrelsome world, we meet with our little 
difficulties, if we wish to carry with us grateful hearts for the 
blessings we have enjoyed, we shall be bound to compromise 
with the difficulties that must occur on all the ways of the 
world that are trodden by governments on earth. It is our in- 
firmity to have such difficulties. Let it be our magnanimity 
and our wisdom to compromise and settle them. 

Do not believe, my fellow-citizens of the North, my brother 
senators of the North, that I am urging this upon you as a 
bargain. I am only proposing the measure which I believe, 
and which my judgment suggests to me, as most for your bene- 
fit, and most for my benefit ; most for the benefit of your States, 
of my State, and of the States of all of us. That is the spirit 
in which I propose it. I would not take the most paltry right 
from you to give it to the South. I would not detract a parti- 
cle from your honor, in order to give anything like a triumph 
to any section of the country. You are as much my country- 
men as anybody. I claim the whole country as my country; 
and as yet the alienation is not such between us and even these 
seceding brethren that I could not travel through it, and feel as 
if I was still in my own country. I feel an assurance that, by 
a right system of policy here, even they would return. Now, I 
would have the South, I would have the border States, as they 
are commonly called, those that yet remain out of secession, to 
stand by you, trust to you, and trust to the people. A great 
many, if not a majority, of their Northern brethren have given them 
assurances of their sympathy for them, and that justice shall be 
done them. I believe it. They are assurances given by kind- 
ness, by patriotism, and will be redeemed ; and that kindness, 
that sympathy, which exists in the North, will attract others. 
It is the standard of humanity, and the standard of patriotism ; 
and one after another they will crowd around it, until the States 
shall come and make peace-offerings to their brethren instead 
of crying out "no compromise." I believe in this. I would 
have the border States believe in this. Our Northern fellow- 
citizens have entitled themselves to this confidence by their 
action upon these very resolutions. Thousands, and tens and 
hundreds of thousands, have come here and petitioned for 
them ; the States have petitioned for them. All this is an evi- 
dence of kindness that ought to bind the heart of the Southern 



STATE OF THE UNION. 28/ 

States, At any rate, it ought to affect their judgment as to the 
future. 

You will see by this that, even if nothing be done, I am not 
for secession. No, sir ; I was born and bred in the State of 
Kentucky ; and as to my native State, old Kentucky, I shall say 
to her more freely than to others : I desire to see you stand by 
the Union of the country ; do not go off until an imperious 
necessity forces you ; give to the world a long-continued evi- 
dence of your constancy, your patriotism, and your fidelity to 
the Constitution. Stand by it ; you have stood there heretofore 
manfully ; you have literally founded this faith upon a rock : 
this faith is founded upon a rock, and you have engraven the 
sentiment there. The stone which you contributed to the un- 
finished monument of Washington, in this city, bore upon its 
Kentucky marble front these words : " Kentucky was the first 
to enter the Union after the adoption of the Constitution ; she 
will be the last to leave it." That sentiment she has engraven 
in marble ; and it now stands sanctified still more by forming a 
portion of the monument of George Washington. I want to 
see her true to that great sentiment. It swells the heart to hear 
it. There is nothing, as it seems to me, in all the hopes and all 
the triumphs that secession can promise itself, equal to the 
proud swelling of the heart at these noble and patriotic senti- 
ments. 

Let Kentucky stand by that sentiment. Let her be the last 
to leave that Union which has conferred upon her so much 
honor, so much glory, so much liberty, and so much happiness; 
and, abused as it has been, maladministered as it has been, it is 
as yet the best government on earth ; the only government on 
earth in which a man commands his own actions, can speak his 
own thoughts in any work which he pleases, where no man is 
imprisoned unlawfully from one end of it to the other. From 
San Francisco to Portland, where is the man that is imprisoned 
and deprived of his liberty unlawfully? If our treasury is 
empty, our money misspent, still, badly administered as it has 
been, and as much better as it would be if properly adminis- 
tered, with all its faults of administration, it is the best govern- 
ment the world records. It is only here in the arms of this 
great and mighty republic that liberty was ever presented to the 
world in all her height and all her majesty. The little republics 
on the Alpine hills of Europe are little communities too small 
to excite the ambition or the cupidity of greater and imperial 
powers. Liberty there is too small to be looked at ; but here 
she stands up in all her majesty and in all her might, and with 
her mighty arms reaching across the continent. 

Now, sir, will you allow such greatness as that to be lost ? 



288 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

It is a mighty benefit to every citizen of the countr}'' that the 
name of that country goes before him like a host, and is a 
shield over him. The very name contains a charm and a spell 
that protects him in every region of the world. This is one 
blessing this great country has conferred upon us, and which is 
magnifying still more every day. 

When, for the want of timely compromises, we have fallen 
into this career of destruction, and that career is going on, — 
and where it will end God only knows, — I say I hope we shall 
stand to the Union and try it, and try it again. If one Congress 
does not judge rightly, or will not act rightly, another will. 
That is the principle of our government ; and it requires of us, 
for all these great boons, patience and forbearance. Show you 
this patience and this forbearance, and let us wait ; and, if that 
is to be our sad destiny, when rebellion and revolution shall 
have passed over this whole land, I want to see old Kentucky, 
even in that day of desolation, standing up, if left alone on the 
wasted field, brave and collected, with the flag of the Union in 
her hands, standing upon the great field like the last hero of a 
battle ; and then, when the Union is no more, and she stands 
there the image of patriotism, of honor, and of heroism, and 
of fidelity to the Union to the last day of the Union, it will be 
time enough for her to consider what next shall be done. 

My principle, and the doctrine I teach, is, take care of the 
Union; compromise it; do anything for it; it is the palladium 
— so General Washington called it — of your rights ; take care 
of it, and it will take care of you. Yes, sir ; let us take care 
of the Union, and it will certainly take care of us. That is the 
proposition which I teach. 

Mr. President, I have occupied more of your time than I had 
intended, and I have occupied it with certainly a very desultory, 
and probably a very unprofitable, course of remark. I believe, 
sir, I shall be supposed to have expressed myself kindly, frankly, 
and sincerely. I do not wish, and I do not know what would 
induce me, to do otherwise. 

I am about to part from all my brethren here. I should be 
sorry to believe that I had uttered a single word that could leave 
cause of offense in the heart of any member of this body. I 
have not so intended. I may err on this subject. I am earnest ; 
I am sincere. I have spoken what in soberness and truth I be- 
lieve ; what to some extent, coming from the region where I 
do, I may say I know as to facts ; and I endeavor to give you 
warning, not threats. I have long ago learned not to threaten 
anybody; but I may warn, and it is the duty of brotherhood, it 
is the duty of my place in the Senate, that I warn my brethren 
of any danger that I suppose is approaching our common coun- 



STATE OF THE UNION. 289 

try. I have endeavored to do no more; and I tell you now, 
that, whatever security the apparent peace that surrounds us 
may induce us to suppose exists in the country, it is a delusion. 
To-morrow, after to-morrow, and each to-morrow, brings with 
it new fears and new apprehensions to my mind. Rebellion, 
revolution, seem to be an epidemic in the land. I thought we 
could do something to stay it. I might have been mistaken even 
in that. You [addressing the Republican senators] have thought 
that these remedies would be inefficacious or unnecessary; you 
have hesitated to apply them. It seemed to you a concession. 
I do not ask it as a concession, except as a concession which 
might bring you a greater good. Let us hear no more about 
"no compromise." It is a measure of policy. If your good is 
not involved in it as well as mine, and much less if your harm 
is involved in it, I do not expect you to adopt it. I offer it be- 
cause I believe it is good for you, as well as for every portion 
of this great country. That is the principle upon which I act 
as a senator of the United States, acting for a common country, 
dear to me in all its parts ; its honor dear, its interests dear to 
me, and I find the best security for the rights of my own State 
in respecting the rights of every other State. These great 
movements in human affairs and in the course of nations will 
take place, sometimes final and disastrous, at other times they 
are temporary, and may be modified, and peace and harmony 
restored by a course of policy. Restoration is my great object. 
I have attempted that by the resolutions which I offered. It is 
too late for me to hope for their passage. Though I believe 
every word I have said, I am not vain enough to suppose that 
it can probably carry conviction or persuasion to the minds of 
gentlemen. I therefore calculate upon nothing being done 
upon those resolutions. I want a vote on them, and I hope 
that that vote, though it may not have the competent majority 
of two-thirds to recommend them as an amendment to the Con- 
stitution, may, by even a bare majority, contribute something 
to quiet the country and create a disposition to wait and forbear. 
That I cannot now hope for; but I do hope that this resolution 
which has passed the House of Representatives for an amend- 
ment to the Constitution, though in my judgment not covering 
the case, and wholly inadequate as a general remedy, yet may 
have some good effect, like a solitary ray of sunshine breaking 
through the clouds, which might show an opening in them. It 
is one ray from the great central system, to warm our hopes and 
keep them alive for another and a better day. The amendments 
to it which are now pressed upon us seem to leave very little 
hope. The resolution of the House of Representatives cannot be 
very objectionable in itself to any senator, unless it be to those 
VOL. II. — 19 



290 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

who assume that they will not compromise at all with the Con- 
stitution, to make even a single change in it. It may sometimes 
be that to make changes and amendments in the Constitution 
is the very way to preserve it. I do not doubt the sincerity of 
those gentlemen who say "it is out of our reverence to the 
Constitution that we will not consent to amend it;" but I beir 
them to reconsider that determination. There may be conjunc- 
tures in public affairs; there may be an alteration in the condi- 
tion and circumstances of nations, particularly a nation which, 
springing up from a handful and a comparatively small com- 
munity, has grown into a great nation. There may be occa- 
sions for making changes to accommodate it to these altered 
conditions, preserving its principles, not violating them, making 
them in harmony with, and as a preservation of the whole in- 
strument — a process of preservation. 

Now, I want to see, at least, this amendment made. May we 
not agree that all of the amendments which are now offered to it 
shall, at this last moment, in a spirit of amity and of conciliation, 
be withdrawn, and that we now have a vote upon the resolution 
from the House of Representatives? It may not be worth 
much, but it will show the way to peace; it will show the way 
to reconciliation ; it will show that there is no stern, unreason- 
ing, and blind opposition to every sort of acquiescence in 
amendments that are desired to the Constitution. It may not 
be of much effect for the present, or it may be. Consider the 
diminished number of the slaveholding States; consider the 
increased and increasing numbers of the free States; consider 
it fairly and candidly, and ask yourselves if your brethren are 
doing more than freemen ought to do, who are taught to be 
vigilant of their rights, to employ, as bulwarks for them, in all 
countries and on all occasions, constitutional securities. I hope, 
in that spirit, you will allow this resolution to pass. 

Gentlemen, I beg pardon for the time which I have occupied. 
I thank you for the patient and respectful attention with which 
you have listened to my remarks. I ought to have said all that 
I have said in much shorter time and much fewer words. 

Mr. Crittenden presented to the Senate the official evidence 
of the election of Hon. J. C. Breckenridge, then Vice-President 
of the United States, to the United States Senate, from Ken- 
tucky, as his successor. He remarked that it was a post of 
great difficulty and high duties. He had no doubt he would, 
and hoped he might, occupy the seat more successfully than 
he had been able to do for the good of the country at large. 

Mr. Crittenden had now taken his final leave of the Senate. 



STATE OF THE UNION. 29 1 

Shortly after his return to Kentucky, he addressed the Ken- 
tucky legislature on coercion and the general aspect of the 
country. This speech will be found in the volume of his 
speeches to be published hereafter. 

In July Senator Douglas died, and Mr. Crittenden pronounced 
a eulogy upon him ; and that, with all other speeches of a kin- 
dred character, and a few short and important political speeches 
addressed to the Senate, I have thought it best to publish in his 
life. 



CHAPTER XV I. 
1861. 

Invitation of City Council to visit Cincinnati, and Complimentary Resolutions — 
Mr. Crittenden's Reply — Letter of George Haven— Letter from Mr. Critten- 
den to Larz Anderson, of Cincinnati, explaining the Compromise Resolutions 
— Notice of Mr. Crittenden's Retiring from the Senate, taken from the Southern 
Ad-c'ocate — Mr. Crittenden's Address to the Legislature of Kentucky, 26th of 
March, 1S61. 

(Welcome to the Hon. John J. Crittenden by the City Council of Cincinnati, Ohio, 

February 27th, 1861.) 

WHEREAS, Hon. John J. Crittenden being about to re- 
tire from the Senate of the United States, a position that 
he has eminently adorned by his unfaltering patriotism and ex- 
alted wisdom, and will shortly return to his home in Kentucky; 
therefore be it 

Resolved, That the thanks and gratitude of the nation, which 
he has so nobly and faithfully served, will go with him in his 
retirement, and be an endearing legacy to his children; and 
be it 

Resolved, That the opportunity afforded of a brief stay in his 
progress homeward, will enable our people to hear from his own 
lips — patriarch as he is of the Senate — words of counsel and 
wisdom in this hour of gloom and despondency to the country ; 
and be it 

Resolved, That the Hon. John J. Crittenden be requested, at 
such time as he may select, to address the people of Cincin- 
nati and contiguous cities upon the momentous affairs of the 
nation ; and be it 

Resolved, That the clerk of the Council be, and is hereby, 
directed to forward to Hon. John J. Crittenden a certified copy 
of these resolutions. 

Lieutenant Whitson offered the resolutions to the Council of 
the city of Cincinnati. 

After the reading of the resolutions there was a breathless 
suspense. Everybody expected that some Republican would 
oppose them. " Question !" " question !" was loudly called for, 
( 292) 



JOINT RESOLUTION OF RESPECT. 293 

after Lieutenant Whitson had ended his remarks on the resolu- 
tions by stating the people would settle all bills occasioned by 
the proposed ovation. 

The Chair was about to put the question, when Captain Eg- 
gleston arose, as everybody supposed to oppose the resolutions. 
Said he, slowly: 

" I have an amendment to offer ; I want to add another name, 
the name of one who stands as high in the estimation of the 
country as Mr, Crittenden. [Some Republican growled, a Bu- 
chanan Democrat!] I wish to add the name of Andy John- 
son, of Tennessee !" 

" Good ! good !" came from all parts of the house. 

Lieutenant Whitson accepted the amendment, and the reso- 
lutions were unajiimously adopted, with a Imrmk for Crittenden 
and Johnson. 

(Joint Kesolution of Respect to Hon. J. J. Crittenden, passed by the Board of 
Aldermen and Board of Common Council of the City of Washington.) 

Whereas, the time is at hand when the Hon. John J. Critten- 
den is about to withdraw from the national councils, after a 
career of illustrious public service running through a period of 
more than forty years ; and zvhcreas, during all that time he 
has steadfastly evinced his devotion and attachment to the 
union of the States, no less by his large and comprehensive 
statesmanship than by his liberal course of policy in connection 
with the interests of this the capital city of the republic, se- 
lected by the Father of our Country as its permanent seat of 
government and stamped with his own immortal name; therefore 

Resolved, by the Board of Aldermen and Board of Common 
Council of the City of Washington, that a committee, consist- 
ing of the Mayor and the President and two members of the 
Board of Aldermen, and the President and two members of the 
Board of Common Council, be appointed to wait on Mr. Crit- 
tenden and present him a copy of these resolutions, at the 
same time conveying to him our deep sensibilities at parting 
from one who has been so long among us as to be regarded 
almost as one of us, and whose absence from the social and 
political circles of Washington will leave a vacuum not easily 
filled. 

(Signed) Grafton Powell, 

President of the Board of Common Coimcil. 

(Signed) Willl\m T. Dove, 

President of the Board of Aldermen. 

Approved March 4, 1861. 

(Signed) James G. Berret, 

Mayor. 



294 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



(Address of the Citizens of Louisville.) 

Louisville, Ky., 1861. 
To the Hon. John J. Crittenden. 

Dear Sir, — After a prolonged term of public service, ex- 
tending its valuable influences through nearly half a century, 
and with a reputation which has descended from sires to sons 
of our country, you are about to seek repose and permit the 
evening of your glorious life-day to sink peacefully to rest amid 
the solaces and the holy endearments of home. We would 
not for one single instant arrest your progress towards that 
" haven where you would be ;" but having watched with the 
deepest interest and the highest admiration your noble, pa- 
triotic, powerful, and persevering labors for the salvation of our 
beloved country in these days of fanaticism and insane violence, 
we, as citizens of Kentucky, without distinction of party, are 
anxious to manifest to you, in person, our gratitude for your 
glorious services, — services which your country can never re- 
compense, but for the performance of which the patriot finds 
his highest compensation in the consciousness of having faith- 
fully performed a high, stern, and self-sacrificing duty. We 
therefore cordially invite you to attend a public dinner in our 
city at such time as will best suit your convenience, and, as 
this request proceeds from deep-seated respect and veneration, 
we sincerely trust that you will not permit any circumstance to 
stand in the way of its acceptance. Many wish to meet you 
once again, and to take by the hand, perhaps for a last tribute 
of regard, the patriot and statesman, of whom, as Kentuckians, 
we feel so proud. 

Your friends and fellow-citizens, 



Jxo. W. Clarke, 
S. F. Dawes, 
Geo. Dovle, 
Jos. E. Gay, 
t. g. woolls, 
Will. S. Hays, 
m. muldoon, 
1'.. Hardin Helm, 
D. Hatt, 

Jno. McL. Collins, 
R. Overton, 



Z. Morse, Jr., 
H. S. Julian, 
C. R. Erskine, 
Byron Bacon, 
John Colgan, 
A. M. Stout, 
A. L. Buyers 
A. L. Campbell, 
E. W. Meylone, 
Edward P. Wells, 
W. P. Shotwell, 



N. L. McCleland, 
N. V. Gerhart, 
N. G. Rogers, 
H. B. Clifford, 
E. L. Seichrest, 
L. M. Guthrie, 
W. V. Wolfe, 
Jo. C. Alexander, 
J. D. Grinstead, 
Lew. a. Civitt, 
Will. H. Horven. 



(J. J. Crittenden to Samuel L. Corwine, Esq.) 

Washington, March 15, 1S61. 
Samuel L. Corwine, Esq. 

Sir, — I had the honor to receive your communication of the 
28th of the last month, including the resolutions of the City 
Council of Cincinnati, adopted unanimously the preceding day. 



LETTER FROM GEORGE IV. HAVEN. 295 

I am very sensible of the great honor done me by the City 
Council, and am very grateful for it. Their approval of my 
public services is the most acceptable reward they could bestow 
on me. 

I cannot neglect this, or any request with which the City 
Council may be pleased to honor me, and I will therefore 
comply with their invitation at some suitable time to address 
our fellow-citizens of Cincinnati. This, however, I must defer 
until some time after my return to Kentucky. I cannot do it 
conveniently on my way home, as I shall be hurried and 
wearied. I shall leave here on Sunday or Monday evening 
next for Kentucky. 

Be pleased, sir, to communicate this letter to the City Coun- 
cil of Cincinnati, as some small evidence of my acknowledg- 
ments and thanks for the honor they have conferred on me. 

I am very respectfully yours, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(George W. Haven to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Portsmouth, N. H., March 13, 1861. 
Honored and dear Sir, — Will you permit me to add my 
own to the kind wishes for your happiness which are felt and 
uttered by thousands of my fellow-citizens in every part of the 
land ? From you came the first gleam of encouragement which 
gladdened us in the midst of our perils, and if we are borne 
through them into peace and union, to you, my dear sir, more 
than to any other man, shall we and our children owe the 
deep gratitude of our hearts. Your spirit of consistent, un- 
changing conciliation has placed your honored name in the 
foremost rank among the benefactors of your race. Even the 
opponents of your plan have never failed to express their ad- 
miration for the purity of your motives, and the long-tried in- 
teo-rity of your character. To me you stand in a relation far 
dearer than that of admiration for your long and faithful public 
services, and whether we are saved or lost I shall ever think of 
you as a personal benefactor. I notice in the papers that you 
intend to visit Boston as the guest of the city. My home is but 
little more than two hours distant, and, if you can spend a day 
or two to visit Portsmouth, you will confer an honor only 
equaled by the pleasure you will give, by making my house 
your own on such an occasion. 

Mrs. Haven joins me in salutations, and in the cordial wish to 
see you and Mrs. Crittenden. 

Respectfully and truly yours 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Geo. W. Haven. 



296 LIFE OF yOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Larz Anderson.) 

Frankfort, March 29, 1861. 
Larz Anderson, Esq., Cincinnati. 

I observe that one of your respectable newspapers in Cincin- 
nati has misstated my motives and my course in relation to the 
resolutions which I submitted on the i8th of December last to 
the Senate of the United States. It represents me as having 
" repudiated" them, and as having been " disgusted" with them 
after, by an amendment, they had been made to embrace all the 
territory hereafter acquired by the United States as well as that 
which they now possessed. A simple statement will correct 
these errors. 

The resolutions were proposed in the pure spirit of compro- 
mise, and with the hopes of preserving or restoring to the 
country peace and union. They were the result of the joint 
labors of, and consultation with, friends having the same object 
in view; and I believe if those measures thus offered had been 
at a suitable time promptly adopted by the Congress of the 
United States, it would have checked the progress of the rebel- 
lion and revolution, and saved the Union. 

For myself, I had no objection to including in their scope all 
after-acquired \.Qxn\.oxy , because that made a final settleinent of the 
distracting question of slavery in all time to come, and because I 
hoped that such a provision — by prohibiting slavery in all the 
acquired territoiy north of the line of 36°3o' of north latitude, 
and allowing it in all south of that line — would have the effect 
of preventing any further acquisition of territory, as the North- 
ern States would be unwilling to make any southern acquisitions, 
on which slavery was to be allowed, and the Southern States 
would not be inclined to increase the preponderance of the 
North by northern acquisitions. And thus I hoped that the 
provision respecting future territory would prevent any further 
acquisitions of territory, and I did not desire that any more 
should be made. 

These were my reasons for submitting the proposition in re- 
lation to future acquired territory. But my great object zvas 
compromise, — compromise on terms satisfactory, as far as possible, 
to all parties and all sections; and when I found that this pro- 
vision in my resolutions was much and particularly objected to, 
and miglit prove an obstacle to their adoption, I determined, in 
my anxiety for compromise, that I would not insist upon it, but 
Would consent to have it stricken out. 

To accomplish the great object 1 liad in view, the peace and 
union of the country, I would, rather than have witnessed their 
total failure, have }-ieldcd to any modification of my resolutions 
that would not, in my judgment, have destroyed their essential 



RETIREMENT FROM THE SENATE. 



297 



character and their pacifying effect. Indeed, I intended, if 
opportunity had been afforded me, to make several amend- 
ments in \\\Q phraseology of those resolutions, in order to render 
their language as little offensive as possible. 

I wish to see reconciliation and union established. It was 
of no importance by whose resolutions or by whose measures 
it was brought about, so that the great end was accomplished. 

It was in that spirit, that when the Peace Conference or Con- 
vention, that met at Washington upon the invitation of the State 
of Virginia, made a report to Congress of the resolutions or 
measures recommended by them for the restoration of peace 
and union, I at once determined to support their measures 
rather than those I had before proposed. I did this, not only 
because their propositions contained, as I thought, the substance 
of my own, but because they came with the high sanction of a 
convention of twenty-one States, and would, therefore, be more 
likely to be acceptable to Congress and the country. Besides 
that, I felt myself somewhat bound to act with this deference 
to a convention so distinguished. I had ascertained to my sat- 
isfaction that the resolutions would not be adopted in the 
Senate. 

From this hastily-written statement you will discover the 
motives of my conduct in all the above-recited transactions, 
and that I did not so act either because I was "disgusted" with, 
or had ever "repudiated," the resolutions which I submitted to 
the Senate. 

I am, very respectfully yours, etc., 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(From the Catlettsburg Southern Advocate, on Mr. Crittenden's retiring from the 

Senate.) 

There is no Kentuckian to whom the name of this distin- 
guished statesman is not as familiar as household words. For 
forty years his name has been intimately associated with the 
history of Kentucky, — in the tented field as her chief executive 
officer, one of the most brilliant officers of her bar, one of the 
cabinet ministers of two Presidents, in the Senate of the United 
States, where, by his talents, virtues, and patriotism, he has 
attained the highest position, and now, by common consent, he 
is hailed as the Nestor of that peerless body, and stands peer- 
less among his peers. Kentucky, in her proudest days, could 
have asked no more at the hands of her senators than can 
be found in her illustrious Crittenden. When danger threat- 
ened the rights of the State, or the Union, which she loves, 
her great anxieties were speedily removed by a recollection, 
that in the councils of the nation her interests were confided 



298 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to one of the wisest and purest patriots of whom our country 
can boast, — one who was the companion and compeer of her 
immortal Clay. Neither the eminent services which this dis- 
tin^aiished statesman has rendered his State and countr)-', nor 
his exalted patriotism and talents, nor his purity of life, nor all 
these combined, were sufficient to save him from the sacrifice 
which the insatiate spirit for proscription in the party, now in 
the ascendant in our State, demands. The deed has been 
accomplished, the decree has gone forth, that he, whom Ken- 
tucky has always delighted to honor and whose services have 
been heretofore so highly appreciated, must vacate the seat 
in the councils of the nation, so long held with honor to him- 
self and his country, — an act of ingratitude which leaves a 
stain upon the history of Kentucky. We are aware that his 
opponents, by an unfair representation, have deceived the 
people in regard to his views on the great subject of slavery, 
inducing them to believe that he is not a safe guardian for 
Southern interests. How absurd is such a suspicion ! and it is 
attempted to be cast on Kentucky's favorite son by those 
who commend to her confidence Buchanan, Douglas, and the 
leaders of the present Democracy. Although his official rela- 
tions to his State may soon be dissolved, and his patriotic voice 
be no longer heard in the Senate-chamber, yet there is kindled 
on the altar of his heart a flame of sacred devotion to his 
country, which will ever impel him to raise his eloquent and 
patriotic voice in her defense, whether she be assailed by inter- 
nal or foreign foes. Have we not an evidence of this now? 
Does not the angry storm of dissension, which is now lashed into 
fury by the fanaticism of the extremes of the two great leading 
parties in Congress, threaten our Union with dissolution ? 
Where does John J. Crittenden stand ? As the g\-c3.t peaeeniaker, 
calm, though not unaffected by the danger which threatens our 
Union, he raises his warning voice, calling upon the true and 
conservative portion of every party and section in the country 
to unite in one grand Union party, whose basis shall be " the 
Constitution, the Union, and the enforcement of the laws." 
Mr. Crittenden, with others of a kindred spirit, are the leaders 
of this great Union movement, actuated by no other motive 
than the good of the whole country. It must be gratifying to 
every lover of the Union to see that the effort meets the ap- 
proval and co-operation of thousands of every section of our 
land, proving conclusively that the hearts of the people are right 
and that the Union party will be triumphant. Mr. Crittenden 
retires from the Senate with the consciousness of having done 
his duty, and the warmest gratitude of a large portion of the 
citizens of his State and of the Union. At no period of his life 



SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE. 299 

did he hold a higher place in the affections of the people. May 
he long live to enjoy the proud satisfaction which so long a life 
spent in the service of his country must afford! 

Mr. Crittenden has all his life been a firm and outspoken 
party man ; principles he has always had, and their fearless 
enunciation has ever been characteristic of him. But at this 
crisis of our country's history and hopes he has divested him- 
self of everything like party feeling, bias, or prejudice, and 
plants himself alone upon an earnest and patriotic desire for the 
preservation of the Union and the restoration of the full measure 
of peace, prosperity, and happiness which once belonged, in a 
degree never surpassed by any other people, to the citizens of 
our common country. Forgetting the past of party politics, he 
is ready to unite with all of every party whose object in refer- 
ence to the vital question of the republic's safety is coincident 
with his own ; and his appeals to the brave and the good of all 
parties to rally under the common flag of the Nation, and save 
it from the wanton destruction with which it is threatened, are 
worthy alike of himself and of the glorious cause for which he 
so feelingly and eloquently pleads, and to which he is devoting 
all the energies of his noble nature. To Kentuckians especially 
are his counsels directed, to stand by and maintain the Union 
and the high position of their Commonwealth in it, in this hour 
of trouble and peril. A native Kentuckian himself, there is no 
man prouder of his birthright ; but he is equally proud of the 
title of American citizen which he bears ; neither would he 
surrender, both being alike cherished objects of his affectionate 
regard. His fellow-citizens, who have ever regarded him as a 
faithful and honored representative of Kentucky character, will, 
we feel assured, give heed to the counsels of the gallant old 
patriot, and will rally in the majesty of their might to the duties 
to which he invokes them. 

(From the Lexington Observer and Reporter.) 

SPEECH OF THE HON. JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, BEFORE THE LEGIS- 
LATURE OF KENTUCKY, ON TUESDAY, 26TH OF MARCH, 1861. 

Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Senate and House 
OF Representatives, — It is my great honor on this occasion to 
appear before you upon your joint invitation to address you 
upon the subject of our national affairs. I thank you, gentlemen, 
' for the great honor you have thus seen fit to confer upon me. I 
have been long, very long, in the service of my country. The 
time has come when I am to retire from it, — I do it cheerfully 
and willingly. You and your predecessors have conferred many 
honors upon me, — you have given me your confidence. Re- 



300 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

peatedly have I had the honor of being elected to the Senate 
of the United States. I am now a private citizen ; and, after all 
my trials and my attempts in the service of my country, you 
are pleased to receive me with approbation. I am grateful to 
you, gentlemen. By these honors and this exhibition of your 
confidence you endeavor to make the repose of my old days — 
after a life spent in your service — agreeable, happy, and honorable. 
You can confer no greater reward upon me; I can receive none 
greater. I know that I am indebted as much to your partiality 
as I am to the value of any service I have rendered for these 
tokens of regard and confidence. 

I am invited, Mr. Speaker, to address you and the honored 
assembly on the subject of our national affairs. It is a gloomy 
subject, Mr. Speaker. Never in the long history of our coun- 
try has anything like or at all parallel to the present condition 
of our country presented itself for our consideration. But a 
little while ago we were a great, united people; our name was 
known, and known only to be respected, throughout the land. 
Our power, our greatness, was everywhere recognized, and our 
flag was everywhere considered as the emblem of a great and 
growing nation. Now, sir, what is the condition to which we 
are reduced ? Where is that glorious Union that we promised 
ourselves should be perpetuated ? Where are those ten thou- 
sand sentiments offered in toasts and orations that the Union 
was to be perpetuated? "Let it be perpetuated — csto pLi'pctna' 
— was the sentiment expressed on thousands and thousands of 
public occasions. 

What is our condition now, and how has it been brought 
about? I need not state very particularly the causes which 
have produced these effects, nor need I recur to the present 
condition of our nation with a view of telling you what it is. It 
is a sad story, so sad that it is impressed upon every heart, 
known to every citizen. I shall not detain you idly by any 
particular details of causes. It is enough to say that it has all 
grown — our national calamity, our national misfortune — has all 
grown out of a controversy between the slaveholding and non- 
slaveholding States; furnishing questions of slavery and ques- 
tions of anti-slavery, — questions about the Territories of the 
United States. These agitations have long exasperated on the 
one side and on the other a vast portion of the United States. 
It has resulted in the formation of sectional parties, — a sectional 
party in the North and a sectional party in the South. The 
sectional party of the North has finally succeeded in electing a 
President for the United States, and installing their party in all 
branches of the government. This has excited increased ap- 
prehensions in parts of the South as to the safety of their pecu- 



SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE. 301 

liar institutions. They dread that the Northern power will 
employ itself in destroying one of these institutions, and de- 
priving them of their property. Under this apprehension, what 
have they done ? They have sought a most violent remedy 
against this apprehended evil by seceding, as they term it, from 
the Union of these States, and forming for themselves a separ- 
ate, distinct, and independent government out of the seven 
States that have seceded, — South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, 
Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas. These States have, 
in so far as they possessed the power, broken our Union, and 
established, or attempted to establish, for themselves an inde- 
pendent government, and to put that government into operation. 
This is the present attitude in which our country stands. While 
these revolutionary movements were in progress, attempts were 
made in the Congress of the United States, then in session, for 
the adoption of such measures as might check them. It was 
hoped that if these measures could not recall to the Union the 
States that had already seceded, they might secure the allegi- 
ance and adherence to the Union of the remaining States. 
Among many other gentlemen who proposed measures for 
adjustment and reconciliation, I submitted a series of resolutions, 
believing that their adoption might pacify our country, put a 
stop to revolution, and preserve and restore our Union. I need 
not undertake to occupy your time by reciting those resolutions. 
They are known to you all, and had the honor of being ex- 
pressly approved by you. Their object was mainly to satisfy 
the claims of the South to remove with their slaves to the Ter- 
ritories of the United States. 

On the other hand, this right was denied upon the ground 
that the Territories belonged to the United States ; that no in- 
dividual State, nor any of the States, separately, had an interest 
in the Territories, but that they belonged to, and were under 
the absolute control and government of, the general government. 
Sir, let that be admitted. Admit that the territory is under the 
absolute control of the general government, but, sir, does it not 
follow that that general government ought so to administer this 
great property, so to exercise its great functions, that every 
class of States, and every State, shall equally participate in and 
equally enjoy that which belongs to all? No matter whether 
you consider it a property held in trust for the individual States, 
or as a property held absolutely for the general government, to 
be controlled or disposed of by the general government, it 
equally follows that the general government, to be just and to 
act upon the principles of the Constitution, ought to so admin- 
ister the property that each and every State — every portion of 
the Union — may have an equal participation in and an equal 



302 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

enjoyment in that which belongs equally to all — the territory 
of the United States. 

It seems to me, therefore, that there is injustice in excluding 
from that equal and full enjoyment any class of States because 
of any institution that may exist in them. The Constitution 
gives to the other States no right to monopolize that territory, 
and to assume the entire ownership and enjoyment of it. The 
Constitution accepted them at its foundation. It accepted them 
as slavcholding States. It accepted them at the time of its 
adoption as entitled to equal rights, notwithstanding they held 
slaves. It accepted slavcholding and non-slaveholding States 
as standing in equal favor with the Constitution, and entitled to 
equal rights and equal justice from that Constitution. So re- 
garding it, it seems to me that it would be unjust for the free 
States to assume and usurp to themselves the entire control of 
these Territories, and to control them so as in effect to exclude 
from them portions of the citizens of a certain class of States. 
I thought, therefore, sir, that the North was in the wrong and 
that the South was in the right in respect to this question of 
property and rights in the Territories of the United States; and 
one of the objects of the measures which I proposed, one of 
their chief objects, was to procure, by an amendment to the 
Constitution, an acknowledgment of this equal right on the 
part of the South. Upon constitutional principles, this right 
would extend to all the Territories of the United States, and 
the Southern States, in common with the free States, would 
have an undivided and equal right in all the Territories of the 
United States. But, as a common enjoyment would be difficult, 
it appeared more convenient that there should be for this pur- 
pose a sort of partition of the Territories of the United States 
between the different classes of States, slavcholding and non- 
slaveholding. 

Our fathers, — those who have gone before us, — in the year 
1820, upon the question of the introduction of Missouri into 
the Union, were involved in this very question of slavery agita- 
tion. The admission of Missouri was objected to because of 
its constitution, in view of the fact that slavery existed in the 
new State and was sanctioned by its constitution. Manifesting, 
at that early period, an opposition to the exclusion of slavery, 
they rejected it in the first instance, — they opposed the admis- 
sion of Missouri. A compromise was then drafted. The line 
of 36°3o' was made the dividing boundary or line. Upon the 
north of it slavery was to be prohibited ; upon the south of it 
slavery was not to be prohibited. So the matter rested. It 
produced peace. Now, instead of the common, undivided right 
to go into all the Territories, the South has an implied promise 



SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLA TURE. 303 

that she may go there and carry her slaves, if she pleases, into 
all the territory south of the line 36° 30'. That compromise 
applied also to the territory acquired by the Louisiana treaty. 
What have we done in the present emergency, — an emergency 
presenting the same questions ? I proposed that we should again 
adopt this line of division and apply it to the territory which 
we had since acquired in our war with Mexico ; that again we 
should renew the compact that in the territory north of 36° 30' 
there should be no slavery, and that in the territoiy south of it 
slavery should be recognized. It seemed to me that this was 
just, equitable, and right. But it did not appear so to the 
Congress of the United States. 

I believe if the measures thus offered had been at a suitable 
time promptly adopted by the Congress of the United States, it 
would have checked the progress of the rebellion and revolu- 
tion, and saved the Union. But, I say, it did not seem so to 
the Congress of the United States, and they declined to adopt 
these resolutions, with the exception of one. That was an 
amendment to the Constitution, which it adopted so far as it 
could, to be referred to the several States for their adoption — an 
amendment declaring that the general government should have 
no power whatever over slavery in the States, and that no 
amendment should be made to the Constitution of the United 
States which should give Congress any such power. It said 
nothing in respect to the Territories, either as it regarded the 
Territories themselves, or as it regarded slavery in the Terri- 
tories. They declined to permit slaves to be carried into the 
territory south of 36° 30'. In the mean time the revolution 
proceeded. This revolution has undertaken to form itself into a 
government distinct and independent. The revolting States 
have broken the Union which united us heretofore, and they 
are putting their government into operation ; and we stand here 
to-day astonished at the great events that are occurring around 
us — astonished at the revolution that is glaring us in the face — 
and inquiring what is to be done. 

There was one solitary circumstance attending these resolu- 
tions, however, that is well worthy of notice. Although the 
discussion of them did not sufficiently recommend them to the 
Congress of the United States, it struck upon the hearts of the 
people throughout the United States, and afforded them an op- 
portunity for displaying their fraternal feelings towards us and 
all the South, and the generous temper and disposition which 
prompted them to seek reconciliation and adjustment — an ami- 
cable settlement of all our differences upon any terms that we 
might believe to be fair and equitable — ^just upon the terms offered 
by the resolutions which I submitted, or upon any other terms 



304 ^IF^ OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

equivalent to them. That would have been reconciliation 
enough to have saved the Union, whatever else might have been 
lost. As a testimony of the manner in which this adjustment 
was hoped for, hundreds and thousands of persons in the North- 
ern States signed petitions praying for the passage of the 
measure, — forty thousand voters from the single State of Mas- 
sachusetts, thousands from Pennsylvania, thousands from all the 
Northern States, breathing a spirit of love and kindness to their 
fellow-citizens and devotion to the Union, which was willing to 
sacrifice anything and everything for its preservation. This was 
to me, and it will be to you and to every Union-loving man, the 
most impressive and acceptable evidence of the temper and dis- 
position of our fellow-citizens elsewhere. It showed me that 
the argument which had been so often used to disunite us — that 
the North hates the South and that the South hates the North 
— is not true. The Almighty has not made us with hearts of 
such malignity as to hate whole classes of our countrymen for 
the sins of a few men. The North does not hate the South. 
The South does not hate the North. In this matter, gentlemen, 
I speak so far as my own observation and my own experience 
enable me to testify. We have our moments of irritation at 
times. We have great provocations, and often these provoca- 
tions have excited unkind feelings — reproaches without number, 
on the one side and on the other. Crimination and recrimina- 
tion have existed between us. But this only serves to form a 
part of that great volume of abuse which political strife and the 
struggle for party predominancy must necessarily produce. 
They pass by, however. The stream is no longer made turbid 
by this cause, and in purity it runs throughout the land, en- 
circling us in the arms of a common fellowship — a common 
country. So may God forever preserve us. 

We have not been made to hate one another. We do not 
hate one another. The politicians who tell us that we hate 
each other arc either honestly mistaken, or they are seeking 
ephemeral popularity by professing to be our friends, and show- 
ing us by the hatred which they profess for other sections, 
that their protecting love for us is over all. But the people will 
not always be led by politicians. They have risen upon this 
occasion, and I believe in my heart that there is at this moment 
a majority of Northern men that would cheerfully vote for any 
of the resolutions of compromise that were proposed by men of 
the South in the last Congress. I have assurances of that char- 
acter given to me by some of the most respectable men, some 
of the most influential men, of Pennsylvania. I have assurances 
given to me by hundreds of letters from the most intelligent 
men .of that State, to get my resolutions submitted to the 



SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLA TURE. 305 

people. They came to me from every Northern State, I believe, 
without a solitary exception, to get my resolutions submitted to 
the people. "We want," said they, "to preserve the Union. 
We differ from our representation in Congress in this matter. 
They are elected as partisans, on party platforms, and are sub- 
ject to the control of their party. They do not feel as we do. 
They feel and act like partisans, and want to maintain every 
syllable and every letter of their platform. We wish to preserve 
our sacred Union. We love our brethren. Put your resolutions 
before us. They will pass by hundreds and thousands of ma- 
jorities." Gentlemen, I believe that, in Pennsylvania, they 
would have passed by one hundred thousand majority. If these 
have done nothing else, they have at least elicited evidences of 
affection for us from our Northern brethren. They ought to be 
considered as having attained something in this light, something 
important, too, considering the value of the Union. The people 
were ready to sanction the compromise. The generosity and 
patriotism of their hearts have not stopped to calculate the con- 
sequences to party of the downfall of their platform. They have 
indulged these feelings as fellow-citizens and fellow-countrymen, 
and they are willing to give you all you ask and all you want. 
They would rather give you more than you are entitled to, than 
part with you. 

We are not to be outdone in generosity, I trust, by the people 
of the North. If they are thus anxious to preserve the Union, 
shall we be more lukewarm in that sacred cause ? What we 
should do, is this : insist upon our rights, but insist upon them 
in the Union, and depend upon it that the people will grant 
them to you. This or that senate, and this or that body or 
convention, may refuse, but, mark me, your country has a great, 
warm heart. The citizens of this republic will work out the 
redemption of their country, if we will but combine and co- 
operate with them to preserve this Union. Let us struggle in 
the Union, contend in the Union, make the Union the instru- 
ment with which we contend, and we shall get all that we ask 
— all that we can desire — all that reason can warrant us in ex- 



ig- 



pecting. 

This, my fellow-citizens, is the great fact of the sentiment and 
opinion of our brethren everywhere. Now, the great question 
which we are called upon to decide is. What, in this unparal- 
leled, stupendous crisis —what shall we do ? Seven States of 
our common country, — lately moving in harmony,— claiming no 
other rights than as the fellow-citizens of a common govern- 
ment, withdrew from this government, and are now denying 
their 'allegiance to it, avowing their determination to form a 
separate government, and actually forming that separate gov- 

VOL. II. — 20 



3o6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

ernment as an independent government — as separate from this. 
They arc attempting to ignore all relations to us, and claiming 
treatment as a foreign power. 

What i.s the wish of us all ? It is, and ought to be, by some 
means or measure to bring back to this Union — to bring back 
into perfect reconciliation with us — fellow-citizens who have thus 
gone astray and abandoned us. Ay, that is the wish of all. 
Though we may think they have acted rashly, we cannot yet 
look upon them as foreigners. They are, some of them, of our 
families ; some of them are our brothers. They may secede 
from the government, but they cannot secede from those thou- 
sand affections that bind them to us. They cannot secede from 
those thousand relations of consanguinity and love which unite 
them with us. Nature has tied these knots. Party difficulties 
and political troubles can never untie them. 

They proclaim themselves independent as a nation. How 
shall we treat these erring brethren ? How shall the general 
government act towards them ? How shall Kentucky and the 
other slave States conduct themselves towards these seceding 
States ? The object of all is to bring them back. We wish 
them well, but we think they have greatly erred, — at least I do. 
We think they have done wrong to themselves, wrong to us, 
and wrong to all mankind by breaking up that government 
whose promises reached humanity in eveiy region in the world; 
promises that have been indissolubly connected with liberty and 
political happiness. The wrong to all those interests which 
they have done proves conclusively to my mind that the Union 
cannot be broken. It is not yet broken. These States may 
have seceded. "Seceded," — a word altogether illegitimate, 
having no origin or foundation in any constitutional right, and 
enigmatical in meaning ; simply it is revolution against us, — 
whereas revolution acknowledged and avowed is war upon the 
nation against whom that revolution is attempted. If all our laws, 
all popular opinion and sentiment still exist in theory though 
disobeyed and disregarded by those who attempt to form an- 
other nation, the wish of us all is to bring them back — to be 
again one and indivisible. How shall it be best done ? 

What is the policy for the general government to pursue ? 
Now, Mr. President, without undertaking to say what is the 
e.xact policy under circumstances so singular as the present 
hour presents us with, I will only undertake to say that they 
ought not to pursue a course of forcible coercion. Not the 
policy of coercion, I say. Our object and desire is to bring 
them back into terms of former union and fellowship. That is 
the object of our private affections as well as of our public 
policy. To attempt by coercion — by arms — to force them back 



SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLA TURE. 307 

into the Union at the point of the bayonet — to shed their blood 
— is no way to win their affections. Let them go on in peace 
with their experiment. This government is not bound to pat- 
ronize revolution against itself; therefore, I say, let its policy be 
the policy of forbearance and of peace. Let them make this 
experiment under all the advantages that peace can give them. 
We all hope, for their own good and their own welfare, that 
their experiment will fail of success ; that when the increased 
expenses of a government formed of a few States, and the 
thousand inconveniences that attend its disruption from the 
great body to which it belonged, — like tearing off an arm from 
the human system ; when they have come to experience all the 
pains and inconveniences, all the troubles and all the pests that 
attend, and must inevitably attend, this extraordinary movement, 
they will begin to look back to the great mansion of their tribe, 
— the grand Union of this great republic; they will wish to 
return to their brethren, no longer to try these hazardous ex- 
periments of making governments separate from this govern- 
ment. These are truly hazardous experiments. I think they 
will fail. I hope so only because that will have the effect of 
bringing them back into this Union. It will have the desirable 
effect of restoring our lost brethren to us. I am, therefore, 
for the peace policy. Give them an opportunity of making 
the experiment. Do not excite them to war or bloodshed. 
They have been sufficiently misled by other causes. Add to 
those causes the irritation that the sight of blood will_ neces- 
sarily create, and we can have no possible hope of reconciliation, 
— them to us or we to them. 

Let us rather trust to peace. Let us trust to their experience, 
— the inconvenience of their errors. They will come back. 
We will invite them back,— not receive them as offenders or as 
criminals ; we will receive them as brethren who have fallen 
into error, who have been deluded, but who, discovering their 
errors, manfully returned to us, who magnanimously receive 
them and rejoice over them. I want the general government 
to pursue this policy of peace and forbearance. What shall the 
separate States do ? Those slaveholding States still adhering 
to the Union ought to be more particularly forbearing. 

But what shall old Kentucky do? Our affections are all 
clustered upon her. Her peace, her honor, her glory, her in- 
terests are ours. Her character is ours, — and a proud heritage 
it is. I love her with all my heart. I am one of the oldest of 
her children. I have been one of the most favored of her chil- 
dren, and with heartfelt gratitude do I acknowledge it ; with all 
my heart's devotion do I acknowledge it. I can never repay 
the obligations which I feel I owe to her. What shall Ken- 



3o8 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tucky do, — our country — our magnanimous old State — \vha< 
shall she do in this great crisis, this trial of our nation's faith ? 
Shall we follow the secessionists? Shall we join in the experi- 
mental government of the South, or shall we adhere to the tried 
government of the Union under which we live, — under which 
our fathers lived and died ? I call upon you to bear witness, as 
candid, truthful men, do you know of any wrong that the 
government has ever done you ? Can you name any instance 
of wrong suffered on account of your connection with the 
great Union of which you are a part? Kentucky herself came 
into existence under the Constitution, and under the Union that 
she still clings to. Under its protection she has grown from a 
handful of pioneers and a few hunters to the noble State that 
she now is; in every passage of her history maintaining her 
character for honor and fidelity, for devotion to truth, devotion 
to country ; seeking at whatever distance, at whatever sacrifice, 
every battle-field upon which the honor and the interest of her 
country were to be combated for. That is old Kentucky. 
Fearing none; feeling herself in influence and power irresistible 
in the right cause, irresistible in defense of herself, she has gone 
on and prospered. Where is the man of Kentucky that fears 
that anybody will come here to take away our rights from us ? 
Our self-possession and character are founded upon this con- 
scious ability to defend ourselves, — that there is none so bold 
as to attack us, we being in the right, they in the wrong. 

Now what, I ask again, is Kentucky to do? This is a ques- 
tion upon which many of us, fellow-citizens, differ in opinion. I 
came not here to-day to reproach any one for his opinion. I 
came to argue the matter with my fellow-citizens, and to pre- 
sent my views of the subject as one of the people of Kentucky. 
We should counsel together on such occasions. No man should 
be entirely given up to his opinion in such matters. He should 
listen with respect to the arguments of all. It is the good 
of the country that is at stake, and the opinions of all should 
be heard and determined upon calmly and dispassionately. If 
we differ, it is only about the means of advancing the interests 
of tiiat country. 

What will we gain by going off with this secession move- 
ment — this experimental government ? Is it not a hazardous 
experiment? Can seven States well bear all the expense that 
must arise out of the maintenance of armies, of navies, the ex- 
penses of a state of government like our own with like expenses ? 
They must have a President. They will probably not give him 
a less salary than we give our President. They must have a 
Congress. They will not give their Congressmen less than we 
give ours. They must have all the retinue, all the different de- 



SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLA TURE. 



309 



partments of government, and they will not place them, I think, 
at a less cost than we can. The army and the navy, of the ex- 
pense of which our legislators frequently complain without 
being able to diminish, that they must have also. How can 
these seven States defray the expenses ? Is it our interest to 
join this experimental government — to give up the grand herit- 
age which we enjoy under the established Constitution, made 
by the men most venerated by us, under which we have lived — 
a government which has been thought throughout the world to 
be a masterpiece of human wisdom, shall we who have grown 
and flourished under it, and regarded it as the most firmly es- 
tablished government in the world if its principles are properly 
respected, shall we quit that and go into the secession ranks, fall 
into the footsteps of the revolutionary government ? It would 
not be wise. I can see nothing that we are to gain by it. What 
will you gain ? What is such a change to gain for any citizen? 
What evil is Kentucky to disburden herself of? What is the 
danger that now threatens her? Does she escape it by this 
revolution ? Are these States any stronger by going out of the 
Union ? I see nothing that is to be gained. I see no remedy 
in dissolution of the Union. The Union, on the contrary, seems 
to me to be the shield and arm of our defense. Kentucky re- 
tains in the Union all her physical powers that she could pos- 
sibly have in the new Confederacy — all her means of physical 
resistance are just equal in the Union to what they would be 
out of the Union. In addition to this, she possesses claims by 
law and the Constitution which all the world sees, knows, can 
read and understand. With these immunities and rights, with 
the laws and the Constitution, does she not have additional 
power? To the physical power she is able to carry the immu- 
nities and laws which form the charter. She can appeal to our 
courts, to the Union, to the fellow-citizens of the government, 
and the Union. She is stronger in this attitude, is she not ? 

It is nothing but passion, it seems to me, that can have misled 
her so far. I will not go into the means by which the people 
are sometimes misled by leaders ; I will not go into the 
causes that sometimes delude these leaders themselves; but that 
we have gained nothing, that we can gain nothing, by going into 
it and sharing with it, seems to me very evident. 

Our true policy is to stand by that Union, whose blessings we 
have so long experienced, so long enjoyed; to stand fast by it 
uniil some great political necessity shall drive us from it. In 
the Union we know that we have found safety ; there our fathers 
found safety, and these fathers constructed it for our safety. All 
experience has taught us that we have the best government in 
the world. Abused and maladministered as it frequently is, is 



-^10 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

it not, at last, the best government in the world ? Is there any 
better ? Where else docs liberty appear as she does here ? She 
appears somewhere in the little republics of the old world, but 
so insignificant in their numbers as not to be noticed, and of 
course to be spared by the great despots and the great empe- 
rors of Christendom. There she may be said to exist in her 
rustic simplicity, in tatters and rags. Here she exists in all her 
splendor, with a diadem on her head. Here is a great republic 
that has avowed allegiance to her. She, as a queen, beckons to 
all the world, and signalizes a people that know how to govern 
themselves — a people that have entitled themselves to this 
liberty. 

This has been the fruit of this Constitution and this Union by 
which I advise you to stand firm. Stand true to it, I say, until 
some great political necessity drives you from that post. What 
are we now to do? A portion of our countrymen are specu- 
lating on distant consequences. They are resolving that we 
will quit our place of safety and go into an experiment, — ^join 
the new revolutionary government, — and they say that Virginia 
and other States will follow. Then they say there will be no 
war, and then we will be in a better condition to reconstruct. 
This is all a fallacy from beginning to end. Can we trust our 
speculation upon causes that are so dependent one upon another, 
upon contingencies that lie in the future ? Can we come to dis- 
tant conclusions of that sort? No. The safe way is to do that 
duty which is nearest to you. Do that first. You can see that. 
We have not the gift of prediction. This argument of specula- 
tion, founded upon distant contingencies, founded upon infer- 
ences, and from inferences as to what may follow from the com- 
plication of causes, that is least of all to be relied upon. There 
is no safe logic in it. Every man can see and understand the 
duty that is next to him, and should not attempt to confound 
his conviction by endeavoring to comprehend objects beyond 
his reach. 

What is our nearest duty? You have been told to maintain 
the Constitution of the United States. It has never done you 
wrong, never despoiled you of your property, never taken from 
you a minute of your freedom or your liberty during your whole 
lifetime. Are you to abandon that upon a contingency ; are 
you to go abroad for an experiment ; is that the next and 
wisest step to be taken ? Is not the most immediate duty to 
stand fast in your fidelity to that tried government, until some 
necessity shall force you from it ? When that necessity comes, 
it will need no argument. Necessity requires no speculation, 
no argument. When that great political necessity comes which 
alone would justify us in sundering this glorious Union, it will 



SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE. 



311 



speak for itself. It will speak for itself in language not to be 
misunderstood. We need not wrangle, or debate, or quarrel 
about it. It will tell us all with its imperious tongue. It will 
wave us to obedience. Conform to it we must. Is that the 
case now ? No ! Why, then, be in a hurry to abandon this 
good government which has sheltered us so long ? Why 
commit ourselves to the cold and inclement skies of an untried 
country, an untried winter ? Is that wise ? Is that the pru- 
dence of a great nation ? Excitement, animation, and impetu- 
osity may prompt us, and some may be lured by the very 
danger of the experiment; but that is not the part of wisdom ; 
that is not the part of that wisdom that ought to govern you 
and to govern a community, — that wisdom which is of a delib- 
erate, reflecting mind. You are to divest yourselves of these 
passions when you come to decide such a question. Let me 
ask you, Was ever such a question submitted to a people 
before ? Here are thirty millions of people, constituting the 
greatest, the freest, and the most powerful nation on the face of 
the earth. Is she to fall down in a day ? Are we hastily to 
go off— to fly from all the greatness we have inherited and ac- 
quired, and madly, wildly seek in the wilderness an experi- 
mental government, and substitute it for the better one we now 
■enjoy? 

The moment we are divided, what are we? Before all the 
nations of the earth our greatness is given up. * Is there any 
one of you, any one whose heart swells with pride and love of 
country, that would not mourn over the slightest diminution of 
the greatness of his country's power? We experienced the 
haughtiness and superciliousness of a haughty nation's prince 
when we were but a feeble colony, I might say involved in revo- 
lution. Now your flag carries respect and fear and love over 
sea and over every land ; it is everywhere hailed with the pro- 
foundest respect. When you are compelled to blow' from its 
folds seven of the stars that now adorn it, — when this waning 
constellation shall show its diminished head, — what will become 
of that respect, founded in fear as well as in love ? What will 
become of that respect with which it was hailed under a peace- 
ful government ? When you go abroad now, and when to the 
question as to what you are, you answer you are an American, 
you are treated instantly with more respect than even the proud 
Englishman. Of all names it is that by which a man would 
prefer to travel in Europe. It is your country's name that gives 
you this stamp, this great power. It is that great country 
whose name never fails to prove a shadow of protection over 
you. Do you not believe now that foreign nations are triumph- 
ins in the division and dismemberment of this great govern- 



312 LIFE OF JOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 

mcnt ? They feared its example; they feared its liberty; but now 
they look to you, not as the possessors of a good government 
founded on liberty and on principles which might be to them a 
dangerous example, but to cite you as an evidence that all popular 
government is a delusion. " Men are not capable of govern- 
ing themselves," they say, sneeringly, "and the people of the 
United States are showing it. They live in a country that 
reveres poVver. They had all sway and all dominion, yet 
you see, by party controversy, and the little exasperations that 
spring out of it, this great government is in an instant exploded 
under the madness of part}'. In six months that proud empire, 
reaching to the skies, stretching its arms over the world, has 
fallen to the ground. They are an evidence that man requires 
kings and despotisms to govern him, — that he cannot govern 
himself" You, the proud nation, are now cited as an example 
of the impotency,the incapacity, of mankind for self-government, 
— to show that your boasted liberty is nothing but the exhala- 
tion of fancies, having no power, no strength, no capacities. 
These are the consequences that will accrue from a dissolution 
of the Union. 

Let us tiy, then, to bring the seceders back and reform them. 
Here is a government formed, all its laws and institutions per- 
fect. Those who have left us have but to step in and take 
possession of the mansion of their fathers. By standing fast 
by the Union, and showing the seceders that there is no proba- 
bility that we will unite with them, and if the other loyal slave- 
holding States will show the same disapprobation of their course, 
will that not have the effect of checking the career of this revo- 
lution? Won't its tendency be to make them think of return- 
ing to their brethren who are endeavoring to persuade them 
back by tokens of lov^e and affection ? When they see we will 
not follow, won't they return to us? 

That is our best policy, if we want to effect the reunion of the 
seceded States. It is not our policy to increase the evil by 
joining them. Will it be more difficult for them to come back 
alone than if six others joined them ? Won't that put farther 
from us all hopes of a reunion ? It seems to me that every 
view, every argument, is capable of demonstration that the 
course of wisdom and policy is for us to stand by the Union. 
It is better for us for the future, better for the future of the 
country. By showing to our erring brethren of the South that 
we will not go with them, — by showing them our fixed opinion 
that their experiment must prove a failure, and that they can 
expect nothing like encouragement from us, — will that not have 
a tendency to bring them back ? I think it will. 

Upon an occasion not unlike the present, ten years ago, Mr. 



SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE. 313 

Clay stood near the spot which I now occupy. The circum- 
stances of the times were then not altogether unlike what they 
are now. He stood here in 1850. In 1848 the storm was 
gathering as it has now gathered. Great apprehensions were 
entertained in the country that it would terminate in disunion. 
Mr. Clay went to Congress in 1849. He brought forward a 
series of compromises in 1850 and had them passed. That 
pacified the country and preserved the Union. In 1850 he 
came here, and in this legislature he delivered an address. The 
storm had then passed by, but he spoke to them with a prophet's 
fire, and with all a patriot's concern of the character of the 
Constitution of their country and the value of this Union. He 
said, "I have been asked when I would consent to give up this 
Union. I answer. Never ! never ! never ! And I warn you, 
my countrymen, now, if, as things seem to tend, this country 
should be divided into a Union and a Disunion party, I here, 
now, — no matter who compose that party, — declare myself a 
member of the Union party. Whether it be a Whig or a Dem- 
ocrat that belongs to the party of the Union, there I subscribe 
my name ; there I unite my heart and hand with that party." 
How would he answer the question. What shall we do ? Shall 
we quit this Union now and go off upon the experiment of our 
brethren of the South ? What would he answer who then an- 
swered as I have stated ? 

I say, then, it would be wisdom in us never to consider the 
question of dissolution. It is not a question to be debated ; it 
is not a question to be settled upon policies or arguments. You 
know the fruit of that tree is good. Stand under it. Feed 
upon its rich fruits as you have done until some great necessity 
is upon us; until a necessity like that by which our parents 
were driven from Eden, shall drive you from it. Then go ; it 
will be time then, and that necessity will be your justification. 
There is another authority still more venerable than that of the 
illustrious man whom I have mentioned, — I mean General 
Washington. Do you believe he was a wise man ? What did 
he tell you of the value of this Union, and of your duty to 
maintain and uphold it ? Not merely argumentative devotion, 
ready to argue yourselves in or out of it on occasion; he told 
you to have an immovable attachment to the Union; never to 
think of abandoning it. Stick to it; fight for it; fight in it. 
If your rights are disturbed, maintain them, if that desperate 
extremity should come; but that desperate extremity is not to 
be apprehended. It may occur for a short time. Wrong and 
oppression may be practiced for a short time. Bad rulers may 
oppress you as they have oppressed others. You may have a 
mischievous President and an ignorant and injurious Congress. 



314 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

All this may occur, but all this, in the wisdom of the Constitu- 
tion, is swallowed up in the general good. That same Consti- 
tution, which, through the infirmity of human nature, necessarily 
subjects you to those cvn'ls, gives you the power of redressing 
them at short intervals of time; and he who cannot, for the per- 
petual good, bear such evils for a short time does not deserve 
to be a member of a good government. You have the oppor- 
tunity of redeeming that government by frequent elections of a 
President and Congress. If you permit a repetition of a mal- 
administration it is your fault. You have the remedy, and it is 
your fault if you do not apply it. 

Gentlemen, the government is in a bad and dangerous con- 
dition. Whether it shall fall to pieces and become the scoff of 
the world, whether our ruins are all that shall remain to tell our 
story, is the question now to be determined, I belie\^c in the 
people more than I believe in governments, — more than I believe 
in Presidents, in Senators, or in Houses of Representatives. I do 
not say that to flatter multitudes. I say it because I believe in 
the intelligence of the people. I believe in the public virtue of 
the people, whatever, may be said to the contrary. Though in 
many things many people act a little unworthy of the dignity 
of freemen, still, when I look at the majestic body of the people, 
I find that there is a wisdom, a generosity, and a public virtue 
that will not allow this country to be trampled under foot or to 
go down to ruins. They will extend their hands from the 
North to the South, and from the South to the North, in fra- 
ternal sympathies. I do not believe they will fight upon any 
cause that yet exists. I believe they will not permit their 
rulers to maintain any petty platforms to destroy a great coun- 
try. The Chicago platform — a thing no bigger than my hand 
— to be set up, like an idol of old, and worshiped, and a great 
country like ours, with all its millions, sacrificed upon its altars 
— the people will not allow that to be done. They are not 
platform-makers. Their country and their God is what they 
are for. They are our fellow-citizens, and they will save us. 
This may be a superstition, but I have it, and it comforts and 
solaces me. You are a portion of that great bod}', and will 
you do your part? 

My friends, these remarks are desultory. I have not pre- 
tended to sketch the .sad history of these events or to relate 
them in their detail. I have not attempted to discuss all the 
jM-obable consequences of abandoning or standing b)- the gov- 
ernment of this Union. I have simply satisfied myself by saying 
that to join the new government would be nothing but a specu- 
lation. To stand fast where you are is to perform the duty 
which is nearest you, and within your clear conviction. That 



SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE. 315 

is the course I have recommended. What have you done ? 
Are you not pledged to this course ? What has old Ken- 
tucky's course been ? You sent some years ago a piece of 
Kentucky marble to be wrought up into the structure of that 
magnificent monument to the Father of his Country ; now un- 
finished in the city of Washington. That was your tribute to 
the patriotism and the great name of that unequaled man. 
What did you cause to be inscribed upon it? Let me remind 
you. Upon the stone are engraven these words : " Kentucky 
was the first State to enter the Union after the adoption of the 
present Constitution, and she will be the last to leave it." This 
is the testimony engraven by your own order. It is engraven 
upon the marble. It stands a part of the great monument to 
the memory of Washington, where all the world may sec it. 
While Washington is adored as the founder of the Union — the 
founder of his country — in that holy keeping is this monument 
of recorded rock in which you say you will be the last to leave 
the Union. 

Now, Mr. Speaker and gentlemen, when you have examined 
in every material point of view, in the view of every material in- 
terest, this question as to the policy and course Kentucky 
ought to pursue ; when you have found them all, let me say 
that I think your judgment will find it satisfactoiy not to 
remove from the Union. But suppose you did not arrive at 
that satisfactory conclusion, is there not something in the sta- 
bility which marks the manhood of old Kentucky ? Here she 
stands upon her own native grounds, here she stands by that 
flag under which she has often fought, and stands by that 
Union that she has sworn to maintain. Is there not a senti- 
ment that you feel in your heart that, however politicians may 
reason, policy ought to sway this matter ? There is a great deal 
even in doing wrong when you do it in pursuance of a sense of 
fidelity and honor — a sense of patriotism. Which of you, if 
your child is to read the history of this period, if it be our sad 
fate that our country now is to perish, and he is left to read 
only the mournful history of its fall, how would you rather it 
would stand in that history— that Kentucky in the tumult ol 
this revolution was led away, led away from her colors and her 
Constitution, and joined in the sad experiment of a Southern 
Cotton States republic ?— that she sundered herself from the 
parent government, which was broken into fragments, and 
helped to form little governments which soon consumed each 
other?— or that old Kentucky was left, when the land had been 
swept by secession and revolution, and nothing was left of the 
Union, Kentucky alone was seen standing upon the field which 
revolution had conquered,— standing alone, like a stalwart, un- 



3i6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

conquered old warrior, with the flag of his country in his hand, 
standing by the falHng column, — that the last scene of your an- 
cestor should leave him sitting like Marius upon the ruins of 
Carthage, mourning the melancholy and disgraceful fall of his 
own once glorious country? Where would you rather your 
ancestor should be presented in history — as sliding off into 
revolution and secession, making the experiment of the new 
republic, or see him standing unconquered and alone, with the 
stars and stripes in his hand, or falling nobly, and faithfully, and 
devotedly with the Constitution of his country? I think there 
is not one of us that would not prefer our ancestor to take that 
course. I know that we sometimes would be willing that an- 
cestors would pursue courses that we are unwilling to pursue 
ourselves. There is hardship, difficulty, and danger about it 
that we would rather avoid, provided we can have, even through 
an ancestor, the hereditary glory of acting such a self-sacrificing 
part as that. 

Mr. Speaker, I have occupied much more of the time of this 
enlightened body than I intended. In conclusion, I will only 
repeat my acknowledgment for the great many honors you have 
conferred upon me. They will make my retirement honorable, 
peaceful, and happy, and will revive recollections continually 
of your kindness and of that confidence which you placed in 
me. I have been a long time in the service of my country. 
Here, sir, was the earliest scene of my political life. Like you, 
and the youngest among you, I was once upon the floor of this 
house, endeavoring to serve my country, as you are. For many 
long years, in one position or other, I have lived. I ought to 
retire. The time has come. I have wished for it. You have 
made the way to that retirement dignified and honorable. With 
all my heart I pray to that Providence which has been as it 
were a shield over our country so long, that you may be made 
the instruments of preserving it and saving it through all the 
great emergencies and the great perils through which it has 
now to pass, that by your fortitude and courage you will u[)hold 
the principles of your government, by your wisdom and per- 
suasive policy bring back to us the friends and the countrymen 
we have lost. We do not love them the less because we love 
our country more, and would preserve the Union and the Con- 
stitution under which we live and hope to live. May your 
wisdom be so crowned with success that you will bring us out 
of these tribulations to peace and to the security for which we 
now struggle. 



LETTER FROM AUGUST BELMONT. 317 

(A. Belmont to J. J. Crittenden.) 

New York, December 26, 1862. 

My dear Sir, — Please accept my thanks for your compro- 
mise resolutions. I have yet to meet the first conservative 
and Union-loving man who does not approve of them and con- 
sider them an efficacious, if not the only, remedy which can 
save the country from destruction. Your patriotic course is 
commended warmly by the good men of all parties ; and though 
your noble efforts may prove of no avail against the sectional 
fanaticism conjured up by designing politicians, the lasting 
gratitude of every American citizen, who has the greatness of 
his country at heart, is due to your statesmanlike stand in refer- 
ence to the Union and the Constitution. I am afraid that no 
human power can stay the evil, since the Republican leaders, 
by their vote in the Committee of Thirteen, have proved that 
they are determined to remain deaf to the dictates of justice 
and patriotism. Will the American people have this great 
country dragged to ruin by a handful of Puritanical fanatics 
and selfish politicians ? We can only look for help to the con- 
servative spirit of the border States. I trust that prominent 
leading men, like yourself, will make a direct appeal to that 
spirit by a convention of those States. 

I have the honor to remain, with high regard, 

Yours very truly, 

August Belmont. 



CHAPTER XVII. 
1861. 

Letters — S. S. Nicholas — Amos A. Lawrence-»-Mr. Crittenden to his Son George — J. 
Robertson — Hon. T. Ewing — House of Representatives — Notice of the Death 
of Stephen A. Douglas — J. R. Underwood to J. J. Crittenden — Letter to Gen- 
eral Scott — House of Representatives — Civil War — Resolution offered by Mr. 
Crittenden — Letter from J. C. Breckenridge to Mrs. Coleman — Mr. Crittenden 
to his Son George — Letters to his Wife — Sedgwick — Resolutions found among 
Mr. Crittenden's Papers — Mr. Crittenden to his Daughter, Mrs. Coleman. 

(S. S. Nicholas to J. J. Crittenden.) 

DEAR SIR, — I have just read the result of Vallandig- 
ham's trial. It seems to me that if we do not mean to 
submit without remonstrance to military despotism in perma- 
nency, we ought to do, or rather say, something in protest 
against this tyranny. If some thirty or forty of our undoubted 
elderly Union men will unite and propose to call a meeting of 
such Union men of our city as disapprove the condemnation, 
to remonstrate against its enforcement, and, in order to remove 
its stain upon our nation, to insist upon the dismissal from our 
army of Burnsidc and all the officers of the court concerned in 
the sentence. If you approve, please telegraph your concur- 
rence. I shall also write to Judge Buckner and M. C. Johnson. 

Yours, 

S. S. Nicholas. 

Answered immediately by telegraph that no goodwoxA^como. 
of the suggestion. 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(Amos A. Lawrence to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Boston, April 15, 1S61. 

My dear Sir, — Our Union men here who are volunteering 
for the defense of the government have a very strong desire to 
meet in Washington a regiment of Union men from Kentucky. 
You cannot conceive how great would be the influence of such 
a movement. Our troops who have just left are not one-half 
Republicans, and even these are national in their feelings. 

Unless something of this sort is done, the war will be purely 
sectional, and no man can foretell its horrors. The North is 
(318) 



LETTER FROM AMOS A. LAWRENCE. 319 

becoming one great army. Every man is for supporting the 
government at all hazards, and there will be no delay in moving 
vast masses of fighting-men down toward the border. A half a 
million can be had within three weeks from this time, — half of 
them pretty well trained, a quarter very well. Money is offered 
enough to carry on a long war. The feeling is general that 
fighting alone can save the government and the country from 
total ruin. 

How sad, then, that the Union men of the border States will 
not stand up to the principles which they have avowed ! Cannot 
you rally them ? Or, if the task is too great, cannot you incite 
some younger men, who have your spirit, to raise a regiment 
and come on to Washington ? They will be the heroes of the 
day ; and though they can only do their small share to save the 
capital, they can do infinitely more to save us from a sectional 
war, and they will be the means of saving Kentucky for the 
Union. 

Respectfully and truly yours, 

Amos A. Lawrence. 

To the Hon, J. J. Crittenden. 

(Amos A. La'vvrence to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Near Boston, April 22, 1861. 

My dear Sir, — I am so anxious to give you a correct idea 
of the feeling in this part of the country, at this time, in order 
that it may influence your action, that I cannot avoid writing 
once more. 

This evening a meeting was held in the little town of three 
thousand people, in which I reside, where the whole of the 
male population was assembled. It was voted to enroll every 
male inhabitant over seventeen years old, and to place the whole 
at once under daily military drill. A military committee of nine 
efficient men was chosen, and fifteen thousand dollars placed 
at their disposal by a unanimous vote. The town never has 
been Republican, and only one of the nine belongs to that party. 

After this was done, the "Star-Spangled Banner" was sung 
by all, and a few short speeches were made. 

One of the speakers alluded to your State, and said, "Though 
she appears to be neutral, she will not long remain so. When 
the day of trial comes, Kentucky will stand by the flag, and 
will sustain the government." Whereupon three rousing cheers 
were given for "old Kentucky," and then three more for "Crit- 
tenden." 

This is only an index to the present movement through the 
whole North. You can form no idea of its unanimity, and of 
the determination to sustain the government at all hazards and 



320 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

through all reverses. The chairman of the military committee, 
a strong Breckenridge man until now, called Mr. B. a "traitor." 
lie added, "This war will last many years, and our sons must 
be educated for it." And another, also a military man of the 
same party, said, " Our Southern friends have supposed that 
Yankees loved gold ; but they must be taught that we do not 
believe in any gold that has not the American eagle stamped 
upon it, and that we will have no other." 

An old runaway negro, who is an influential man in one of 
the black colonics in Canada, showed me some letters to-day 
which indicate great excitement among those people, and an 
expectation to be led down " to see their friends." I asked him 
whether the border State negroes would run away from their 
masters, — " Yes, sir," said he, " they know more about what is 
coming than their masters do, — the masters know nothing." 

You may take these things for all they are worth. It does 
seem to me that Kentucky will be saved or ruined just in pro- 
portion as she supports or refuses to support the government. 

Yours, respectfully and truly, 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden. Amos A. Lawrence. 

(J. Robertson to J. J. Crittenden.) 

' Richmond, April 28, 1861. 
Dear Sir, — No man could have more earnestly striven than 
yourself to compound the feuds, whose increasing fury, already 
advanced to the stage of a murderous conflict, threatens to 
involve thirty millions of men in the horrors of civil war. 
However I may have differed with you, looking from a 
Southern view, as to the sufficiency and acceptability of the 
terms of adjustment you proposed, I never doubted that you 
regarded them as just, or, at least, as preferable to the evils other- 
wise to ensue, and as the best which could possibly be obtained. 
The event has proved that, moderate as they were, the ruling 
faction would be content with none but such as would degrade 
the South. Wellnigh desperate is the condition to which that 
faction has reduced the country. The fact now stares them in 
the face that the Union is dissolved beyond the hope of restora- 
tion, at least, in our day. Yet they are threatening to presence 
the Union by force. They read the riot act to millions of men, 
nay, to sovereign States, who are to be coerced into friendship 
by their foes at the point of the bayonet. But, waving all 
recrimination, not insisting on the absurdity of the idea, or 
the impossibility of reducing the South to an ignominious 
submission, or the certainty that their subjugation, if possible^ 
would defeat the very object their enemies profess to desire 
(namely, the preservation or restoration of the Union), by con- 



LETTER TO GEORGE CRITTENDEN. ^21 



j- 



verting States into vassal provinces (in that character alone can 
they remain or enter into it), let us inquire if there are no 
means by which the anticipated consequence of our family jars 
(now an accomplished fact), the separation of the States, may 
be recognized by the ruling faction at Washington, without 
deliberately repeating the most atrocious crime, and steeping 
their hands still deeper in the blood of their brethren. A word 
from the long-cared god, who now holds in his hands (as he 
imagines) the destinies of the country, would be enough. He 
has only to say, " Let there be peace," and there will be peace. 
But he and the murderous gang whom he consults already cry 
" Havoc !" and let slip the dogs of war. And yet the star of 
hope still twinkles in the clouded firmament. Preposterous as 
is the idea of a peaceful union or reunion, there may still be a 
peaceful separation ; and it is to yourself, sir, who, if allowed 
to do so, I will still regard, notwithstanding the marked differ- 
ence of our political sentiments, as a valued friend, — it is mainly 
to you I look for effecting so glorious a consummation. I do 
not desire that my name should be connected with an effort 
which you may, most probably, consider utterly idle, and which, 
should you think worth trying, would be more apt to succeed 
without it. Before going further at present, permit me to 
inquire whether it will be agreeable to you to entertain the 
thoughts which, after much and anxious reflection, have entered 
into, and taken firm possession of, my mind. 

It is proper to say that my appeal to you is wholly without 
the sanction or knowledge of any constituted authorities. State 
or federal. It has been suggested even but to two individuals ; 
in the judgment of one of them you would yourself repose 
great confidence. I have received decided encouragement to 

make it. 

An immediate answer, if convenient, will greatly oblige me. 
With great respect and regard, yours, 

John Robertson. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his son George Crittenden.) 

Frankfort, April 30, 1861. 
My dear Son,— I wrote to you but a little while ago a very 
long letter, but the uncertain and revolutionary state of the 
country renders me anxious about everything that is dear to me 
and especially about you and Eugene, who are so far off, and 
who are so immediately in the course of the storm. 

It is not so much on account of any dangers to which you 
may be exposed, as because of embarrassments and responsi- 
bilities that may devolve upon you in the new and untried cir- 
cumstances and scenes in which you may be placed. 
VOL. II. — 21 



322 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Many officers of the army and navy have resigned for the 
alleged reason that they belong to some one of the seceded 
States, now calling themselves the "Confederate States," and 
cannot therefore bear arms against them. This supposes they 
have no iiation, no national flag, etc. This is assuming a very 
questionable position at least. But I hope you will never have 
cause for any such scruple or question in your case. 

Kentucky has not seceded, and I believe never will. She 
loves the Union, and will cling to it as long as possible. And 
so, I hope, will you. Be true to the government that has trusted 
in you, and stand fast to your nation's flag, — the stars and 
stripes, — and do not resign under any circumstances without 
consultation with me. There have been so many instances of 
distinguished treachery and dishonor in the army that I would 
be proud to see you distinguished by exemplary loyalty and 
devotion to your flag and to your country, — the country that 
commissioned you. The spirit of disunion and infidelity to the 
government has .spread so far and wide that it may have reached 
even your distant posts, and infected the minds of some officers. 
It becomes you to be vigi/aiit, very vigilant, and with all your 
energy and courage, if need be, to resist every attempt at 
treachery or rebellion against the government. It is my anxiety 
alone that prompts me to write thus to you. 

The state of things in our part of the Union is terrible indeed. 
Nothing is heard of but war, and the whole country is resound- 
ing with the din of preparation and the marchings of troops. 
God knows what is to be the end ! I do not see how the con- 
flict of arms can be prevented. Kentucky is averse to this civil 
war; and it is now, and I trust it will continue to be, her deter- 
mination to keep out of the strife, and fighting only in defense 
of her own borders when they shall be invaded, to occupy the 
position of a friendly neutral and mediator between the bellig- 
erents. All send love to you. 

Your father, 

Lieut.-Col. George B. Crittenden. J. J. Crittenden. 

(T. Ewing to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Lancaster, Ohio, June 25, 1S61. 
My dear Sir, — I congratulate the nation on your acceptance 
of a seat in Congress. You will do much good there before 
your term expires, — but do not hasten. Nothing can be done 
in the way of compromise during the extra session, and an at- 
tempt now would do injury in the future; each belligerent would 
consider his cause injured by listening, if he did at all listen, to 
the promptings of peace, each would accuse the other of using 
it as a means of demoralizing and throwing his adversary off 



DEATH OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 



323 



his guard, and each would re-engage in the contest with more 
bitterness and ferocity than at first. There can be no truce or 
compromise till the opposites have met in force and measured 
strength, and the sooner this occurs the better, I write from 
what I know to be the state of public feeling here. The con- 
servative men who rallied around you last winter would con- 
sider this an unpropitious moment for a like effort on your part. 

In haste, yours, 
Hon. J. J. Crittenden. T. Ewing. 

On Mr. Crittenden's return to Kentucky, he was elected to 
the National House of Representatives, and left for Washington 
about the first of July. 

(From the Cleveland Leader.^Correspondence.) 

Wellsville, Wednesday, July 3, 1861. 

John J. Crittenden has just passed here on his way to Wash- 
ington. On being called out, he said: "We are now in the midst 
of'war, and shall probably have a hard brush, but I am confi- 
dent that our Union will be restored to us, and we shall again 
be a happy and united people." 

(House of Representatives, July 9, lS6r. Death of Stephen A. Douglas.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. Speaker, I have but a few words to say. 
Another of the great men of our country has passed away 
since the adjournment of Congress, — the honorable Senator 
Douglas has fallen into the grave. I do not stand, sir, in im- 
agination by the grave of the great senator to utter the language 
of flattery, — my purpose is not to lavish praises upon his mem- 
ory. That will belong to the impartial history of his time. 
When the history of our country shall be written, recorded 
honors will cluster around his name. The death of Mr. Douglas 
struck a heavy blow on the American heart, and his memory 
is embalmed in the hearts of his countrymen. I have witnessed, 
in the course of my long life, but few occasions when there 
has been a greater exhibition of public sorrow. 

I was well acquainted with Mr. Douglas. We were kept 
apart by our political differences for a considerable period of 
the time that we both served in the national councils. But for 
the last four or five years of Mr. Douglas's life we were asso- 
ciated personally and politically, and I had an opportunity of 
knowing him well. In all my intercourse with him, of an mti- 
mate character, while we agreed in politics and acted together, 
I found him to be honorable and patriotic, disinterested and 
noble in his patriotism, and ever ready to sacrifice his personal 
interests for the good of his country. This I can testify from 



324 ^IFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

my knowledge of his character. ]\Ir. Douglas was a rcmai li- 
able and extraordinary man. Not favored by fortune in the 
earlier period of his life, belonging, as I understand, to the 
humble but worthy class of the mechanic, he raised himself by 
his own exertions to the high position he occupied. Mr. Doug- 
las's mind expanded with his increasing elevation, and I know 
of no man now left in this country who is better entitled to the 
name of statesman than himself. He was honest, cfenerous. 
and patriotic in all his actions and purposes. He was ambitious, 
but he sought to attain eminence by public services. There 
have been times when I thought less favorably of him. But 
my opportunities of knowing him better enabled me to correct 
my error in regard to his character, and I speak what I truly 
believe, when I bear testimony to his great worth. His mind 
enlarged step by step as he advanced in life, and at a time like 
this, when surrounded by peril and disaster, his country sus- 
tained a severe loss in his death. 

I know of no man who might have been more useful in this 
fearful crisis. There are few men who had so much of the con- 
fidence of his countrymen, — but few who combined with it so 
large a capacity for making that confidence serviceable to his 
country. His friends must derive a consolation from the fact, 
that though he died when he had scarcely passed the meridian 
of life, he died in the viatunty of his fame. That fame will sur- 
vive him ! May it live long in these halls of Congress to ele- 
vate and ennoble the patriotism of his successors in the great , 
councils of the republic. Such a death can hardly be regarded 
as a misfortune to the sufferer. 

We cannot fail, on this occasion, to remember the bereaved 
wife of Mr. Douglas ; but her sorrows are sacred, and we dare 
not intrude upon her our vain words of sympathy. That good 
God who tempers the wind to the shorn lamb will console and 
protect the afflicted widow. 

It seems appropriate in this connection to give a paragraph 
from the eulog)^ pronounced by Mr. Cox, of Ohio, upon Mr. 
Douglas, after Mr. Crittenden had taken his seat. 

Mr. Cox. — Mr. President, who is left to take the place of 
Stephen A. Douglas? Alas, he has no successor! His eclipse 
is painfully palpable, since it makes more obscure the path by 
which our alienated brethren may return. Many Union men, 
friends of Douglas, in the South heard of his death as the 
death-knell of their hope. Who can take his place? The 
great men of 1850, who were his mates in the Senate, are gone, 
we trust, to that better union above where there are no distract- 
ing councils,— all— all gone ! All ?— no, thank Heaven ! Ken- 



LETTER FROM J. R. UNDERWOOD. 325 

tucky still spares to us one of kindred patriotism, fashioned in 
the better mould of an earlier day, the distinguished statesman 
who has just spoken (Mr. Crittenden), whose praise of Doug- 
las, living, I loved to quote, and whose praise of Douglas, dead, 
to which we have just listened, laudari a viro laudato, is praise 
indeed. Crittenden still stands here, lifting on high his whitened 
head, like a Pharos in the sea, to guide our storm-tossed and 
tattered vessel to its haven of rest. His feet tread closely upon 
the retreating steps of our statesman of the West. In the order 
of nature we cannot have him long. Already his hand is out- 
stretched into the other world to grasp the hand of Douglas ! 
While he is spared to us, let us heed his warning; let us learn 
from his lips the lessons of moderation and loyalty of the elder 
days, and do our best, and do it nobly and fearlessly, for our 
beloved republic. 

(J. R. Underwood to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Ironwood, July 13, 1 86 1. 
Dear Crittenden, — Two reasons have delayed my answer to 
yours of June last : first, my desire to see the President's message 
before I wrote; and second, a multitude of pressing engagements. 
I doubt very much the policy of proposing any measures of 
pacification and reunion to the Confederate States at this time. 
I am inclined to think that the Southern people would misin- 
terpret the motives which induced it, and take it as an evidence 
of weakness on the part of the government, if adopted. If re- 
jected by Northern votes, then it would be used as a means to 
create a feeling of hostility in the South towards the North and 
a greater distrust of the ultimate security of slave property. 
The South having commenced the war, and the NortJi having 
accepted it, and both parties being now in a state of the highest 
excitement, — nothing thought of but battles, victories, and de- 
feats, — men are not in a condition to think calmly or act wisely 
in adjusting matters. A few hard-fought battles between large 
divisions, instead of scouting-parties, and heavy losses on both 
sides, will place both parties in a better condition to listen to 
temperate and sensible suggestions. There is nothing like 
human suffering to cure the distempers of rage and folly. The 
tears of widows and orphans are very efficacious in extinguish- 
ing the flames of war. Burdensome taxes, and want of money 
to pay them, will make the people reflect. These things will 
induce the Southern people to inquire whether there was any 
sufficient reason to induce them to begin the war or any reason 
to continue it. These inquiries will be negatively answered 
in their own minds ; and when that is done, they will accept 
any reasonable terms of pacification. At present, their pride, 



326 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 







their hopes of success, and the ardor with which young men 
flock to their standards, will induce them to reject promptly, if 
not indignantly, any proposition to reunite them with the 
Northern States under the old national Constitution. A reso- 
lution, declaring in substance that the majority of the people 
of the non-slavcholdiiig States do not intend to carry on the war 
against the people of the South with a view to abolish slavery 
in the States where it now exists, and that all imputations to 
that effect are false, would have a soothing and salutary effect, 
especially if it could be adopted by a Northern vote exclusively. 
If, in connection with the above, another resolution could be 
adopted, by Northern votes, to the effect that the institution of 
slavery and its existence depends entirely upon the local laws of 
the States, with which the national Congress has nothing to do, 
I think much good would result. A third resolution might be 
added, declaring that while the war would be prosecuted for no 
purpose of interfering with the institution of slavery, it would 
be prosecuted with the utmost rigor and with all the powers of 
the government until treason was vanquished and the world 
con\-inced that we had a government strong enough to protect 
itself and all law-abiding citizens in the enjo}'ment of all their 
rights under the Constitution. These resolutions, skillfully 
drawn (and none can do this better than yourself), would, if 
passed by very decided majorities of Northern votes, be worth 
more to the cause of Union than a dozen bloody victories. 
Now suppose you prepare these resolutions, and then ascertain 
in caucus or otherwise whether Northern men will pass them. 
If so, let a Northern man offer them, or offer them yourself, 
declaring that they will be satisfactory to you and your friends, 
but you had no right to vote upon them, that you offered them 
to afford Northern men an opportunity of expressing their senti- 
ments in relation to the principles and motives which would 
govern them in the prosecution of the war, and that the assur- 
ances given in the resolutions would be very grateful to the 
people of Kentucky. Unless you can /^ass such resolutions, 
they ought not to be offered. After having invited suggestions, 
you will pardon the liberty I have taken. I have no opposition 
to the legislature. 

Truly your friend, 
J. J. Crittenden. J. R. Underwood. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Lieutenant-General Scott.) 

HousK OF Representatives, July 14, 1S61. 
Dear General, — My friend and colleague, Hon. James S. 
Jackson and myself, would, if permitted, visit the lines of your 
army in Virginia, and especially the encampment of General 



CIVIL WAR. 



327 



McDowell, on to-morrow. Can you send us a permit to do so, 
ic)icoiiditio)ial, and without requiring of us any pledge, oath, or 
imprecation upon ourselves, such as I have seen indorsed upon 
most of permits or passes that have been shown to me ? If 
such an indorsement is deemed indispensable in our case, I 
shall not complain, but I will not go, though I have not the 
least intention or expectation of ever being anything else than 
the best of Union men, and I take it that my friend Jackson is 
of the same mind. 

I am yours, 
Lieut.-Gen. Scott, U. S. Army, J. J. Crittenden. 

(House of Representatives, July 19th, 1861. Civil War.) 

Mr. Crittenden. — I ask the unanimous consent of the House 
for leave to present the resolutions which I send to the clerk's 
desk, and to have the privilege of making a few remarks on 
them before they are pressed to a vote. I desire that they may 
be considered to-morrow. 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives in the 
Congress of the United States, That the present deplorable 
civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists 
of the Southern States, now in revolt against the constitutional 
government, and in arms around the capital ; that in this 
national emergency Congress, banishing all feeling of mere 
passion and resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole 
country ; that this war is not waged, upon our part, in any 
spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjuga- 
tion, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights 
or established institutions of those States, but to defend and 
maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the 
Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several 
States unimpaired; that as soon as these objects are accom- 
plished, the war ought to cease. 

(July 22d.) 
Mr. Crittenden.— Mr. Speaker, I had the honor on a late day 
of offering a resolution on which I desire a vote of the House. 
I now offer that resolution, and move the previous question 

upon it. 

Mr. Holman.— Mr. Speaker, by unanimous consent I hope 
the gentleman from Kentucky will be heard. 

Mr. Crittenden. — Prise for the purpose of asking of the 
House the great favor of their unanimous consent to allow me 
to make an explanation of that resolution. 

Mr. Burnet.— I call for a division of the resolution. I desire 
a separate vote upon the first clause, — that does not destroy the 



328 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

residue of the resolution and leaves a substantive proposition. 
The question was taken, and first clause of resolution agreed to: 
yeas, 12 1 ; nays, 2, — Burnet and Reid. 

The question recurred on second part of resolution, and 
decided in the affirmative: yeas, 117^ nays, 2, — Potter and 
Biddle. 

It will be seen by the following letter from Gen, J, C. Breck- 
enridge that he considered these resolutions as forming ]\Ir, 
Crittenden's crowning title to fame. 

(J. C, Breckenridge to Mrs, A. M, Coleman,) 

Lexington, Ky,, April 16, 1869. 

My dear Madam, — I only returned to Lexington a day or 
two ago, and found your note of the 25th ult. I hope my ab- 
sence will sufficiently explain the delay in answering it. Nothing 
could give me greater pleasure than to furnish you letters, 
speeches, etc. of your illustrious father, to aid you in the prep- 
aration of his biography; but I fear that I can give you little 
assistance in this respect. His speeches are accessible in the 
public records of the country, save a number delivered before 
popular assemblies and at the bar, which were not reported, 
and which no man can now reproduce. It is possible that I 
may have two or three letters from your father, written to en- 
courage me when I commenced life, and among them I ex- 
pressly recollect one written just before I removed to the Iowa 
Territory, in which he predicted, to my delight and astonish- 
ment, that he would one day welcome me as a member of Con- 
gress from the West. My papers are very much scattered, but 
as soon as I can collect them, I will make an examination and 
send you, with pleasure, whatever I may find likely to interest 
you. I hope you will permit me, my dear madam, to say that, 
in my opinion, of all }'our father's titles to fame, the crowning 
one was his memorable resolution of July, 1861, to which, I 
have heard, he held fast to the close of his life, 

I am, very respectfully and truly, your friend and obedient 
servant, 

John C. Breckenridge. 

Mrs. A, M, Coleman, 131 North Charles Street, Baltimore. 

(J, J, Crittenden to his son, Colonel George B. Crittenden.) 

Washington, July 19, 1861, 
My dear George, — I have postponed writing to you till I 
could understand things more perfectly, and inform you confi- 
dently. From the vast number, spirit, and efficiency of the 
Federal troops, from the determination of Congress, and the 



LETTERS TO MRS. CRITTENDEN. 



329 



still greater supplies of men and money it has authorized, I 
cannot but think that the army of the Confederate States must 
be overwhelmed. It appears to me that this result will be 
speedy and inevitable. Within a few days past the Federal 
troops, in this vicinity, have been put into active motion, and 
are marching upon Beauregard at Manassas Junction, and are 
probably already engaged with Beauregard's troops. Various 
reports are reaching this city hourly ; they are generally un- 
favorable to Beauregard, and I suppose disaster will finally 
befall him, though a report has just been brought to the House 
that the "Federal troops have been badly repulsed in their 
attack upon Manassas Junction." This may be true, but it can 
hav^e but little effect upon the general result. 

The cause of the secessionists seems to me to be altoerether 
hopeless, and all who join them will effect nothing but a useless 
sacrifice of themselves. 

I will write you again when I have more time, and hope to 
be at home to see you in about a week. 

Your father, 

Col. G. B. Crittenden. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Washington, July 19, 1861. 

My dear Wife, — I have of late received almost daily letters 
from you, and my heart rejoices in such evidences of your con- 
stant affection. I have, however, been so much engaged that 
I have not been able to reply to those letters as regularly as 
they came. I have this morning offered a resolution in the 
House which I regard as of great consequence, and which, I 
have every reason to believe, will be approved and passed by a 
large majority. 

We shall adjourn some day next week, and in time, I hope, 
for me to be at home by this day week. The very thought 
quickens my pulse ! 

I am writing in the House, and must conclude. 

Farewell, my dearest wife. 

Mrs. Elizabeth Crittenden. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Camp Dick Robinson, October, i86r. 
Dear Wife, — I arrived here the day I left home, and have 
enjoyed myself very much; I have indeed been treated like a 
major-general. The most troublesome time I have had is now 
with this steel pen. There is no news here. I am disappointed 
in my hopes of active movements. There will be no more here 



330 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

soon, and I shall be disappointed in not witnessing an active 
campaign. I shall start for Colonel Garrard's camp to-morrow 
morning. It is about forty miles distant. I do not expect to 
stay with him more than a day, and can do nothing then but 
return home. Mr. Bryant is a most agreeable companion. I 
am well and cheerful. 

Your husband, 

J. J. Crittenden'. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his wife Elizabeth.) 

Lancaster, October 12, 1861. 
My dear Wife, — You see by the date where I am. I quitted 
the camp yesterday evening, and came this far on my way to 
Colonel Garrard's camp, on Rock Castle River. It is only 
about thirty-four miles distant. I am on the point of starting 
to it, and expect to reach there by night or early in the morn- 
ing. We shall probably not remain there more than a day or 
two, and then turn our faces homewards. There is no danger 
in the way. 

Take care of yourself, my dearest, and believe me always 
your affectionate husband, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
Mrs. Elizabeth Crittenden. 

A short time before his death, Mr. Crittenden was speaking 
in the House of Representatives on the subject of the employ- 
ment of slaves as soldiers by the Romans ; he was interrupted 
by Mr. Sedgwick, of New York, who made some offensive 
remark about Mr. Crittenden's age, and the propriety of his 
retiring from public life. I find among Mr. Crittenden's papers 
a memorandum of the following reply to him. I think all will 
concur with me in thinking the rebuke administered by Mr. 
Crittenden well vtented. 

(Crittenden to Sedgwick about Mr. Crittenden's age.) 

The member from New York (Mr. Sedgwick) has admon- 
ished me of my age ; tells me I am lingering too long upon a 
scene of action for which I am unfit. Perhaps the gentleman 
means to be very good, and I will take the subject'into con- 
sideration ; but does the gentleman think that it was either 
polite or becoming in him to utter such a reproach ? Let him 
consider that ! He is, I am told, a gentleman of ability and 
education. If he should be continued here in the service of 
his countr)-, crcfi until he is as old as I am, I hope he will in all 



CRITTENDEN TO SEDGWICK. 331 

that long time find no one so rude as to address such a reproach 
10 him. 

The member, I hope, will pardon me for what I have said, 
and be more of a gentleman hereafter; will never be tempted 
by the vanity of repeating a little poetry to be' misled again 
into such rudeness. I now forgive and dismiss him. 

The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens), in replying 
to some remarks of mine a few days past, understood me as 
meaning to assert that among civilized nations there were no 
instances of their employment of slaves as soldiers in war ; and 
he proceeded to instruct me on the subject by referring to a 
brief history of the Romans, by Mr. Arnold, showing that the 
Romans had so employed their slaves in the war with Hannibal. 

The gentleman might have spared himself this trouble. I 
knew that there were such instances ; but I also knew that 
they were treated by Roman historians as a reproach to their 
countiymen and to the name of Roman. I had myself, but a 
few days before, when this topic was under discussion, ad- 
mitted that there were such instances ; but they were so few, 
comparatively, and so insignificant, that they should be regarded 
as exceptions to the general rule. In the remarks I made some 
days afterwards, I merely stated the general rule, and contended 
against the employment of our negro slaves as soldiers in our 
present civil war. To repeat the known fact or exception was 
unnecessary ; but upon that omission the member has made 
this grave display of his historical learning. The honorable 
gentleman represents and quotes me as saying that " I would 
not fight for slaves," and pronounces such sentiments as un- 
worthy of me, etc. This is a grave imputation. What was the 
sentiment which I did in truth express ? This, and nothing 
more than this : That I would not carry on a war for the aboli- 
tion of slavery. The sentiment which this implies is the senti- 
ment which the member denounces as " unworthy of me," etc. 
I avow the sentiment boldly! To the gentleman and those 
who agree with him I must leave the task of prosecuting an 
abolition war against their own race for the liberation of the 
slaves held by them under all the sanction of constitution and 
law. I know these gentlemen and myself differ widely on this 
subject. This war was commenced for the restoration of the 
Union. The honorable member is now for prosecuting it for the 
abolition of slavery. Till that is effected, he is determined to 
carry on the war to the extremity of exile or death to all 
people of the South ; nor is he for limiting the abolition of 
slavery to the punishment of rebels, — he proposes the universal 
abolition of slavery in the United States. 



332 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. A. M. Coleman.) 

November ii, iS6l. 

My dear Daughter, — Since I parted with you at Louisville, 
I liavc received your very affecting letter. The death of your 
son Crittenden is a source and cause of grief to us all, and 
especially to you, his mother. The mother's tears, on such 
occasions, are holy offerings of the human heart. Nature not 
only allows but exacts them. The same Providence that causes 
our afflictions makes even our tears instructive, as well as con- 
solatory. The mother cannot but mourn for the loss of her 
son, but she should not indulge and cultivate that feeling unto 
despair, nor by willfully dwelling upon it and pursuing it, en- 
deavor to prolong and aggravate it. This can avail nothing to 
the dead, and it is wrong and injurious to the living. The dead 
are in the care of God alone ; fathers and mothers can serve them 
no longer. But they can serve and comfort the living, and it is 
their duty to do so, and to resist the vain grief that would with- 
draw them from that duty. You, my daughter, are surrounded 
by interesting children, worthy objects of your care and affec- 
tion. Will you neglect or forget this in the indulgence of a 
vain grief? You owe and I know you feel for them all a 
mother's duties and affections ; should you not for their sakes 
struggle, struggle against your own griefs, — that their young 
hearts may be consoled and again made happy by the recovered 
light of your own countenance ? Will you, for the selfish indul- 
gence of your sorrow, continue to turn upon them looks of 
sadness and despair, which must darken their morning of life? 
Think of these things, reflect upon your duties rather than 
upon your sorrows. This will be best for both you and your 
children. Exert yourself, my dear daughter, to divert your 
thoughts from your loss to the great responsibilities which rest 
upon you. I sympathize with you most sincerely, and I would 
not have you believe for one moment that my natural affection 
for your son or my sorrow at his death was at all diminished 
by the party or course to which he had attached himself, and 
in the service of which he died. I thought it was an error on 
his part, but it did not affect my attachment. From what I 
have said on this sad subject, you may infer that I would advise 
you against your intended visit to your son's grave in Florida. 
The wretched condition of the country is tearing down every- 
body and everything, and property must become more and 
more depressed. You ought, therefore, to postpone purchasing 
as long as you can. 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

Mrs. A. M. Coleman. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 
1862. 

Letter of C. S. Morehead to Mr. Crittenden, written at Fort Warren— Letter from 
Clifton House — Reply of Mr. Crittenden — Letter to Mrs. Coleman— In the 
House, Confiscation — Opposition to the Investigating Committee — Extract from 
National Intelligencer — Letter to George D. Prentice, Esq. 

(C. S. Morehead to J. J, Crittenden.) 

Fort Warren, December 15, 1861. 

MY DEAR SIR, — I addressed you a letter from Fort La- 
fayette early in the month of October last, to which I 
have received no response. If you have ever felt a true and 
sincere devotion, personally and politically, for another, and had 
been placed by the strong hand of power in a loathsome prison, 
you might form some conception of my humiliation at this 
neglect and apparent indifference, and assuredly, if it were in- 
tentional, you would not now be troubled with this. From 
what I have heard, however, from home, I am led to believe 
that you never received it, and I should be inexpressibly relieved 
to know that such was the fact. You doubtless know the cir- 
cumstances attending my arrest. Dragged out of bed after 
midnight by the marshal of my own State, with a band of six- 
teen armed ruffians, with a warrant charging me with giving aid 
and comfort to the enemy, and directing him on its face to take 
me before the nearest judge, I was forcibly carried across the 
Ohio River, in utter disregard of his duty and his official oath, 
and from thence, either by executive or ministerial decree, stig- 
matized, without a hearing, as "bearing the mark of public ex- 
ecration." I had indulged the vain delusion that the law still 
possessed some sanctity, and that when I became its prisoner, I 
was surrounded by such a panoply as would protect me com- 
pletely from anything but its own penalty. 

From the day of my transfer from the hand of the law to 
that of power, I have been confronted with no charge, and I 
declare solemnly that I am utterly ignorant of the charge against 
me. It is true, as every one knows, that I have expressed my 
opinions freely and fearlessly, as I thought a freeman had the 
right to do. I embarked with zeal in the political contest of 
August last with the hope of preserving the neutrality of the 

(333) 



334 LJPE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

• 

State, as I understood it. When the question was decided by 
the people at that election, I declined at least fifty invitations to 
make speeches, and never did make a ///^//^ speech after that 
time. I attended the Frankfort convention with no other object 
upon earth but to preserve peace, if possible, in my native State. 
I did make a short speech while there to a caucus of a portion 
of the members of the legislature, urging them by every con- 
sideration of patriotism to do nothing which could in the re- 
motest degree jeopardize the peace of the State. I have heard 
that I was charged with complicity in the invasion of Kentucky. 
This is absolutely and unconditionally false. I knew nothing 
of it, had no suspicion of any such thing, and was as innocent 
of any such thing as the child unborn. I have the conscious- 
ness of having violated no law, and I bid defiance to the whole 
world to prove to the contrary. It can only be done by piling 
perjury mountain high. If my opinions were erroneous, which 
I have not yet seen them to be, God knows I have been suffi- 
ciently punished for them. I have read of prison-life in history 
and in romance, but I declare to you that I remember nothing 
which can compare with the inhumanity and loathsomeness of 
Lafayette. I will not enter into any detail here, but if you 
had to lie upon fourteen pounds of straw, on a cold brick floor, 
on a bedtick two feet shorter than yourself, with nothing upon 
earth but one shoddy blanket that left your shirt black in the 
morning, and to drink water for weeks filled with visible tad- 
poles, you would hardly consider it quite as luxurious as our 
Kentucky penitentiary. One poor creature was made a raving 
maniac, and the lieutenant of the garrison insisted that he was, 
to use his language, '^ possummg,'' and put him in double chains. 
He was afterwards carried to some lunatic asylum. I am glad 
to be able to say that we have met with nothing but kindness 
here by all the officers having charge of us. The prison was 
unprepared for our reception, but we were allowed to procure 
for ourselves such comforts as we chose, but if ever you should 
be so unfortunate as to be imprisoned, — which I pray God may 
never be the case, — you will understand that no comforts or 
attentions can ever make up for the privation of personal liberty, 
or remove the feeling of degradation at being in the power and 
at the mercy of others. I have thought that I held my liberty 
by deed in fee-simple from God, and I feel that there is just as 
much riglit to take my life as to deprive me of my liberty. I 
fear that there is some degree of personal feeling on the part 
of the Secretary of State, and I would be glad that you would 
make your appeal to the President himself He knows me in- 
timately. The opinions I now entertain I expressed to him 
personally in clear and decided terms. If I am wrong, I am 



LETTER FROM C. S. MOREHEAD. 335 

honest in entertaining them. I am mistaken in him, if he 
would not believe me when I say that if released I would take 
no part in the unhappy troubles which are rapidly bringing to 
ruin both sections. I cannot take an oath of allegiance. The 
only reason I need to give to you for this is that my whole 
estate would thereby be subject to confiscation. This estate, in 
ordinary times, is worth nearly, if not quite, four hundred thou- 
sand dollars. I have but little elsewhere. Those who are most 
regardless of the obligations of an oath are the readiest to take 
it. My experience here is that those who have been most vio- 
lent, and who have actually committed acts of hostility against 
the government, have uniformly got out. I have made no 
application to any human being to interpose in my behalf. 
I apply now to you in order to make some specific propo- 
sitions: 

1. The manly way to treat me would be to release me uncon- 
ditionally, and to dismiss the marshal from office for the pros- 
titution of its functions. 

2. If this cannot be done by the President from his own sense 
of justice, I then ask a release upon my parol that I will take 
no part in this war. I could give you the names of more than 
a dozen who have been thus released. I should be allowed to 
visit my plantation upon the simple score of humanity to my 
slaves. It is in a sparsely-settled country, and my parol should 
be considered as extending there. 

3. If neither of these propositions can be allowed, I then ask 
for a parol to spend the winter in New York. If the object is 
not to punish me, I suppose that this may be allowed. It costs 
me ten dollars a week to live here, and I can live at less cost 
either in New York or in Europe. I may add that I desire to 
have a surgical operation of a delicate character performed, 
which cannot be done in prison. 

4. If none of these things be allowable, I propose to go to 
Europe. 

If I am, however, to be retained here, I must ask the favor 
of you to obtain the specific charges against me, and a copy 
of the order for my arrest, or for my imprisonment, if there 
were no order for my arrest. 

But I cannot allow myself to doubt for one moment that you 
can procure my release upon my proposed parol, if you demand 
it in the proper way. I am perfectly sure if our positions were 
reversed that I could and would do it for you. Why talk about 
restoring the Union, and at the same time trample under foot 
the personal liberty of the citizen ? But I have already made 
this letter too long. Pardon me for writing it in pencil. We 
have seven persons in a room fifteen by twenty feet, and it is 



336 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 

difficult at any time to write, but this evening all the pens are 
employed, and I am compelled to take to the pencil. 

With kind regards to Mrs. Crittenden, I remain very truly 
your friend, 

C. S. MOREHEAD. 

Hon, J. J. Crittenden. 

(C. S. Morehead to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Staten Island, New York, Feb 23, 1862. 
My dear Sir, — I received your letter of the i6th inst, and 
thank you for it. I rejoice to have it from yourself that I did 
you injustice in supposing that you were indifferent to my fate. 
I confess that at one time I felt that such was the case, and made 
sonic such intimation to Judge Brown, but to no other human 
being on earth. I felt that the letter which he wrote, and you 
signed jointly with him, if delivered, would have placed me in a 
position of humiliation and degradation. I knew well that nothing 
could be further from the intention of either of you; but I knew 
also that your signature to a letter written by another person, 
even if just such a letter as you would have written yourself, 
would probably do me more harm than good. I may have been 
altogether wrong about it, but it produced that feeling on me, 
and under its influence I wrote I scarcely know what now, but 
I suppose what you attribute to me. Judge Brown, however, 
wrote to me, assuring me that my supposition was altogether 
erroneous, and I immediately addressed a letter to you, which 
it seems you never received, in whicl; I expressed my deep re- 
gret that I had done you that injustice. There were in it bitter 
denunciations against those who had made me the victim of 
their lawless oppression, and I suppose on that account it was 
sent to Washington. They are welcome to it. It was not a 
hundredth part as strong as the deep and undying feeling that 
will forever rankle in my heart. Nearly all my wife's letters to me 
were sent to Washington, and were usually about fifteen days 
in reaching me. The post-mark of Washington is still on the 
envelope. About one-half of my own letters have never reached 
their destination. When I could hear nothing from you, I felt 
that I was indeed abandoned. As far back as I can remember 
I was conscious of never having entertained towards you any 
other feeling than that of affectionate reverence, and I felt, as I 
do now, that I had never done anything which ought to forfeit 
the regard of any honest man. When my son Frank wrote to 
me what you said to him, I began to think that my letter to you 
must have been purloined and never reached you ; and, in think- 
ing about it, I concluded that I ought to write again, which I did, 
very hurriedly, in pencil. If I had supposed then that you 



LETTER FROM C. S. MOREHEAD. 337 

were indifferent to my fate, I most certainly should never have 
written this last letter, I do not remember what was in this 
letter, except my propositions for release ; I hope nothing but 
what was becoming and proper, I have made a long explana- 
tion, because I feel anxious that you may appreciate my whole 
feelings in this matter, I have always been devoted to you, 
personally and politically, and I think that my whole life has 
afforded some testimony of the truth of the declaration ; and I 
do not think that I ever had a more painful feeling than at the 
idea of being given up by you in my hour of severest trial. 
But all this feeling is removed, and I thank God for it. 

Now, sir, will you pardon me for trespassing on your time a 
little longer, to add a few words as to myself? You know that 
I have always been a sincere and devoted Union man. I can 
say with an honest heart, that I do not believe that God ever 
placed a human being on this footstool of his more attached to 
it than I have always been. The Union as made by the Con- 
stitution, with a sacred regard for its guarantees, has been with 
me an object almost of idolatry. When our unfortunate diffi- 
culties commenced, I labored with you, if with less ability, not 
with less zeal and anxiety, to avert the impending calamity, I 
entertained a firm and abiding conviction, which time has 
only strengthened, that war between the sections could only re- 
sult in a final and irrevocable separation, or in the absolute sub- 
jugation of the section to which I belong, and the destruction 
of every material interest belonging to it, I believe, with Mr. 
Webster, when he said, " I cannot express the horror I feel at 
the shedding of blood between any of the States and the gov- 
ernment of the United States, because I see in it a total and 
final disruption of all those ties that bind us together as a great 
and happy people." He adds, " I am for the Union, not by 
coercion, not by military power, not by angry controversies, but 
by the silken cords of mutual, fraternal, patriotic affection." 
Upon my honor, I felt that I would willingly, nay cheerfully, 
lay down my life at any moment to preserve such a Union as 
that, I thought I saw, and time has confirmed the vision, 
" black ruin nursing the impatient earthquake," and the giant 
Frenzy, as Coleridge has it, "waiting to overturn empires vyith 
its whirlwind arm." Under this painful feeling, when invited 
to an interview with Mr, Lincoln, in company with Messrs, 
Rives and Somers, of Virginia, Doniphan, of Missouri, and 
Guthrie, of Kentucky, I ventured to express to him my sense 
of the dreadful impending danger, and entreated and implored 
him to avert it, I said to him that he held the destiny of more 
than thirty millions of people in his hands; that if he acted the 
part of a wise statesman, in avoiding a collision, he would 

\UL, II. 22 



338 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

occupy a place in the future history of his country second only 
to Washington; but, on the other hand, if he adopted a policy 
which would lead to war, that the history of his administration 
would be written in blood, and all the waters of the Atlantic 
and Pacific Oceans could not wash it from his hands ; that the 
true and wise policy was to withdraw the troops from Fort 
Sumter, and give satisfactory guarantees to the eight remaining 
slavcholding States, and that the seven seceding States would, 
not at once, but ultimately, by the mere force of gravitation, 
come back, and we should have a safer and firmer bond of union 
than ever. Mr. Rives pressed the same idea, when Mr. Lincoln 
said he would withdraw the troops if Virginia would stay in the 
Union. I took occasion to write down the entire conversation 
soon after it occurred. The impression undoubtedly left upon 
my mind was, that the new administration would not resort to 
coercion. This was still further strengthened by the voluntary 
pledge of honor of Mr. Seward, in the presence of Mr. Taylor, 
of Washington, and Messrs. Rives and Somers, that there 
should be no collision. "Nay," said he to me, "if this whole 
matter is not satisfactorily settled within sixty days after I am 
seated in the saddle, and hold the reins firmly in my hand, I 
will give you my head for a football." These were the identical 
words used, as I put them on paper in less than two hours after 
they were uttered. When I happened to mention this conver- 
sation to a very distinguished Republican, he denounced him in 
very bitter terms, and told me that only the night before he, 
Mr. S., had held very different language to a Republican caucus. 
I believed what this first-named gentleman told me, and meet- 
ing Mr. S. at a dinner-party, at Senator Thompson's, of New 
Jersey, I intimated to him, remotely it is true, that I knew what 
he had said at that caucus, and used some pretty strong lan- 
guage towards any man, who, in this crisis, would act a double 
part. This conversation, sir, was the cause of my arrest and 
imprisonment. lie promised, if I am not totally misinformed, 
a man in Kentucky tliat he should be appointed brigadier-gen- 
eral if he would have me arrested. I do not know that tjie 
proposition was made thus plainly, but this man was given to 
understand that my arrest would secure his appointment, — thus 
verifying the remark of Sully, that "reasons of state is a phrase 
invented by sovereigns, to disguise the gratification of their per- 
sonal resentment and other passions." 

I may well ask, what have I done to subject me to the op- 
pression under which I have so long suffered? I have said that 
I did not believe that this Union could be cemented by blood. 
It is the sincere conviction of my heart still. Mr. Seward has 
said the same thing, in effect, in as many as two speeches, at least, 



LETTER FROM C S. MOREHEAD. 339 

and in his foreign dispatches he says, " The President willingly 
accepts the doctrine as true, that the Federal government cannot 
reduce the seceding States to obedience by conquest ^ <ind he 
adds, "Only an imperial or despotic government could subju- 
gate thoroughly disaffected and insurrectionary members of 
the state." It is true that I also denounced the reckless viola- 
tion of all the most vital provisions of the Constitution. T 
thought, as I still think, that this was every freeman's right. 
All that I ever said I embodied in my several addresses to the 
people of Kentucky. They are all published, and speak for 
themselves. I believ-e that they will stand the test of time and 
of human scrutiny. Whatever I said was before the last August 
election. I felt that I was a Kentuckian, was proud of my native 
State, had received the highest honors at her hands, and never, 
by word or act, indicated the slightest disposition to disobey 
her constituted authority. On the contrary, when the people 
decided in August, I refused to make another public speech in 
the State, stating that I submitted to the will of the majority, 
I believed, however, as I still believe, that they decided for 
neutrality, — such neutrality as was indicated by the resolutions 
of the legislature. I knew of the secret caucus in Louisville, 
held for the avowed purpose of dragging Kentucky from her 
chosen position, and I went to Frankfort to try to prevent it. 
When I spoke of the consequences of this course, it was said 
that I was making threats, when nothing was ever further from 
my thoughts. I labored honestly, sincerely, and, as God is my 
judge, patriotically, to prevent civil war in my native State. 
There was no man in Kentucky more shocked than I was when 
I heard that the armies of both sides had been brought into the 
State. I knew no more about it than you did, or the babe at 
its mother's breast. But it seems that I went South in the 
latter part of June, and made a speech there. I went entirely 
upon private business, as I believe you know, and, while at 
Macon, there was a convention of cotton planters, and I was 
invited to attend it. I at first respectfully declined, stating that 
I happened there altogether on private business. Afterwards a 
committee of gentlemen waited on me, and were so urgent in 
their solicitations that I yielded and went. I was received in a 
manner that demanded some expression on my part. I cannot 
tell now what I did say ; but I know that the substance of it 
was the defense of Kentucky's position. This was before a 
blow had been struck, except at Sumter, and while Kentucky's 
position of neutrality was recognized at Washington. 

I have thus given you a full and candid history of my opin- 
ions and declarations. I have done nothing except to speak 
boldly the sentiments and opinions honestly entertained by me. 



340 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

I knew of no law which forbid my doing so. I thought that 
our government was founded on the estabHshment of those 
great and cardinal principles which constitute the difference 
between a free constitution and a despotic power. I labored 
under what seems to have been the delusion that it was divided 
into three separate and distinct departments, with appropriate 
powers confided to each which could not be exercised by either 
of the others. I did not know that the doctrine of the fathers 
on this subject had become obsolete, or could be put off and on 
like an old garment. I had been unfortunately educated in the 
belief that when the power that makes the law can construe it 
to suit his interest, apply it to gratify his vengeance, and exe- 
cute it according to his own passions, there would be wanting 
no other features to complete the picture of absolute despotism, 
and I denounced the exercise of any such power on the part of 
the officers of a constitutional government. I thought, as I 
cannot help still thinking, that it was the duty, a high and 
solemn duty, of eveiy real and true patriot and lover of his 
countiy to denounce with earnestness the first act of violation 
of the Constitution. When its boundaries are once disregarded, 
we too soon become habituated and familiarized to the guilt, 
and become careless of the danger of a second offense, until, 
proceeding from one violation to another, we at length throw 
off all the restraint it has imposed, and very soon, though the 
semblance of its form may remain, its vitality will have fled 
forever. In the worst days of English histoiy a Dr. Cowcll 
wrote a book designed to establish the doctrine that the king 
was sohitus a legibus, — not bound by the laws. Parliament 
compelled James I. to issue a proclamation for the suppression 
of the book, but he soon after issued another against the license 
of the tongue, and we learn from the letter of the Bishop of 
Lincoln to the Duke of Buckingham " that whosoever ventured, 
in the most legal and constitutional manner, to speak or write 
in opposition to the royal will, had to do so at the peril of arbi- 
trary imprisonment of a)iy duration." We are told that a man 
was imprisoned under this proclamation in Norwich for saying 
" that the Prince of Wales was born without a shirt on his 
back." Though the conduct of James has been pronounced 
tyrannical and despotic by all historians, yet his laws preceded 
the offense, and every man who chose might have avoided the 
penalty of disobedience. 

But how is it with the poor devils of us who have been im- 
prisoned at the pleasure of the Secretary of State, not only 
zoitJioiit any law, but in open and flagrant violation of the most, 
sacred guarantees of the highest law of tJic land? He makes a 
secret law himself, a higher laze than the Constitution, hid in 



LETTER FROM C. S. MOREHEAD. 341 

the gloomy recesses of his own heart, wholly unknown to those 
who are to become its victims', by which he determines, accord- 
ing to his own mere caprice, what acts, what words, what 
thoughts or looks shall deprive a freeman of his liberty. This 
law may vary with every gust of passion or every cloud of sus- 
picion which shall agitate or darken his mind. In all candor, 
sir, to me it presents an image of the most fearful and diaboli- 
cal tyranny. But it is a refinement upon this despotism to offer 
pardon by a public proclamation to those who have violated 
no law. I ask no pardon and can receive none. I can admit 
no such implication of my guilt. I hold my liberty by deed in 
fee-simple from God Almighty, and in due season I have faith 
that he will vindicate his own solemn act. 

The poor remnant of my life, God willing, shall be dedicated 
to vengeance ; no, not vengeance, — that is the Lord's, — but to 
a just and righteous retribution. I believe that the day will 
come, as certainly as that God is just, when retributive justice 
will triumph. I look for it with more anxious hope than ever the 
chosen people of God looked for the promised Messiah. My 
confidence in its advent is my only solace by day and by night. 
It mingles with the dreams of my wife and children, from 
whom I am still cruelly separated. History is not without ex- 
amples of such retribution. In the second century the Emperor 
Adrian had his own brother-in-law, an old man of ninety years 
of age, executed on suspicion of a conspiracy. When about to 
be executed, the old man protested his innocence, and uttered 
a prayer, that Adrian might Avish to die and find death impos- 
sible. The imprecation was fulfilled. He was soon tortured 
with the most excruciating disease, and longed and prayed in 
vain for death. He implored his physicians, the priests, and 
offered large bribes to his servants to kill him. He actually 
stabbed himself with a dagger, but it proved not to be fatal, 
and only added to his torment. Every child he had died, and 
he was left desolate and alone. Thus lingering, and without 
the cessation of pain, he is said to have composed that cele- 
brated ode, which Pope has paraphrased, beginning "Vital spark 
of heavenly flame, quit, oh, quit this mortal frame," etc. 

I am, I confess, a different man from what I ever was before. 
I cannot help it, and hope that God will pardon mc for it. I 
have borne much. Seized like the vilest criminal at the dead 
hour of night ; dragged from my native State in defiance of the 
great writ of liberty; the forms of law resorted to only for the 
basest prostitution; official oaths shamelessly violated; thrown 
into worse than a Neapolitan prison ; furnished with fourteen 
pounds of coarse straw, carefully weighed, put into a tick of the 
roughest material, four feet seven inches in length, without a 



342 LIFE OF yOHX J. CRITTENDEX. 

sheet or pillow, with one filthy shoddy blanket, in a room with 
thirty-six others; with a brick floor, without fire, so damp that 
your boots would be covered with green each morning ; locked 
up at six o'clock in the evening without any of the usual night- 
conveniences ; with two candles, afterwards reduced to one for 
the whole number, which had to be extinguished at nine 
o'clock ; without a pitcher, wash-bowl, towel, chair, or table ; 
with a scanty supply of water filled not with wiggle-tails, but 
myriads of tadpoles, — can you be surprised that I should feel 
deeply and speak strongly ? As you may well suppose, my 
health has been seriously if not fatally shattered; I suffered the 
agonies of many deaths from rheumatism, with my legs swollen 
almost to the size of your body. But this is not the worst by 
far. My bladder has been seriously affected, and when I wrote 
to you that I wished to have a surgical operation performed, I 
was under the impression that I had stone ; but on strict exami- 
nation, I am assured by my medical adviser that such is not the 
case, but that it is the chronic contraction of certain muscles, 
the result of forced bodily habits, which time alone can cure. 
It would take a volume to detail to you all the vile contrivances 
set on foot to humiliate me and break my spirit. Among other 
things, a newspaper was sent to me announcing that my wife 
had become a iiiafiiac. Oh, God ! what a blow that was from 
an unseen hand ! I confess that I was stunned and crushed, 
and felt that my vilest enemy had achieved a triumph. It was 
no doubt very wicked, but no Christian ever uttered a more 
fervent orison to Heaven than I did, that God would relieve 
me by death if it should prove to be true. For the first time 
in my life I appreciated the feelings w'hich could induce a man 
to commit suicide. Colonel Dimmick, who is a good \w:xn, came 
to see me, and shed tears like a child, and immediately sent an 
express to Boston with a dispatch from me. An answer came 
the next day from my wife, in the following words : " Not the 
shadow of foundation for the vile slander. Bear your imprison- 
ment as becomes you, and never give up your principles." It 
was then published in the New York and Boston papers that I 
was to be selected to be hung if Colonel Corcoran and others 
were hanged by Jefferson Davis, and the paper containing this 
was sent to my wife. Poor woman, she has had enough to 
make her a maniac. 

You see, sir, what I have had to endure. It is now going on 
six months since I was torn from my home. My family has 
been broken up. my children scattered, my household effects 
necessarily .sacrificed, my resources cut off, and I am no better 
than a common beggar, for I am living on the charity of kind 
friends. Yet the vengeance of ]\Ir. Seward is not yet satisfied. 



LETTER TO C. S. MOREHEAD. 343 

I want no appeal made to him, for I assure you that my belief 
as to his motives is not unfounded. I had thought well of Mr. 
Lincoln, and I am inclined to believe, if he knew all the circum- 
stances attending my case, that he has magnanimity enough to 
release me unconditionally, so that I may feel as a free man 
and go South to attend to my business, which I am willing to 
say to you shall occupy me to the exclusion of everything else. 
But I may be mistaken. At all events, I can surrender my pa- 
role and go back to prison. I cannot bear the idea of living on 
the charity of others. 

I am now staying with my good friend, Mr. William Fellowes, 
on Staten Island, and receiving every possible kindness and con- 
sideration ; but how can I continue to do this ? You must see 
that it is impossible, and painful as it would be I would rather 
go back than to do it. 

Excuse my long letter. From the fullness of the heart the 
mouth speaketh ; and, I may add, the pen writeth. God bless 
you. 

As ever, your friend, 

C. S. MOREHEAD. 

P.S. — Please present me most kindly to Mrs. Crittenden. I 
inclose my photograph for her. My beard was a matter of 
necessity, as I could not shave while in prison. I have now 
taken it from the chin. Direct any letters still to Dr. Sayre, 
No. 795, Broadway, New York. 

To the Hon. J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Hon. C. S. Morehead.) 

January 12, 1862. 

Hon. C. S. Morehead. 

My dear Sir, — Since soon after your imprisonment I had 
been co-operating with your family and friends to procure your 
release. And since the commencement of the present session 
of Congress, and before the receipt of your letter of the 15th 
ult., I had an interview with Mr. Seward on the same subject. 
Upon the receipt of that letter, I waited on the President, and 
then again on Mr. Seward, to ask for the consideration of your 
case, and for your liberation. 

I thought there was a disposition to grant it ; but Mr. Seward 
wanted a little more time, and I could but acquiesce in the 
delay. And on the day afterwards, to insure as far as I could 
that the case should not be neglected, I addressed him a letter, 
restating it and urging it upon his attention, and for a speedy 
decision, with a request that he would giv^e me the earliest in- 
formation of the conclusion to which he might come on the 



344 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

case. And expecting such an answer to my letter in a very 
short time, I delayed replying to you till it should be received, 
in the expectation that I should then have the pleasure of in- 
forming you that you were again a free man. No letter coming 
from Mr. Seward, I waited from day to day until two days ago, 
when I was casually informed that you had been discharged 
from imprisonment. I felt quite aggrieved that all this had 
been done without any notice of it having been given to me by 
Mr. Seward, so that I might have replied to your letter without 
any unnecessary delay. On j'csterday I received from him a 
note of apology for the omission. Such has been the course of 
circumstances, and will account, at least, for my delay in an- 
swering }-our letter of the 15th ult., — the only letter I have re- 
ceived from you since your arrest at Louisville. If you wrote 
any other letter to me, it was never received. 

Congratulating you on your restoration to liberty, I remain 

Your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to Mrs. A. M. Coleman. ) 

Washington, March 14, 1S62. 

Mv DE.\K Daughter, — I did not receive the telegraphic dis- 
patch at Cincinnati, though I inquired for one. I have not 
heard one word from home, except the sad intelligence brought 
to me by your letter from Danville. When I left home, Cor- 
nelia was better. I cannot yet realize that one so good, so 
pure, so useful, and so dear and beneficial to us all, and to all 
around her, is so suddenly to be taken from us. Your letter 
has given me a terrible shock. You say she was slightly 
better when you wrote ; ni}- heart seizes upon that little hope, 
and trusts that God will spare to us a little longer one so good, 
so dear. You promised to write again the next day. I hope 
you have not failed to do so. You would not if you knew 
how dreadful is my state of suspense. If you have kept your 
promise, I shall get your letter to-night. 

Your father, 

Mrs. A. M. CoLEM.VN. J. J. Crittenden. 

With regard to the confiscation bill, Mr. Crittenden opposed 
it warmly. He said the Constitution defined treason, and pro- 
vided for its punislmient; that it declared Congress should have 
power to declare the punishment of treason, but that no attain- 
der of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture ex- 
cept during the life of the offender. Alter the battle of Ball's 
IMuff there was a proposition made to appoint a committee of 



SPEECH ON THE CONFISCATION QUESTION. 345 

the House to investigate the causes of that disaster to the Fed- 
eral arms. It was said that there had been great blunders, or 
want of skill, or treachery on the part of the men who con- 
ducted it. Mr. Crittenden declared that the appointment of 
such a committee was extending their jurisdiction beyond their 
constitutional limit, and condemned the proposed measure also 
as a matter of policy. He believed that in General McClellan 
we had a brave commander, who enjoyed the confidence of the 
whole country. It would not do to lead the country to suppose 
he had failed to do his duty, or disposed to screen those who 
had not done their duty. Mr. Crittenden implored his colleagues 
to be patient, and have confidence in their military officers, and 
not to create suspicions. 

After the appointment of the committee, Mr. Crittenden 
objected to the powers conferred upon it. He said he wished 
to get clear of all personalities with its members, as he had per- 
sonally a respect for them. The committee was now trying its 
infant fortunes, it was delicate, modest, and forbearing, but all 
knew the effect the exercise of power had upon those exercis- 
ing it. What they handled delicately at first they would handle 
witJwut delicacy before they got through. He said he rose 
principally to say a word in vindication of one he was proud 
to call his friend, a friend of forty years. The tendency of the 
whole movement was evidently to bring a charge against Gen- 
eral Scott, that he unwisely urged on the battle of Bull Run 
against the protest of the President of the United States. " I 
have never known," said he, "a man of more scrupulous truth 
and integrity than General Scott ; in all that constitutes veracity 
and patriotism, he is a model man. The country is proud 
of him. His fame is a part of our national glory. He has 
been a major-general fifty years. I protest against this attack 
against his character, now that he has retired from active 
service, after such fidelity to the republic. It is too much to 
believe that General Scott fought the battle of Bull Run against 
the protest of the President." 

(From the National Intelligencer, Washington, April 24, 1862.) 

Mr. Crittenden's speech on the confiscation question was like 
a shield of silver, thick set with golden stars. He spoke with 
the spirit of a hero fighting for his country. He regarded the 



346 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

bill before the House as the most momentous that had yet 
come up for consideration, and its adoption would be fatal to 
the republic. He considered it unconstitutional. He was for 
adherinj; to the great principle of English law, that no man 
should be deprived of his property but by due process of law. 
He thought the measure would have a tendency to make the 
war fierce and bloody; the people of the country were deter- 
mined to protect their institutions both from the assaults of the 
secessionists and the abolitionists. Towards the conclusion of 
his speech, Mr. Crittenden paid this handsome tribute to the 
President: "I voted against Mr. Lincoln, and opposed him 
lionestly and sincerely, but Mr. Lincoln has won me to his side. 
There is a niche in the temple of fame, a niche near to Wash- 
ington, which should be occupied by the statue of him who 
shall save his country. Mr. Lincoln has a mighty destiny ! It 
is for him, if he will, to step into that niche; it is for him to be 
but a President of the people of the United States, and there 
will be his statue. It is in his power to occupy a place next to 
Washington, — the founder and preserver side by side !" 

(Frankfort Commonwealth, May 19, 1862.) 

We hope that all will read Mr. Crittenden's speech. It is like 
ever>'thing emanating from that great and good man, eloquent 
in language, patriotic in sentiment, convincing in argument, and 
withal so kind and generous in its tone that even those who 
differ with him cannot but admire him. Neither his heart nor 
head have felt the chill of age. He stands forth now, at the 
advanced age of seventy-five, without a peer in intellect or ora- 
tory in that branch of the national Congress where youthful 
talent and ambition first put forth their claims to distinction, 
V>y his example he is teaching men never to desert their posts, 
never to despair of their country. He has been in the national 
councils ever since the administration of President Madison,— 
several times as Attorney-General, and repeatedly re-elected to 
the Senate, oftener, indeed, than any man who has ever occupied 
a seat in that body. 

Mr. Crittenden has been always conservative, and always dis- 
interested. His occupying a place as a representative was 
evidence of his willingness to sacrifice his personal ease and 
comfort when his fellow-citizens required it. 

The triumphant vote by which he was elected proves how 
truly he is loved and trusted in his own native Kentucky. 



LETTER TO GEORGE D. PRENTICE. 347 

(J. J. Crittenden to George D. Prentice.) 

House of Represe>"tatives, May 14, 1862. 

Sir, — In the Joimial of the nth inst, I read this morning 
with deep mortification the article concerning my son, George 
B. Crittenden. My son is a rebel ! — I defend him not ! But 
what public good can be done by such denunciations as that 
article contains ? Its exaggerations and misstatements make 
it unjust and ungenerous, and as to his family, it is most cruel. 
Such a blow from such a source has been felt with peculiar 
force. It was useless for any purpose of pubhc good, and could 
inflict wounds upon friends only. 

George B. Crittenden, save his act of rebellion, is beloved by 
all his family, and looked upon as one of the best and noblest 
of their race. They believe, and cherish the belief, that he was 
deluded into this rebellion, and that of the thousands who were 
so deluded not one acted from more honorable motives than 
he did, however erroneous or unjustifiable their reasoning may 
have been. With these convictions, his family are more sus- 
ceptible to the pain inflicted by the article in question. George 
has done enough to condemn him; he is condemned, and we 
bow to the sentence; but we cannot comprehend why our 
friends should mortify us by useless and aggravated repetitions 
of the cause of our calamity. Such is not the office of friends. 
I am sure, sir, that neither you, nor the managers of your press, 
have any unfriendly feeling towards me or my family: I have 
received too many flattering evidences to the contrary; yet, sir, 
I have felt it to be my right, and my duty, to address you this 
friendly remonstrance. I ask that it may be received in the 
same spirit in which it is written, and I hope long to remain, as 
I long have been, your friend, 

J. J. Crittenden. 
G. D. Prentice, Esq. 



CHAPTER XIX. 
1862-1863. 

C. S. Morehead to J. J. Crittenden — John Law to Crittenden — Hon. R. C. Win- 
throp to Mrs. Coleman, with Account of an interesting Incident at West Point 
(1861) — C. L. Vallandigham to Crittenden — In the House, the Admission of 
West Virginia — Opposition to the Employment of Slaves as Soldiers — Con 
scription Bill. 

(C. S. Morehead to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Clifton House, Niagara, June 18, 1862. 

DEAR SIR, — I am a fugitive slave safely landed in Canada, 
Since my release I have faithfully and most scrupulously 
avoided saying anj'thing that could be tortured into what was 
treasonable in tendency, unless the open and bitter denunciation 
of the atrocious despotism, 01 which I have been the unhappy 
victim, be such. One week ago our mutual friend, Judge Nicho- 
las, sent a special messenger to me to leave the State, as otherwise 
I would certainly be arrested, and made to take an unlawful 
oath, or remain in prison during the war. As I never intend to 
take that oath, to avoid the possibility of imprisonment again, 
I am here. I did not go South in consequence of your sug- 
gestion. The probability is that I will go from here to Europe. 
It is a sad, sad condition to be placed in by a despotism which, 
I venture to say, has not its equal in the annals of civilization. 
As I thus withdraw from t;he scene of action to avoid the 
possibility of being connected in any manner with this horrid 
war, allow me to say that the despotism now inaugurated in 
Kentucky, in my humble opinion, will not be borne. Judge 
Fowler and the most of his bar, you may ha\'e seen, were 
Jirrested while he was holding court in Union County. The 
judge was required by the miiitar>' power to make all his jury- 
men take the oath of allegiance, which he declined to do, and 
was compelled to adjourn court, and taken prisoner from the 
bench. All the candidates for office who were not Lincoln- 
men, in Owen County, were imprisoned before I left home; 
antl I see from the papers that thirty-three men from Owen 
and Ik-nry have since been arrested. Squads of soldiers are 
sent in all directions, and men are every day taken up without 
(348) 



LETTER FROM JOHN LAW. 349 

the slightest cause. I could give you instances which would 
quicken every drop of blood in your veins. All this is 
borne for the present in sullen silence ; but rest assured that 
the time will come when the smothered volcano must have 
vent. I know nothing, of course, and only judge from my 
knowledge of our common nature, — some things are beyond 
human endurance. I have heard men who proclaim themselves 
unconditionally for the Union in public, curse these things in 
private with a venom and bitterness that would astonish you. 
It is right that you should know these things, and I feel that I 
can speak candidly to you. I do believe that these arrests, 
if not stopped, will lead to a guerrilla war all over the State. 
If the President has this power, the governor of Kentucky has 
it also, for the words of the State Constitution are identically 
the same as those in the Federal Constitution. What would 
be said if McGoffin should commence imprisoning without bail 
or mainprise ? 

Can you get me a copy of the order by which I was carried 
to Lafayette? I would like very much to have it. I have 
nearly completed my book, in which a body of facts will be 
found which, if I mistake not, will, when published, create a 
sensation. 

I would be glad to hear from you. A letter addressed to 
me, care of the Clifton House, Suspension Bridge, N. Y., will 
reach me. 

Your friend, 

Hon, J, J, Crittenden. C, S. Morehead, 



(John Law to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, July 2, 1862, 

My dear Sir, — I was prevented when in committee of the 
whole from making the speech I had prepared and intended by 
circumstances over which I had no control. The bills " con- 
fiscating rebel property" and " emancipating slaves" were made 
a special order, and being confined entirely to the subject-matters 
of those bills, the subject-matter of the two sheets inclosed, in 
parliamentary language, would not have been " germane" to 
them. 

It would have given me great pleasure to have given to the 
country my views of your noble and patriotic character in this 
most unhappy contest, — a fratricidal war, — which I firmly be- 
lieve the adoption of your resolutions would have prevented. 
The God of battles can now alone determine the result, I have, 
therefore, no other way of communicating even to yon my high 



03^ 



LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 



regard and esteem but by inclosing to you a portion of what I 
intended to say had I an opportunity of so doing. 

Very sincerely and truly yours, 
Hon. John J. Crittenden. John Law. 

Sir, of all men living on this continent I had rather this day 
have the character and position of my honorable friend from 
Kentucky, who sits near me (Mr. Crittenden), than that of any 
other man, ay, rather than be President of the United States. 
The colleague of that great and good man, Mr. Clay, the asso- 
ciate in the other end of the Capitol of Daniel Webster, Silas 
Wright, Thomas H. Benton, and Stephen A. Douglas, — all 
gathered to their fathers, — he is the only link in the chain 
which binds the present to the past. He was even with such 
.statesmen and patriots " priinus vitey pares',' a peer among 
princes, a prince among his peers. He alone is left us, and the 
evidence of his loyalty and patriotism, his love of country, his 
attachment to the Union and the flag which is its emblem, his 
devotion to the Constitution and the laws, have been manifested 
on every occasion; and yet, I regret to say, there are men, even 
in this House, who pretend to doubt even his loyalty. 

Sir, envy may carp at him, faction may hawk at him, party 
may ostracize him, 

"But more true joy Marcellus exiled feels 
Than Caesar with a senate at his heels." 

" In the course of human events" he soon may leave us. The 
grave will open for him as for us; but the inscription on his 
tombstone will survive for future generations to look on and 
admire. 

His epitaph will be — 

" Ucncath this stone, resting from his labors, lies one, who, 
if his dounsel had been followed, the Constitution would have 
been maintained and the Union preserved." 

(Robert C. Winthrop to Mrs. A. M. Coleman.) 

Boston, December 26, 1870. 
My de.\r Mrs. Coleman,— I have not forgotten my promise 
to give you some account of what happened at West Point 
when I had the good fortune to meet your excellent father there, 
during one of the early years of our late civil war. I had en- 
joyed his friendship, and not a little of his confidence, as you 
well know, while I was in Congress with him many years be- 
fore; anil I had always admired the generous and noble quali- 
ties of his mind and heart. But the occasion to which I refer 
was one which left the deepest impression on my memory, and 
I am. perhaps, the only one left to tell the story. 



ROBERT C. WINTHROP TO MRS. A. M. COLEMAN. 



351 



It was on the 8th day of August, 1862, I had stopped at 
West Point, on my way from Niagara, to pay a Httle visit to 
General Scott; and while I was with him, at Cozzens's Hotel, 
Mr. Crittenden came in. He told me at once that he had come 
there for a special purpose, in which he was deeply interested, 
and that he wished me to accompany him to the camp of the 
cadets, and be a witness to whatever might occur. Not long 
afterwards we went to the camp together; and after a brief pre- 
liminary interview with the commanding officer (Colonel Bow- 
man, if I remember rightly), Mr. Crittenden explained to him 
and to myself his precise view in coming. He said that the 
cadets from many of the Southern States had exhibited a dis- 
position to leave the academy, with the purpose of taking sides 
with their own States in the contest which was then in progress. 
Some of them, as I understood, had gone already; and he was 
in great concern lest the Kentucky cadets should be induced to 
follow their example. He thought that his personal influence 
might possibly do something to arrest such a design, should it 
exist in any quarter; and, after consulting with General Scott, 
he asked leave of the commanding officer to have an interview 
with each one of the Kentucky cadets in succession. 

The leave was readily granted; and they were accordingly 
sent for in turn. To each one of them, as he came up, he made 
an informal but most earnest appeal. He seemed to know the 
personal history and family connections of them all. More than 
one of them, I believe, had received their appointments on his 
own recommendation. One of them had already distinguished 
himself, though a mere boy, by brave services as a volunteer, 
and his appointment had been made in recognition of his youth- 
ful gallantry. 

I shall not soon forget how your father's eye kindled, and his 
voice trembled with emotion, as he spoke to them of thd Union 
cause, and of his ardent desire that Kentucky should be true to 
the Union flag. He spoke, as he always spoke best, from the 
inspiration of the moment, and out of the fullness of his noble 
and patriotic heart. No one of those cadets can have failed to 
remember that most impressive scene. There was nothing of 
ostentation or formality about it. He told me he had come to 
West Point without previous consultation with anybody, and he 
evidently did not wish to have his intervention spoken of at the 
time. I think that he did not even enter his name on the books 
of the hotel, and left West Point as soon as he had accomplished 
the object for which he had come. He was unwilling to have 
it supposed that he had any distrust of the cadets of his own 
State, and assured me that he felt none. But he said he should 
sleep more easily after he had done what he could to make his 



--2 -^^^^ OF JOHN y. CRITTENDEN. 

young friends feci that his whole heart was concerned in their 
loyalty to the government. I have never seen a man more in 
earnest than he was on that day, and he seemed to excite an 
electric sympathy in all whom he addressed, and in all by whom 
he was surrounded. For myself, I have rarely been more 
moved; and I could not resist the impulse, at a recruiting-meet- 
ing on Hoston Common, not many weeks after my return home, 
even at the risk of his displeasure, to make the following brief 
allusion to what I had witnessed : 

" At West Point, too, I met the generous and true-hearted 
Crittenden. I accompanied him to the camp of the cadets, and 
saw the emotion with which he grasped the hands of the young 
Kentuckians who clustered around him. One of them was a 
son of that noble preacher and patriot, Robert J. Breckenridge, 
of Danville; and another, whose name I am ashamed to have 
forgotten, but which history will not forget, was a young Ken- 
tuck ian of only sixteen years of age, who, having been already 
wounded while serving as a volunteer at the battle of Shiloh, 
had now come to prepare for future responsibilities by studying 
the science of war." 

I am not aware that any other public allusion to the scene I 
have thus described has ever before been made; but since the 
death of my lamented friend, I have felt that it was due to his 
memory that so significant and characteristic an illustration of 
liis devoted patriotism should not be wanting to the biographi- 
cal sketch which you are preparing. 

Believe me, dear Mrs. Coleman, very sincerely yours, 

ROBT. C. WlNTHROP. 

Mrs. A. M. Coleman. 

(C. L. Vallandigham to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Dayton, Ohio, September 30, 1862 
Hon. John J. Crittenden. 

Mv i)i:.\R Sir, — The Democrats and other loyal men of this 
(the ihird) congressional district hold a mass-ineeting at Leba- 
non, Warren County, Ohio, on Thursday, October 9th, 1862. It 
is their unanimous and most earnest wish that you should be 
present and address the meeting. They are for the Constitution 
as /■/ is and the Union as it was and against abolitionism. We 
want Kentucky and Ohio to be united forever, and desire to 
give and receive all aid looking to that great purpose, equally 
opposed to secession South and abolitionism North and West. 
Your presence here would be welcomed with the greatest joy. 

Very respectfully, 

C. L. Vallandigham. 



LETTER TO MRS. C. C. YOUNG. 353 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mr?. A. M. Coleman.) 

Washington, November 16, 1862. 

My dear Daughter, — Your second letter from Danville was 
not received till yesterday. Cornelia is better, and you all 
" have hopes." This, even this, is a great consolation to me, 
and shall be an assurance till I hear further. You will surely 
write to me every day while Cornelia's fate remains at all doubt- 
ful. I cannot bear up under the idea of her death. It would 
be too sudden, too unexpected. I will trust that she will re- 
cover. When I left home I heard she was better, and assured 
myself that she would soon be well, — otherwise I would not 
have left Kentucky. Tell Cornelia all this; tell her how much 
I love her, — love her with my whole heart. Though she is pure 
and good enough for heaven, she is so necessary on earth to be 
a light and guide to her family that I will not believe it is in the 
decrees of Providence to take her from us now. In any event, 
I must t}y to bow to that Providence. 

Your mother shares with me in all my grief and love, hopes 
and fears, about Cornelia. Read this letter to her. Kiss her 
for me, and say for me " God bless and preserve her." 

Your father, 

J. J. Crittenden. 

(J. J. Crittenden to his daughter, Mrs. C. C. Young.) 

Washington, December 5, 1S62. 

My dear Cornelia, — I cannot tell you what suffering and 
what joy you have recently been the occasion of to me. For 
two days you were dead to me. I scarcely desired to receive 
another letter, so sure was I that it would tell me you were dead. 
Thank God, you still live, and with every prospect of being re- 
stored to good health. I received all the messages you sent to 
me through Ann Mary's letters, and the letter written to me at 
your instance by your son John. These, my dear daughter, are 
a treasure to me, and are laid up in my heart. My only fear 
now is that you will be too impatient of confinement. I fear 
your intended trip to Frankfort may be attempted too soon. Be 
very careful of yourself After such dangers as you have 
escaped, you are more dear to us all. Till we were in danger 
of losing you, we did not know how much we valued you. 
Your mother felt for you as I did, grieved for you as I did, and 
rejoiced with me at your recovery. I shall rejoice when I can 
receive a letter from you in your own handwriting. 

Farewell, and God bless you. 

Your father, 

To Mrs. Cornelia C. Young. J. J. Crittenden. 

VOL. II. — 23 



354 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

With regard to the admission of Western Virginia, Mr. Crit- 
tenden said that, in looking to the Constitution of his country, 
he saw there that no State could be divided and another State 
made out of its territory without its consent. The language was 
positive and unequivocal. He felt for the people of Western 
Virginia, and appreciated their valor and patriotism, but he had 
sworn to support the Constitution and to make it the rule of 
his action. Virginia never was admitted into the Union. She 
formed it, was a part of the original creation. Being at heart 
the friend of Virginia, his judgment and conviction of public 
duty forbade him to make a new State out of her territory. 

On the subject of the Iowa contested election, Mr. Crittenden 
said that Congress was intended to be the great legislative 
representative of the people, and should not be mixed up with 
officers and soldiers, or any one holding office under the 
authority of the United States. 

We might have a President who would attempt to exercise an 
improper influence over him ; there viigJit be members who 
would be controlled by him, — at all events, their position might 
make them liable to suspicion as to their fidelity to the people ; 
but according to the reasoning of Mr. Colfax, of Indiana (whose 
patriotism always overflowed and inundated him on every occa- 
sion) [laughter], we ought not to exclude the brave defenders 
of our country from seats in this House. He argues it upon 
the individual merits of tlie brave defenders. According to the 
gentleman's argument, our places could be supplied any day by 
a single brigade of troops. A brigade could supply four or five 
Congresses. But, sir, the gentleman in question is not here ; 
he is in the field performing military duties; but if he were 
here, the President could command him to go back to Iowa or 
Arkansas, or where he pleased. A man subject to commands 
of that sort cannot be a fit representative of the people. The 
gentleman from Iowa is not in his seat because he is performing 
other duties in a distant part of the country. My friend from 
Illinois, Mr. Washburn, cannot see his friend removed from his 
place, on the su[)[)osition that he could possibly be subject to 
any improper influence. He was his near neighbor, and sat by 
him, and all the relationships of neighborhood would be de- 
stroyed by this cruel act of removing from office a man dis- 
qualified by the Constitution. It does not accord with the 
independence of a member of this House to be subject to the 
orders of the President. 



SPEECH ON THE CONSCRIPTION BILL. 



355 



Mr. Crittenden opposed the employment of slaves as soldiers. 
There was a bill before the House to raise one hundred and 
fifty thousand to enlist for five years. Mr. Crittenden declared 
that this measure was unconstitutional and unnecessary ; that 
the white men of the country had shown no want of patriotism 
or courage, and that there was a million in the field who had 
become almost without exception voluntary soldiers. He con- 
sidered the bill as a stigma upon the negro ; they were to be 
employed to fight our battles and to receive half pay ; the 
negroes were not necessary to put down the rebellion ; this was 
only an abolition policy. All nations who had held slaves had 
rejected their services in time of war. Even Catiline had 
Roman pride enough left to reject, in his extremest peril, the 
assistance of gladiators and slaves, though they were white and 
had been born free. Mr. C. thought the measure proposed an 
insult to the army and a crime against the civilization of the 
age ; an act of hostility to the Union. One gentleman and 
another had proposed to pass a resolution liberating all the 
slaves in the Union ; but they were laid quietly upon the table. 
Tlien the President w^as appealed to, and Jiow was it accom- 
plished ? In the name of the Constitution and of the country ? 
How came the President by a greater power than Congress ? 
Mr. C. did not hate the South ; they had been his fellow-citi- 
zens and political brethren; he trusted they would be so again ; 
he was willing to fight them because they were attacking the 
Constitution ; his fidelity to the country was fixed ; he Avas for 
the Union ; he would never do honor to the abolition policy. 

Mr. Crittenden spoke on the conscription bill on the 22d of 
February, 1863. This was the last speech he made in Con- 
gress, and will be given here entire as a fitting close to his 
public life : 

Mr. Crittenden. — Mr. Speaker, I rise to address the House 
under circumstances of greater embarrassment, perhaps, than 
ever before since I have been a member of this body. 

We are nearly at the end of our session ; many of us nearly 
at the close of our public life. During the time I have been a 
member of this body I have endeavored, conscientiously, to do 
whatever I could for the suppression of this rebellion. I shall, 
however, make no boast of my patriotism. Our acts will speak 



356 LIFE OF yOHX J. CRITTEXDEN. 

for us. They go before the country, and the people will decide; 
I am satisfied to abide their judgment. This measure, it seems 
to me, is but the natural result of the course of policy which 
this Congress has pursued from the commencement, or very 
near the commencement, of the war. 

W'iien the war broke out, it was a national war, with one 
single object, and upon that one purpose and object all hearts 
were united, — the re-establishment of this great republic, — 
our republic! There was no division ; and in order to satisfy 
the country more effectually of the fact of our unity, but little 
more than eighteen months ago a resolution offered by me 
was passed, almost unanimously, declaring that this was our 
sole object. We pledged ourselves that no interference should 
be made in any institutions of the States, — having especial refer- 
ence to the institution of slavery. How different, Mr. Speaker, 
would be the condition of this country to-day had the pledges 
then solemnly made by this Congress been adhered to ! There 
was but one sentiment pervading the whole people of the 
country. Men flocked to your standard by hundreds of thou- 
sands, filling the ranks of such an army as the world never saw. 
No coercion was then talked of! What has produced the 
change that now presents itself? JF/w/has united the South in 
one solid phalanx ? What has crushed and destroyed to a great 
extent, if not wholly, the confidence and enthusiasm that swelled 
in the great heart of the people of this nation ? Our departure 
fiom our faith, — departing from that object which we declared 
to be the only just and patriotic one. Have you not departed 
from the policy of that faith ? Have you not, in a manner con- 
sidered perfidious, violated the pledges which you gave the 
country more than eighteen months ago ? Was any discontent 
cxi)ressed at that time ? I heard of none. The hearts of the 
loyal people. North and South, were fired with a common pur- 
pose to preserve the integrity of the Union and its honor. 
Every man felt himself under ever}' honorable obligation to 
step forward, abandon his private affairs and look after the wel- 
fare of his country. That was the individual, all-pervading, 
patriotic sentiment of the whole people. No murmur of discon- 
tent was heard, and the same confidence and patriotic feeling 
was as strong among the Union men of the border States as it 
was in the North and West. Everywhere the same spirit! We 
were all willing to suffer to the last extremity to preserve the 
government. Now, what has produced this wondrous change ? 
Do we not know ? It has been our infidelity to the pledges 
made to the people. It is because of the reckless course of the 
dominant power; because of the impolicy of which Congress 
has been guilty. Is it not time for us to learn that the course we 



I 

SPEECH ON THE CONSCRIPTION BILL. 357 

have pursued, and are pursuing, has produced a state of division 
and dissension even in the remaining States? Yes, sir, our 
poh'cy has' been the fruitful source of these discords. The de- 
parture from our avowed policy of not attacking the institution 
of slavery, of fighting only for the government, the Union, and 
the Constitution. What have we seen this session ? We have 
passed bills changing the rules and articles of war in order that 
slavery might be encroached upon. We deprived the loyal 
people of the South of all protection by the army for their 
property. You have passed a law taking the slaves from any of* 
the citizens of the country'. You have passed a law for organ- 
izing an army of three hundred thousand negroes. This, you 
know, is against the deep-rooted prejudices of at least one-half 
of our people. Eighteen months ago such a bill would have 
been rejected with one common voice. Even an allusion to 
such a purpose created profound indignation. You have done 
this, and more. You have passed laws w^hich, in the opinion 
of the people, violate the Constitution. You have scorned the 
friends of the government. You have, by these measures, 
turned away from us the hearts of the people. We have sown 
deep the seeds of future disasters to this government. I im- 
plore the House to pause before it sanctions any other measures 
of this kind. 

Mr. Speaker, can w^e carry on the war more successfully by 
transcending the Constitution than by obeying it ? I have 
always said that the Constitution was our bulwark, our best 
defense ; that our strongest hope was to keep within the clearly 
defined powers of that instrument. But what have we done ? 
We have assumed powers not delegated by the Constitution ; 
we have acted according to the sentiment which prevailed with 
us at the moment ; we have been controlled by the petty spirit 
of party, rather than by patriotism and a determination to obey 
the Constitution and the laws. 

You have lost the heart of the people, and lost it by the 
dogmas you have inaugurated and established rather than 
follow the Constitution. The gentleman from Pennsylvania 
(Mr. Stevens) said the other day that we have every man in the 
field now that can be gotten there voluntarily. Why is this ? 
Because the intention of abolishing slavery throughout the 
United States is clearly proclaimed. You have done this while 
you have had an accidental majority here. This has changed 
the hearts of the people. This is the only time when the abo- 
litionists ever had a majority in thia House. What have they 
done with this accidental power? They have declared emanci- 
pation by law, declared a law for the raising of negro armies, 
declared emancipation and confiscation. The people have not 



03 



S LIFE OF yOHX J. CRITTENDEN. 



the same cntliusiasm in the war they felt in the beginning, — 
tlien they put a miUion of men in the field. The country is 
still in peril, — in more peril than at that time. Why is not an 
army of two millions of men now in the field? Because you 
have established the dogmas of abolitionists, — this has led to 
loss of confidence. It is not for the country, it is not for the white 
man, but for the negro, that this war is now waged. I cannot 
give my voice for war for such a purpose. You say this bill is 
framed on the idea that the people will no longer volunteer, will 
«not stand a draft, and we are obliged by law to coerce them: 
this is our condition, and the logical result of what we have 
previously done is this bill ; we have ourselves created a ne- 
cessity for it. The people are no longer with us; and we must 
force them, by penal laws, by new jurisdictions, provost-mar- 
shals scattered through the land, and a new sort of military 
judicature, to which they have not been accustomed. Knowing 
that you have now an unwilling people to deal with, you make 
that law as coercive as possible, and accompany it with every 
sort of inquisitorial and compulsory power, judicial and execu- 
tive, in order to insure obedience. Is not that our condition, 
fairly considered ? 

There is but one sort of consistency which deserves the re- 
spect of honest men, and that is to let your acts correspond 
with your convictions at the time when you are called upon to 
vote. It is not alone what we did yesterday that we are to 
consider. We have lived through a time of trial and perplex- 
it\'. Have we learned nothing? Our lessons have been severe, 
and we ought to be instructed by the fear of more dangerous 
lessons hereafter. The life of the country is attacked; that life 
is in )'our hands ; its preservation depends, in a great measure, 
upon your wisdom, your solemn deliberations and considera- 
tions of the great questions now before us. If we wish to restore 
the Union we must change our policy. This bill will not answer 
the purpose; the people have lost confidence in us, and they 
will not bear more exactions and burdens. No, sir, you are 
mistaken in your remedy. For the distrust which now exists 
you must substituted^?////, that your object is a rational one, — 
not the abolition of slavery, but the salvation of the country. 
Get back the hearts of the people and their confidence, and 
you do not want this bill. 

You say a draft will not be submitted to. I know nothing 
about that, but will this more exacting provision be submitted 
to? In a country like ours, laws which do not carry along with 
them the assent of the people are but blank jDaper. Have }'ou 
not cause to fear that this bill will do you no good? You are 
altogether mistaking the disease. It is the abolition clement 



SPEECH ON THE CONSCRIPTION BILL. 359 

here which destroys everything, — that has clouded the great 
ideas of nationahty, the pride of the American heart. We 
must administer measures which will reclaim it and heal dis- 
content. And yet, in perhaps the last moments of our exist- 
ence, you are endeavoring to consummate a policy which the 
people have condemned. The remedy — the sole remedy — is 
by reversion, by retracing our steps, and making this again a 
national war. Then you will not want this bill ; you will not 
require a draft ; you will have volunteers enough. Political 
abolitionists thought the time had come for them to introduce 
the sword and the spear into the public arena, and to make use 
of this war to carry out purposes they have long cherished, — 
the abolition of slavery. 

These, Mr. Speaker, are my views of the discouragements 
which now exist in the country, and my views of the remedy, 
the only remedy which will prove efficacious. This bill would 
have done well enough at the time the resolution I offered here 
passed. It would have passed, not with all the provisions which 
now accompany it, but the principle would have been adopted, 
and the whole power of the nation would have been placed in 
the hands of the government to be used, if necessary, for the 
defense of the country. 

But the disease assumed another shape. The political body 
has become poisonously infected and the minds of the people 
filled with distrust of us and of our measures. We must be no 
longer Democrats, no longer Abolitionists, but, if we would 
save our country and ourselves, we must be YC\&xQ\.y patriots ; 
we must not falter about undoing the evil we have already done 
when we discover that its effect is different from what we antici- 
pated. Have not the people the right to believe that this war 
is now being used for the overthrow of slavery ? In all candor, 
is not this )ioiv the object of the war ? 

There is a little tiveedledum and tweedledee about this matter. 
One says, "The war is not to overthrow slavery; it is to save 
the Union ;" another says, " If you do not destroy slavery, the 
Union is worth nothing." The argument here is exactly the 
argument of the Jesuits, — fix your minds and attention firmly 
upon one object which you think a lawful one, and then all 
the means are lawful. The object is the abolition of slavery; 
but tliat is not lawful. " No," says one, " but the salvation of 
the Union is constitutional! Direct your attention to that, and 
you may abolish slavery." This is the doctrine which makes 
the r//</ justify the means. One says that abolition is his object, 
and that he goes for it because abolition is necessary for the 
salvation of the Union. Have we found this so ? Has it con- 
duced in any way to save the Union ? Will your three hun- 



360 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

drcd thousand black men tend to save the Union ? Are they 
soldiers? We know better; they are not soldiers, and during 
this war you cannot make them so. I put out of sight the 
question as to their capacity as a military people, or what they 
may become by a course of education ; but you cannot, in two 
or three, or even ten, years make efficient soldiers of them. 
Again, will your white soldiers serve with them? You do not 
even know what to do with the runaway negroes which infest 
you and are calling upon you for the bread which they left 
behind when they fled from their homes and families. You 
can have some color for feeding them or setting them free ; but 
when you hold out the idea that you mean to make soldiers 
of them, it is but a delusion, a pretense for abolitionism, a 
means for placing negroes on an equality with your white 
soldiers. It will either raise to an equality with white soldiers 
those whom they regard as an inferior race, or else it will level 
them down to an equality with negroes. I do not know that I 
differ with my friend from Massachusetts, Mr. Thomas, as to 
the principle that this government has a right to the employ- 
ment of all the force it can command in this hour of exigency 
and \iQx\\. I will not say that this bill, so far as it regards the 
enrollment of the men liable to military duty, and subjecting 
them to be called out for military service, does not come within 
the power of Congress. I will not contest that question with him 
here, at all events, now. But I do not think that the Constitution 
intended that Congress should have power to enlist negroes. 
They were regarded z.s, property, and it was not intended that a 
man's property should be taken from him. The gentleman 
says " that they may be employed, z/it is necessary to save the 
republic." He postpones the employment of negro soldiers 
to the last. I differ with him in this. I believe that that time 
not only has not come, but that it never can come. It never 
can (so long as we remain of the proud, free race to which 
we belong) be expedient to raise an army of negroes in this 
country. Instead of being a source of power, negroes in your 
army would be a source of weakness, and their presence would 
drive men from the field a thousand times more capable of 
defending the country than they can be made. A negro army 
unnerves the white man's hand, — the white man's heart. 



CHAPTER XX. 
1863. 

Edwin M. Stanton to John J. Crittenden — Letter from Henry Gillman — Mr. Crit- 
tenden's Personal Appearance and Manner of Public Speaking — A Will found 
among his Papers — Mr. Crittenden's Death — Resolutions found among Mr. 
Crittenden's Papers — Notices of his Death — Funeral Honors — Speech of Hon. 
R. C. Winthrop to the Massachusetts Historical Society — Remarks of Hon. 
J. F. Bell in Kentucky House of Representatives — Monument erected by the 
State of Kentucky. 

(Edwin M. Stanton to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Washington, May 7, 1863. 

DEAR SIR, — The President and general-in-chief have just 
returned from the Army of the Potomac. The principal 
operation of General Hooker failed, but there has been no 
serious disaster to the organization and efficiency of the army. 
It is now occupying its former position on the Rappahannock, 
having crossed the river without any serious loss in the move- 
ment. Not more than one-third of General Hooker's army were 
engaged. General Stoneman's operations have been a brilliant 
success ; a part of his force advanced to within two miles of 
Richmond, and the enemy's communications have been cut in 
every direction. 

The Army of the Potomac will speedily resume offensive 
operations. 

Edwin M, Stanton. 

(Henry Gillman to J. J. Crittenden.) 

Detroit, Michigan, March 21, 1863. 
Dear Sir, — I have read your noble speech. Such words 
make you the friend of every true patriot, and every tnie patriot 
your friend. (Alas ! these degenerate days have made it neces- 
sary to use an adjective in conjunction with this once sacred 
name.) Your powerful language, unincumbered with the glitter 
of ornament, magnificent in its very simplicity, has cut clear to 
the core of the subject, — to the sundering of the very bones and 
marrow. Every lover of his country thanks you from his soul, 
speaking your name with reverence. While such a voice is 
heard in our Congress, may we not still cherish the hope that 
the good God has not utterly forsaken us, and given us over to 

(361) 



362 LIFE OF yOHX y. CRITTENDEN. 

a reprobate mind ; tliat the counsel of reason will yet be listened 
to, even in this late day? , 

You but too truly say that Congress has mistaken the disease 
altogether; that the disease of the public heart is loss of con- 
fidence in its representatives. How deeply I feel " it is the 
abolition element which has destroyed everything; that has 
clouded the great ideas of nationality, — the pride of the Ameri- 
can heart !" When will they accept the remedy ? Have they 
not long enough acted the part of the deaf adder, which heareth 
not the voice of the charmer, charm he never so wisely ? Will 
a free people submit forever to systematized iniquities which 
are sapping their very life-blood ? God give us patience and 
courage in these evil times; patience that we may do nothing 
rashly, and courage lest the hands which have stricken the 
fetters from the negro fasten upon our wrists. With the bless- 
ing of Providence we must leave the heritage of this goodly 
land unimpaired to our children's children and long generations 
after. 

In the far future, when the history of this great struggle shall 
be written, your name, sir, shall stand foremost among those of 
that brave, unselfish little band who forgot their own interests 
in the love of their country and her salvation. Think not that 
these are the utterances of cant or of adulation : they come from 
the heart, however feeble in their expression, — and, to one even 
like you, they may not be altogether purposeless, altogether 
without a significance and a use. 

I should consider it a high favor to know of your receiving this 
as it is meant. 

Believe me, sir, with profound respect and esteem. 

Your ardent admirer and well-wisher, 

Henry Gillmax. 

Hon. J. J. Crittenden, Washington, D. C. 

It is not possible to give a better idea of Mr. Crittenden's 
personal appearance than is conveyed by the following extract, 
from " Our Living Representative Men," by John Savage: 

In one of the interesting episodes of the famous Kansas-Le- 
compton debate, of March, 1858, an allusion in the speech of 
senator Green, of Missouri, brought to his feet the venerable 
Senator, who occupied a seat immediately next the bar of the 
chamber, and nearly on the extreme left of the Vice-President's 
chair. A man of medium height and rather spare figure, his 
face is strongly marked, j'cars and thoughtful experience com- 
pleting the original outlines of nature. There is a warm, 
healthy flush over his features, as though a strong heart con- 



PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 363 

tributed to their sedate enthusiasm, and making a pleasant and 
picturesque contrast with the white hair that decorates his head. 
His manner is as marked as his features, disclosing earnest- 
ness and pathos, while his matter is presented with a freshness, 
vigor, and copiousness of language which command attention. 
But it is when, rising above the sectionalities of debate, he in- 
vokes a national inspiration and gives voice to it, that he is 
peculiarly affecting and effective, evoking from his hearers the 
tearful solicitude he portrays himself. 

On the present occasion he speaks of himself, and his words 
are consequently especially interesting. The eyes of the sen- 
ators from all sides are inquiringly turned upon him. The full 
galleries are expectant, and many a political enthusiast, w^ho 
slept in the lobbies, is thoroughly awakened by the voice of the 
" old man eloquent." He said, " The senator from Missouri 
was surprised at his feelings, and intimated that he had had bad 
schoolitig." Briefly reviewing the political points made by Sen- 
ator Green, he said he knew his own defects, but did not like 
to hear them attributed to the school in which he had been 
brought up. " If my education is defective, it is on account of 
some defect in me, and not in the school. The gentleman is a 
young man and a young senator, — I hope, and wish for him a 
long life of public usefulness ; he may have learned much more 
than I have ever learned; if so, it only shows the superiority of 
his capacity, for I am sure he has not been in a better school. 
Sir, this is the school in which I was taught ; I took lessons 
here when this was a great body ; indeed, I learned from your 
Clays, your Websters, your Calhouns, your Prestons, your Ben- 
tons, your Wrights, and such men. I am 3l poor scholar, I know, 
not likely to do much credit to the school in which I was 
taught. It is of but little consequence to the world whether I 
have learned well or ill : it will soon be of no importance to the 
country or any individual." This proud yet modest speech 
creates an interest in the speaker on the part of the strangers 
who do not know his person or career. They naturally ask 
who he is, and a dozen voices, with surprise and gratification, 
reply, "Crittenden, Crittenden, of Kentucky!" He is the oldest 
senator in the chamber ; it is more than forty years since he 
first entered it in a representative character ; he was a senator 
before Webster, Calhoun, and Benton ; long, many years, before 
Wright and Preston ; he was not the pupil, but the contempo- 
rary of those men: he learned zvith, and not, as he modestly 
s^ys, from them. ' 

With the Kansas question Mr. Crittenden's name is inextri- 
cably interwoven. He opposed the admission of Kansas under 
the Topeka Constitution, in 1856; recorded his vote against 



364 -^^^^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

the repeal of the territorial laws, and was in favor of Senator 
Toombs's Kansas bill. It was far from being unobjectionable 
to him ; but he regarded it as a peace measure. In March, 
1858, in the famous debate in which he occupied so prominent 
a position, he opposed the admission of Kansas under the Le- 
compton Constitution. The scene, on this occasion, as well as 
the views of the distinguished senator, were among the lead- 
ing topics of the day, and properly belong to the history of the 
country. It took place on the 1 7th of March, and the appearance 
of the Senate-chamber and the pith of the speech were promi- 
nently given in the editorial columns of one of the leading jour- 
nals. That day's doings are among the chief causes which 
brought Senator Crittenden's name prominently before the 
people for the Presidency. The article is given below almost 
entire. 

" The Senate presented the most brilliant spectacle on the 
occasion of Senator Crittenden's speech on the topic of the 
day. We have not seen the galleries so crowded this session. 
W'e have not seen so many ladies in them, or such a crowd of 
public men on the floor of the Senate, or so full an attendance 
of senators. The editorial gallery was jammed, and we honestly 
believe, with editors and reporters, which is not always the case. 
In the ladies' gallery Mrs. Crittenden commanded particular at- 
tention, even as her gifted husband was the chief object of 
attraction in the chamber. Indeed, as truthful chroniclers for 
some future historian of Congress, we may say that the crowd 
was of the most intellectual, elegant, and attentive character 
witnessed this session. Senator Crittenden spoke for two hours 
and a half with great clearness and force. He thought the 
consideration of the rights of the people to govern themselves 
was certainly not inapplicable in the present issue. The Presi- 
dent had, with unusuid earnestness, urged the acceptance of the 
Lecompton Constitution. The senator from Kentucky differed 
from this view, because he did not believe the Constitution had 
the sanction of the people of Kansas. Whatever the prima 
facie evidence was, he held that, on examination, it was clear 
that it was not the voice of the people of Kansas. It was 
against the overwhelming majority of the people. To the ex- 
ti.nl of some six thousand votes, it appears to have been sanc- 
tioned, but out of these six thousand votes about three thousand 
were proved to be fictitious and fraudulent. This is verified by 
the minority reports of the Committee on Territories, and is 
certified by the authorities appointed by Mr. Calhoun, in Kan.sas, 
to inspect the votes. This vote was taken on the 21st of De- 
cember. Before that vote was taken the legislature, elected in 
October and convened by acting Governor Stanton, passed an 



LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT. 365 

act postponing the voting on the constitution till January 4th. 
On that day ten thousand majority was given against the con- 
stitution, and the legislature passed a resolution, the substance 
of which was that the constitution was a fraud. How, then, 
can you say that this constitution is the voice of the people? 
Unless we shut our eyes to the election on the 4th of January, 
we see an immense popular vote against it. We have also the 
solemn act of the legislature. You will accept that which 
testifies to the minority, and reject that which testifies to the 
majority. Accept the first opinion and reject the last, while it 
is a rule in law that the last enactment supersedes all others. 
Why is not the evidence of the 4th of January entitled to our 
confidence ? He believed the President was in great error. 
He had expressed himself in favor of submitting the constitu- 
tion to the people, and in his message regrets that it was not 
done. The governor, carrying out the tJien policy of the Presi- 
dent, promised that it should be submitted, and the act of the 
legislature, which the President desires to regard as a nullity, 
was actually carrying out the expressed will and desire of the 
President and governor."* 

The following tvill was set aside by a subsequent one made 
many years afterwards. I give it as evidence of Mr. Crittenden's 
generosity and simplicity of character. Mrs. Crittenden was a 
widow with three children at the time of her marriage to Mr. 
Crittenden. 

This is my last will and testament. 

My executors or executrixes hereinafter named, or the sur- 
vivors or survivor of such of them as may qualify and act, are 
hereby authorized and empowered to sell and convey my real 
estate or slaves, or any part thereof, to raise a fund for the pay- 
ment of my debts, if, in their discretion, they shall consider it 
advisable so to do. I give and bequeath my gold watch and 
my law-books to my son George. To my daughter, Ann Mary 
B. Coleman, I give my portrait painted by Jouitt, — I long ago 
promised it to her. 

My two silver goblets, marked each with the letter D (pre- 
sented to me many years ago by my friend W. P. Duvall, now 
governor of Florida), I give, as tokens of friendship, the one to 
Dr. Wilkinson, and the other to my friend John Harvie. By 
contract with, and my promise to. Colonel Baylor, of whom I 
purchased the mother of my negro boy Dick, now in the pos- 
session of H. Wingate, Esq., I am bound to liberate Dick when 

* These speeches are given in full in the collection of speeches. 



■^Cjd LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

he attains the age of thirty years. Wishing this obligation 
sacredly observed, I will and declare Did' to be a free man as 
soon as he attains the age of thirty; and I enjoin it upon my 
representatives to comply with, and do, whatever the law may 
rec[uire for his perfect emancipation. 

After the payment of my debts and legacies, I devise the 
residue of all my estate as follows, to wit : the one-half or 
equal moiety thereof to my dear and excellent wife, as her own 
absolute estate and property; and it is so given the better to 
enable her, by these /'oor means, to maintain, educate, and 
advance, according to her own maternal care and discretion, 
all her children, and especially our two little sons, John and 
Kugene. The other half or moiety of the said residue of my 
estate I devise to Dr. L. Wilkinson, his wife Elizabeth, and 
my son George, and to the survivors or survivor of them, in 
trust for the use and benefit of my sons George, Thomas, and 
Robert, and my daughters Cornelia, Eugenia, and Sarah. The 
said trustees, and the survivors or survivor of them, are to hold, 
control, and manage the property devised to them, or in any 
way sell or dispose of the same as they may think best, holding 
the proceeds of any such sale to the same trust; and are to 
apply and use the said trust-fund for the maintaining, educating, 
ant! advancing my said last-named children; and in so using 
and applying it are to be governed by their own discretion only, 
which I know will be faithfully and affectionately exercised, and 
for the exercise of which I do not wish them, or either of them, 
to be accountable to any, — my will and intention being to place 
the property devised to them at their absolute disposal, upon 
trust, to be used, expended, distributed, sold, or otherwise dis- 
posed of, according to their discretion, or the discretion of the 
survivors or survivor of them, for the greatest good, accom- 
modation, and advantage of my said last-named children, and 
without regard to mere equality of expenditure or advancement 
to, or upon the one or other of said children. 

To my wife I commit the guardianship of our two little sons, 
John and Eugene. I appoint Mrs. Mary W. Price guardian of 
niy daughter Eugenia; and I appoint Dr. L. Wilkinson, and 
his wife Elizabeth, and my son George, to be guardians of my 
children Cornelia, Thomas, Sarah, and Robert. In making this 
will I h.ive not considered my wife's maid, Anna, as any part 
of my estate. Whatever title to her, or interest in her, I may 
have, I give and devise to my wife, exclusive of, and in addition 
to, what has been hereinbefore devised to her. 

I appoint my wife, Dr. L. Wilkinson, and his wife Elizabeth, 
and my son George, executors and executrixes of this my last 
will, hereby revoking all other and former wills made by me. 



DEA TH. 367 

]\ry daughter Ann Mary will find in her own comparatively 
affluent circumstances the reason why I have given her nothing 
but a poor memorial of my affection. Of the little I have to 
give, I know that neither she nor her husband would wish to 
withdraw one cent from her more needy and unprovided brothers 
and sisters. I could have wished to have the services of my 
son-in-law, Chapman Coleman, as one of my executors and 
one of the guardians of my children, and have been prevented 
from placing that burden on him by the consideration only of 
his constant employment in his own business. I have all con- 
fidence in him, and without intending thereby to restrain or 
qualify the powers given to my executors and the guardians of 
my children, it is my wish that they should consult and advise 
with him. I know that he will render all the assistance he can, 
and that he will be kind to my family. I desire that no bond 
or security should be required of my executors or of those 
whom I have appointed trustees or guardians of my children, 
nor of any one of them. I have full confidence in them, and 
desire that none of them should be held to security of any kind 
for the performance of any of the duties of executors, trustees, 
or guardians hereby imposed upon them. 

This last will and testament is whally written by myself, and 
with my own proper hand, and requires, therefore, no attesta- 
tion of subscribing witnesses. 

In testimony of all which I have hereunto signed and sub- 
scribed my name, with my own proper hand, this 6th day of 

July, 1833. 

J. J. Crittenden.* 

Mr. Crittenden died in Frankfort, 26th of July, 1863. He 
had been in declining health for six months or more. During 
his last winter in Congress, he attended regularly to his duties, 
but appetite and strength were gone. On his return to Ken- 
tucky he was induced to become once more a candidate for 
Congress. He spoke at several places in the district, and 
during a speech, made in Lexington, he was so exhausted as 
to be compelled to sit down and finish his speech from his 
chair. About two weeks before his death, he consented to visit 
the alum springs, in Indiana, which were said to be efilicacious 
in diseases like his. Arriving in Louisville, on his way to In- 
diana, Mr. Crittenden became so unwell that he was compelled 



* At the time of Mr. Crittenden's death, his entire estate was worth about eight 
thousand dollars. 



368 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

to give up visiting the springs. He was taken from the hotel 
to the house of Dr. Bush, a kind friend, where he remained 
about a week, and then returned home ; he died two days after 
his return. Though very weak and suffering, with no possible 
hope of restoration to health, his family and friends were not 
prepared for his sudden death. Mr. Crittenden's sister, Mrs. 
H. Thornton, of California, sat by his side almost the entire 
day, Saturday. He talked a great deal during the day: more, 
Mrs. Thornton said, seemingly to himself than to her; his 
thoughts turned to the far distant past, — to his old and early 
friends. He said, " How many families I have known rise to 
the height of prosperity, and then decline and pass away ; and 
I liavc helped them ! I have helped them !" He spoke fondly 
of his brothers, all of whom had been dead many years, and 
said, " My brothers were a great loss to me." He talked with 
great earnestness, with his eyes fixed and flashing, as if in 
health, and, raising his hand and arm in graceful gesture, he 
spoke of the state of the country with great emotion ; then, 
with all the eloquence a'nd fire of his early manhood, he ex- 
claimed, " Let all the ends thou aimest at be thy country's, thy 
God's, and truth's!" He looked and spoke as was his custom 
in public speaking. When Mrs. Thornton was about to leave 
his room, she said, " My dear brother, can you not put your 
trust in your Saviour?" "Ah, Lucy, I have thought a great 
deal more about that than you or any one knows, and I am 
satisfied! I am satisfied!" Later in the evening the family 
were assembled in the room, and with them Mr. Hays, the 
Presbyterian clergyman of Frankfort. Mr. Crittenden looked 
up and said, " Mr. Hays, I have been wanting to speak with 
you." Mr. Hays drew near the bedside ; but Mr. Crittenden 
continued, " Not to-night, Mr. Hays, not to-night; I am too 
weak ; to-morrow." About ten o'clock he dismissed the family, 
except his two sons, General T. L. Crittenden and Robert, and 
composed himself as if to sleep, but in a short time said, " Tom, 
come and raise me up, and arrange my pillow." When this was 
done, he turned a little on one side, and said, "That's right, 
Tom," and almost in that moment he died. He never spoke 
again. His sons saw " the great change ;" but before the family 
could reach the room he was dead. " The chamber where a 



RESOLUTIONS. 369 

good man yields his breath is blessed beyond the common 
walks of life." 

(Resolutions found among Mr. Crittenden's papers.) 

The rebellion is vanquished. All its armies have been de- 
feated in decisive battles, and nothing more remains to be done 
by the arms of the United States for its complete suppression 
that is not of certain and easy accomplishment. Congress turns 
its attention with sincere satisfaction from fields of fratricidal 
slaughter to the nobler task of repairing the disorder and mis- 
chiefs of civil war, and restoring confidence, peace, and good 
will among all the people of the United States; therefore 

Resolved, That, with the few exceptions of guilty leaders that 
public justice may demand. Congress does not intend the pun- 
ishment or humiliation of the misguided people who have been 
engaged in the rebellion. 

Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal government, in a 
paternal spirit, to endeavor by all proper measures of concilia- 
tion to heal divisions among our countrymen, and to give once 
more peace and quiet to the whole country. 

Resolved, That the States of this Union, notwithstanding all 
the acts of secession or rebellion, retain their relations to the 
Constitution and laws of the United States, and are entitled to 
resume their constitutional position in the Union, whenever 
they can be sufficiently relieved from the power of the rebellion 
to do so. It is their duty to do so, and they are required by 
the Constitution, and entitled by Congress, to do so, with as 
little delay as possible, and are entitled to resume that position 
with all the rights and powers they ever possessed under the 
Constitution. 

VOL. II. — 24 



NOTICES OF MR. CRITTENDEN'S DEATH. 

(From Forney's Press.) 
TO JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, OF KENTUCKY. 

Type of a better age ! on whom descends 
The mantle which the sage of Ashland wore, 

Whose patriot soul unshrinkingly defends 

The cause his clarion voice maintained of yore; 

True to thy country in her hour of need, 

Thou, brave old man ! when thousands fall away 
******* 
Midst the foul feud that o'er the South has swept, 
Thy faith, thy zeal, thy loyalty hast kept; 
And shall live honored in all coming time, 
So long as virtue's loved or hated crime ! 
Philadelphia, 1863. 

This little poem refers to a speech of Mr. Crittenden to his 
constituents, from which we make the following extract : 

" When usurpations of power are made dangerous, and when 
encroachments upon my liberties and the liberties of my con- 
stituents, and upon the Constitution, intended to guard the 
liberties of all, are made, I would have every man possess spirit 
enough to declare his opinions and offer his protests. Without 
this freedom of speech there can be no lasting liberty. The 
republic cannot exist. A people who cannot discuss public 
measures of the nation, and apply the necessary rebuke to 
secure correction of wrong, cannot be a free people and do not 
deserve to be." 

\Vc have received from Frankfort the painful intelligence 
tli.it Mr. Crittenden is dead. He died yesterday morning at 
three o'clock. This intelligence will thrill the heart of the na- 
tion with peculiar grief; it will add a fresh shadow to the gloom 
that overhangs our stricken land, — and, alas ! it well may. 

'I he death of Mr. Crittenden at any time would have been a 
national bereavement; his death at this time is a national ca- 
l.imil)-. It is scarcely hyperbole to say, that Mr. Crittenden 
was the good angel of our country. A man of the loftiest in- 
tegrity ; a patriot of unsurpassed fidelity and of unequaled 
(370) 



NOTICES OF MR. CRITTENDEN'S DEATH. 



371 



magnanimity ; a statesman of the most extended and varied 
experience, and of unfailing sagacity ; an orator, whose golden 
eloquence was the thrice-refined spirit of a just and honorable 
conciliation, and the sole survivor, in active life, of the master- 
spirits of the last generation of statesmen, whose intellects and 
character reflected upon us the glory of the statesmen of the 
Revolution, as the mountain-tops reflect the splendors of the 
dying day. Mr. Crittenden, above all other men in the land, — 
far above all other men, — embodied the spirit and the principle 
to which, under Providence, every enlightened American looks 
for the salvation of this republic, — he, more fully than any 
other man who survives him, impersonated the true genius of 
American patriotism in this mighty struggle for the preserva- 
tion of American nationality. Mr. Crittenden was the glass 
wherein true patriots did dress themselves. But he is no more ! 
The good angel of our country has passed away ! The mirror 
of patriotism, and all other noble qualities, lies broken upon the 
earth. Death, the pitiless destroyer, has shattered it. The true 
and princely Crittenden is gone; yet, though dead he lives, — 

" Lives in death with glorious fame." 

May his deathless life inspire and guide his countrymen for 
evermore ! 

(From the Frankfort Commonwealth.) 

Thus has passed from earth the last of the great men of past 
Revolutionary fame who kept alive, in the presence of the 
whole world, the great truth that man was capable of self-gov- 
ernment. He survived his illustrious compeers, — Clay, Cal- 
houn, and Webster, — and at the time of his death did not leave 
his equal behind him in this nation, and scarcely in the world 
itself 

In all that constitutes true greatness he had no superior. 
Great, without ambition for place or prominence ; brave, vir- 
tuous, and self-denying from the instincts of his nature, he was 
the model of a citizen, a patriot, and a gentleman. 

The .great Kentuckian is dead! Millions of Americans, 
both North and South, will hear this announcement with the 
profoundest sorrow; while to his own native Kentucky the 
news will come with a sadness that will make her feel as if 
she stood alone in the blast to mourn the loss of her well- 
beloved son. 

(Another Journal.) 

The death of John J. Crittenden will be mourned by the people 
of the nation throughout its expanded limits. It is impossible for 



372 -^/^^ OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

any one left among us to fill the measure of his stature in the coun- 
cils of the nation. His long public services, his eminent talents, 
his splendid oratory, and, above all, his enlightened patriotism, 
gave him an influence for good, at this momentous crisis in the 
nation's history, surpassed by that of no man now upon the 
stage of action. 

(Meeting of the City Council.) 

In response to a call made by Mayor Kays there was a 
meeting of both Boards of the City Council, in their chamber, 
last evening. They met in joint session in the lower room, for 
the purpose of making arrangements to attend the funeral of 
the late lamented country-loving hero, Hon. John J. Crittenden, 
which is to take place at Frankfort, on Wednesday next. The 
Mayor, e.\-Mayor, both Boards of the City Council, and ex- 
members of the same, will attend the services at Frankfort, 
leaving this city on Wednesday morning at five o'clock, upon a 
special train. 

A resolution was adopted, to the effect that the hall be draped 
in mourning, and that each member wear the usual badge of 
mourning for thirty days. The celebrated Louisville Post Band 
have kindly volunteered their services, and will discourse their 
sad and plaintiv'c melodies upon this most sacred and solemn 
occasion. The following preamble and resolutions were read 
and adopted : 

Whereas, The sad intelligence of the death of the Hon. John 
J. Crittenden, on the morning of the 26th instant, at Frankfort, 
the capital of this State, having reached us, the Mayor and 
General Council of the city of Louisville express their resigna- 
tion in the will of God ; and although they deplore his loss to 
his family, yet they fully realize how a nation's tears will bedew 
his bier, and how they will hang green garlands upon the grand 
column of his fame, which rises in the world like Pompey's 
Pillar, at Alexandria, redolent of all that is pure and noble in 
man, and resplendent in all that finishes the statesman. The 
Bayard of America is gone ! without fear and without reproach. 
Vet his great acts, his wisdom and voice, still thunder in our 
cars for the right. 

Risolvcd, That we leave in the cars at half-past five o'clock, 
on Wednesday morning next, and visit PVankfort, for the pur- 
pose of attending the funeral of the Hon. John J. Crittenden, 
and that ex-mcmbers of the General Council, city ofificers gen- 
erally, and the citi/xns be invited to accompany us. 

Resolved, That we will wear a badge of mourning on the left 
arm for thirty days, and that the Council-chamber be draped 
in mourning for the same period. 



NOTICES OF MR. CRITTENDEN'S DEATH. 373 

Resolved, That these resolutions be spread upon the minutes 
of this Council, and that a copy thereof be sent to the family of 
the deceased. 

(Funeral Ceremonies of Hon. John J. Crittenden, at Frankfort, Kentucky.) 
Executive Department, Frankfort, July 27, 1863. 

When a great man dies a nation mourns. Such an event has 
occurred in our midst in the death of the Hon. John J. Critten- 
den, Kentucky's longest-tried statesman in her public service, a 
man faithful to every trust ; one who has added, by his talents 
and character, to the fame of the nation, and has pre-eminently 
advanced the glory and honor of his native Kentucky. It is fit 
and proper that all testimonials of respect and affection should 
be paid his remains by all in authority, as well as by private 
citizens. I therefore earnestly request that all places of busi- 
ness shall be closed on Wednesday next, from the hour of ten 
o'clock in the morning until five of the afternoon, and hereby 
direct all the public offices in Frankfort to be closed during 
that entire day; and I appoint General John W. Finnell, Col- 
onel James H. Garrard, and Colonel Orlando Brown a com- 
mittee to make all suitable arrangements for the funeral. 

J. F. Robinson. 

By the Governor. 

D. C. WiCKLiFFE, Secy of State. 

The body will be removed from the late residence of the de- 
ceased to the Presbyterian church, where services will be per- 
formed, on Wednesday morning, July 29th, at ten o'clock. 

The procession will move from the church south on Wil- 
kerson to Wapping Street ; east on Wapping to St. Clair; north 
on St. Clair to Main ; east on Main to Cemetery. 

ORDER OF PROCESSION. 

General J. T. Boyle, Chief Marshal, and Staff. 

Military escort in command of Colonel Allard, Second 

Maryland Volunteers. 

MUSIC. 
PALL-BEARERS. PALL-BEARERS. 



James Guthrie, 
Benjamin Gratz, 
J. R. Thornton, 
Tucker Woodson, 
Samuel Nuckols, 



> 



Gen. Peter Dudley, 
Col. A. H. Rennick, 
Jacob Swigert, 
E. H. Taylor, 
Mason Brown. 



Family in carriages. 

Assistant Marshal, Colonel H. M. Buckley. 

Governor and Staff. 



,-4 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

Officers of the several State Departments. 

Judges and Officers of State Courts. 

Mayor and Council of the City of Frankfort. 

Assistant Marshal, Colonel W. Cooper. 

Major-General Burnsidc and Staff. 

Major-General Hartsuffand Staff. 

Assistant Marshal, Lieutenant-Colonel Chas. S. Hanson. 

Such other Officers of the United States Army as 

may be present. 

Assistant Marshal, Major John Mason Brown. 

Citizens on foot. Citizens in carriages. 

Citizens on horseback. 

James H. Garrard, 
Orlando Brown, 
John W. Finnell, 
Committee of Arrange 77ients. 

(Speech of R. C. Winthrop to the Massachusetts Historical Society on the Death 

of Mr. Crittenden.) 

At the stated monthly meeting of the Massachusetts Histori- 
cal Society, Hon. Robert C. Winthrop announced the death of 
Hon. John Jordan Crittenden, an honorary member of the 
society. 

Mr. Winthrop gave the following appropriate sketch of the 
public life of Mr. Crittenden, characterizing him as an ever- 
faithful and firm friend of the Union : 

Mr. Crittenden died at Frankfort, Kentucky, the 26th of July 
last, at the age of seventy-six. 

It may not have been forgotten that, at our February meeting, 
in 1859, the Hon. John J. Crittenden was unanimously chosen 
an honorary member of this socict\'. He was not elected on 
account of aii)' peculiar claims which he possessed either as a 
writer or a student of history. He was known to some of us, 
however, who had been associated with him elsewhere as being 
more than commonl)- familiar with the early, as well as with 
the later, history of our own land, and as having a strong taste 
and even an eager relish for the peculiarities and quaintnesses 
of the early times of New England in particular. But his name 
was selected for a place on our honorary roll on far different 
grounds. Mr. Crittenden was recognized as one of the few 
veteran .statesmen, then left in our national councils, whose 
name had become identified with the honor and welfare of the 
American Union, and whose character and fame were destined 
to be among the treasures of our national history. And now, 
that we are called on to part with that name, not only from our 
own roll, but from all its associations with earthly dignities and 



NOTICES OF MR. CRITTENDEN'S DEATH. 



375 



duties, we feel that we were not mistaken in our estimate of his 
historical significance. 

Mr. Crittenden entered into the service of his country as a 
volunteer soldier in the war of 1812. His life, for more than 
half a century past, has been a continued record of public em- 
ployment and patriotic effort. In the legislature of his native 
State, and more recently as its governor; as a member of the 
Senate of the United States, in which he first took his seat forty 
years ago; as a member of the cabinet under more than one 
President; and finally, as a representative in Congress, an office 
which, like our own Adams, he felt it no compromise of his 
dignity to accept and hold as the closing honor of his life, — he 
was everywhere distinguished, admired, respected, and beloved. 
Whatever differences of opinion may from time to time have been 
entertained as to any particular measures which he proposed or 
advocated, his patriotism was never doubted, nor his devoted 
and disinterested fidelity to his conscience and his country ever 
impeached. 

In the sad struggles which have grown out of the present 
unholy rebellion, he was called on to play a part of no doubt- 
ful or secondary importance. Whether the precise measure of 
adjustment which he proposed, in order to arrest the unnatural 
blow which was aimed at the American Union, oug-ht to have 
been, or could have been, adopted, and how far it would have 
been successful in accomplishing its object, if it had been 
adopted, are questions on which there will never probably be a 
perfect unanimity of opinion. But the name of Mr. Crittenden 
will not the less proudly be associated, in all time to come, 
with an honest, earnest, and strenuous effort to arrest the 
dreaded calamities of civil war, and to preserve unbroken the 
union and the domestic peace of his beloved country. 

As the leading statesman of the border States, his course was 
full of delicacy and difficulty. It is hardly too much to say 
that, had he failed or faltered in sustaining the cause of the 
government and of the Union, or had he sustained it on any 
other grounds or in any other way than he did, the State of 
Kentucky might have been lost to the cause. Nor can any one 
doubt that the loyal and noble attitude of that honored Com- 
monwealth, at the present hour, on which the best hopes of the 
Union may even now hang, is, in a large degree, owing to his 
powerful influence, his inspiring appeals, and his unwavering 
patriotism. 

This is not the occasion for speaking of the personal qualities 
which so endeared Mr. Crittenden to his friends, and which 
made friends for him of all who knew him. Others have pos- 
sessed faculties more adapted for commanding and enforcing a 



3;6 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTEXDEN. 

compliance with their wishes, their ambition, or their will, but 
no one of our day and generation, certainly, had more of that 
magnetic attraction which secured the willing sympathy, con- 
fidence, and co-operation of all within its reach. The charm 
of his manner, the cordiality and generosity of his whole na- 
ture, the music of his voice, and the magic power of his elo- 
quence, as well in conversation as in formal discourse, will be 
among the lasting traditions of the circles in which he moved; 
and his death will be long felt, not only as a great public loss 
at such a period of his country's need, but as a personal sorrow 
to all who have enjoyed the privilege of his friendship. 

Extracts from Remarks of Hon. J. F. Bell, December I2th, 1863, in the House 
of Representatives upon the Presentation of the Preamble and Resolutions of 
Mr. Ikilford, of Franklin County, announcing the Death of the Hon. John J. 
Crittenden. 

Mr. Bell said : Since the adjournment of the last legislature 
Kentucky has lost her most honored son. The State mourns 
his death, an<l the nation joins in condolence, for this their 
common and irreparable loss. It is becoming that there should 
be some legislative expression by the representatives of the 
people of this his native State, here assembled, to make perma- 
nent their high appreciation of his many virtues and their sin- 
cere sorrow for his death. I need not say I allude to John J, 
Crittenden. The resolutions offered by Mr. Bedford have al- 
read)- announced his death and contain an appropriate eulogy. 

It may not be inappropriate for me to make some general 
remarks on the character and services of the deceased. Mr. 
Crittenden was born in Woodford County, in this State, on the 
loth of September, 1787, and died in this city on the 26th of 
Jul}-, 1863. He chose the profession of the law, and com- 
menced its practice in the town of Russellville, Kentucky, in 
1806, shortly after which he removed to this city, where he 
continued to reside till his death. 

He was on several occasions a member of this House. He 
was elected to the Senate of the United States for the first time 
in the winter of 1 8 16; his term of service commenced on the 
4th of March, 18 17, and terminated by resignation in 1819. 
This was his first appearance in the national councils. He was 
subsequently elected to the Senate, and held that distinguished 
position from 4th of March, 1835, till 4th of March, 1841. He 
then became a member of General Harrison's cabinet as Attor- 
ney-General. After the dismemberment of that cabinet he was 
again elected, 25th of February, 1842, to fill out an unexpired 
term of Henry Clay, made vacant by his resignation, and was 



NOTICES OF MR. CRITTENDEN'S DEATH. 



Z77 



re-elected to hold the same office from the 4th of March, 1849. 
Mr. Crittenden resigned his senatorial position in 1848, and was 
elected governor of Kentucky. After his election he was ten- 
dered a place in President Taylor's cabinet, but deemed it his 
duty to decline this flattering offer. Upon the accession of Mr. 
Fillmore to the Presidency, on the death of General Taylor, he 
was induced to accept the place-of Attorney-General, which he 
held until the expiration of Mr. Fillmore's term of office. He 
was re-elected to the Senate of the United States in 1855, and 
remained until the 4th of March, i86r. Upon the expiration 
of this term he was returned to the House of Representatives, 
in Congress, for the Ashland district, and was a candidate for 
re-election, without opposition, at the time of his lamented 
death. In all the varied capacities and relations in which he 
was called upon to act, as friend, companion, lawyer, and states- 
man, he conducted himself with consummate propriety, dig- 
nity, and ability. Mr. Crittenden in his social intercourse was 
affable with all, familiar with but few ; was more generous in 
sentiment than lively in attachment; he was guided by the most 
honorable principles and an instinctive sense of propriety rarely 
at fault. In general intercourse he availed himself with great 
grace of the conventionalities which a well-regulated society 
uses as a fence-work against intrusive vulgarity. He was uni- 
form in conduct : the haughtiest senator, the humblest citizen 
alike, were treated by him with respect ; he flattered neither, 
he counted himself superior to neither ; he was social in a high 
degree, and had the happy faculty of making all enjoy the 
elegant hospitality which he dispensed here and at Washington 
for more than thirty years. He was witty, but his wit was 
never winged with malice; he was quick to resent insult, but 
ready to forgive wrong ; he ever sought peace, except at the 
expense of honor ; his high character, his known courage and 
honor, caused him to be selected as the arbiter to determine 
many controversies which, but for his interposition, might have 
terminated in bloody and fatal conclusions. 

With such qualities Mr. Crittenden was necessarily eminently 
personally popular. Free himself from bitterness or personal 
asperities towards others, he was exempt from such shafts as 
these qualities usually occasion from personal and political ad- 
versaries. Mr. Crittenden possessed common sense, knew men 
and things as they are, rarely sought to be prophetic, but con- 
fined his judgment to current events, and made it his study to 
do, day by day, that which appeared to be for the best. Take 
him for all in all, he possessed rich and rare elements of char- 
acter. Kentucky may well be proud of him as one who dis- 



378 LIFE OF JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

tinctly impersonated the best qualities of Kentucky character. 
He possessed generous emotions, flashing eloquence, knightly 
chivalry, dauntless courage, arid undying devotion to his coun- 
tr)''s best interests, and he has been styled " the Bayard, the 
knight without fear and without reproach." Mr. Crittenden had 
the profoundest regard for the profession of the law, of which 
he was so distinguished an ornament; he regarded the law as 
tlie arena of the athletes, who were to strive for the world's 
lionors. Much more: he regarded it as a nursery for heroes, 
who were to contend, and should always contend, for the free- 
dom of men and for constitutional government. He was es- 
pcciall)' fitted for the successful practice of the law, having 
acquired a well-grounded knowledge of its elementary princi- 
ples, which was enlarged by a more copious reading than is 
generally supposed ; his bearing to court and jury was defer- 
ential, to his brothers respectful and dignified ; he possessed in 
his profession that quality which, according to the English vo- 
cabulary, is called " cleverness" or skill, the capacity to adapt 
himself to surrounding circumstances and use with readiness 
all the arguments suited to his case ; his powers of persuasion 
were of a high order; he had acquired as an orator the great 
art, as Cicero calls it, of making himself agreeable to the tri- 
bunal before which he was to plead, and of identifying himself 
completely with his cause; he never wrongly quoted the testi- 
mony, never misstated his adversary's arguments, — indeed, 
stated it with such fairness that oftentimes the clumsy advocate 
was amazed to find that his argument had been more clearly 
restated by his polished adversary only to have it successfully 
refuted. 

I have seen Mr. Crittenden in the Senate of the United States 
among those called greatest, — he was the peer of all. Mis best 
speeches in the Senate were extemporaneous, under the magic 
influence imparted to his genius by generous emotions, contempt 
for meanness, hatred for wrong, admiration for loftiness of pur- 
pose, and an unyielding spirit to uphold the right. In his 
political and senatorial debates he was quick of apprehension, 
clear in statement, eloquent and earnest in argument; always 
candid, never seeking an advantage at the expense of truth; 
unambitious, forgetful of himself; and, above all, truly patriotic 
ever looking to his country's good. Mr. Crittenden has been 
concerned, and taken an active part, in all the exciting scenes 
which have transpired since i8i6, and his histor}^ is intimately 
connected with the histor>' of the country. It forms a bright 
and shining filament in the great web which time has woven. 
With, perhaps, the exception of a single individual, who stands 



NOTICES OF MR. CRITTENDEN'S DEATH. 



379 



in Kentucky's and the nation's history in luminous conspicuity 
single and alone, no one has exercised so large an influence on 
the destiny of Kentucky as Mr. Crittenden. His influence was 
always for the public good, for high conservatism. No execu- 
tive or extravagant episode ever disfigured the majestic current 
of his grand history. Like one of the fabled rivers, from 
fountain to terminus, his course was ever strong, yet almost 
without a ripple. 

Mr. Crittenden was born before the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution. He has seen his country grow from weakness to 
strength, from poverty to wealth. None watched its progress 
with more intense interest. He loved his native State with the 
ardor and devotion with which a son loves his mother. 

Surrounding influences in infancy necessarily impart to a 
child a controlling impulse for good or ill. Mr. Crittenden, in 
childhood, could almost hear the dying echoes of the thunders 
of that artillery by which our freedom was won. He could 
hear the jubilant shouts of a people made glad for freedom 
secured. He often heard repeated from parental lips the story 
of the sufferings, and the heroism exhibited by our fathers, in 
their Revolutionary struggle; he heard from the same revered 
lips of the personal prowess of the men who came across the 
mountains with axe and rifle to redeem this beautiful land from 
the Indian and the wild beast. 

Mr. Crittenden had arrived at a great age, and his way of 
life had fallen into the sere and yellow leaf, yet he had that 
which should accompany old age, as honor, love, obedience, 
troops of friends. It would have seemed to human wisdom 
that, for the public good, Mr. Crittenden should have been 
spared. With his large experience and great wisdom he could 
have rendered immense service to the republic in the terrible 
strife through which we are now passing. Yet, by the judg- 
ment of an inscrutable Providence, he has been stricken down. 
All must yield to death, and sink beneath his power. Ages 
come and ages go, empires rise and fall, generation after gener- 
ation passeth away, yet the sceptre of the grim king remains 
unbroken: his power never weakens. Mr. Crittenden has but 
suffered the common fate of all humanity. He met that fate 
with heroic and Christian courage. His death was under most 
fortunate surroundings. He did not die in a strange land 
among strangers; he did not die from home; nor, as so many 
are now doing, uncared for, amid the tumult and carnage of the 
battle, nor of wounds or lingering disease in loathsome hos- 
pitals; he died at home, on his own native land; the land on 
which he was cradled in infancy, matured in manhood, revered 



3 So LIFE OF JOHX y. CRITTENDEN. 

and honored in old age. He died in full possession of his 
faculties, almost without a struggle, surrounded by his friends, 
his children, and Himily, whom he loved so well; and sustained 
during the trying hour by such ministrations as they alone can 
furnish, and which contribute so much to make smooth the 
pathway of earth's pilgrims down to the shadows of the dark 
valley. The Romans called no man fortunate till his death, — 
no matter how long his life, no matter how great his services 
might have been to his country and to his race, — believing, as 
they did, that some misfortune or misconduct might mar the 
successful past. With such a life and such a death Air. Crit- 
tenden would have been called by them fortune's favorite. Mr. 
Crittenden will no longer mingle in our midst, and guide us by. 
his wisdom and prudence during these perilous times. He 
shall "no more return to his house, neither shall his place know 
him any more;" he has gone to his long home, and "the 
mourners go about the streets." The mourners cannot reclaim 
him, but we can, to some extent, imitate his virtues and emulate 
his example. Let us now, in affectionate remembrance of him, 
draw the mantle of charity over faults, if such he had, and, so 
far as we can by the passage of these resolutions, give to his 
name that historic immortality to which it is entitled for his 
great services and eminent virtues. 

To these resolutions I have added these imperfect remarks 
as the humble tribute of my sincere regard for the distinguished 
dead. 

The State of Kentucky has erected a monument to Mr. Crit- 
tenden in the cemetery at Frankfort, Kentucky. On the face 
of this monument is a medallion-likeness of Mr, Crittenden, 
modeled from Hart's celebrated bust. On the upper side is 
the following inscription : 

Erected by the State of Kentucky in honor of her illustrious son, 
JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 

Member of the Legislature, Governor, Representative, and 
Senator in Congress, and Attorney-General of the United States. 

For fifty years he devoted himself, with inflexible integrity, 
consummate wisdom, and patriotic zeal, to the cause and service 
of his native State, and of his whole country. His great talents 
made him pre-eminent in the elevated offices he filled, and placed 



NOTICES OF MR. CRITTENDEN'S DEATH. 381 

him among the first of American statesmen. " Let all the ends 
thou aimest at be thy country's, thy God's, and truths," were 
among his last words. They were the rule of his life, and are a 
fitting inscription upon his tomb. The history of the nation 
will bear witness to his lofty patriotism, and Kentucky will ever 
cherish the memory of her son. 

JOHN J. CRITTENDEN; 

born 

September loth, 1787; 

died 

July 26th, 1863. 



INDEX. 



Abolition, Mr. Van Buren's position 
concerning, i. 121. 

Adams, J. Q., i. 157. 

Adrian, the Roman Emperor, ii. 341. 

African slave-trade, speech on, ii. 199. 

Alexander, Mira, ii. 213. 

Alexander and Munsell's line between 
Virginia and North Carolina, i. 51. 

Allen, Senator, of Ohio, i. 237. 

Allison letters, i. 293, 294. 

Amendments to the Constitution pro- 
posed by Mr. Crittenden, ii. 233-235. 

American army, private soldiers in, have 
little prospect of promotion, i. 263. 

Anderson letter, Mr. Crittenden's expla- 
nation concerning, i. 320, 322. 

Anderson, Major Robert, letter to Mr. 
Crittenden from, ii. 253. 

Anecdotes concerning Mr, Crittenden, i. 
27, 28, 34, 47. 

Annexation of Texas, i. 207-209, 216, 
219, 226, 227. 

Archer, W. S., i. 164, 261, 

letter to Mr. Crittenden from, i. 78. 

Army of the Potomac in 1863, ii. 361. 

Arrests by the Federal Government, ii. 

348. 
Ashburton, Lord, i. 178. 
Ashburton Treaty, i. 189. 
Attorney-Generalship under Fillmore, i. 

374- 

Badger, Geo. E., letter to Mr. Crittenden 

from, i. 167. 
Bagby, A. P., i. 191. 
Baker, E. D., i. 340. 
Ball's Bluff, ii. 344. 
Baltimore Convention of i860, ii. 195. 
Bankrupt law, i. 171. 
Barbecues in Kentucky, i. 33, 34. 
Barbour, Geo. W., i. 372. 
Barrow, Senator, i. 264. 
Beauchamp and Townsend case, remarks 

on, ii. 258, 259. 
Bell, John, of Tennessee, i. 148; ii. 148, 

206, 207. 



Bell, J. F., remarks of, on death of Mr. 

Crittenden, ii. 376-380. 
Bell, Joshua H., i. 342. 
Bell and Everett party, ii. 216. 
Belmont, Aug., letter to Mr. Crittenden 
from, concerning the compromise reso- 
lutions, ii. 317. 
Benton, Thomas H., i. 89, 90, 148, 222. 
Benton's Expunging Resolutions, i. 105. 
Bergoos, i. 95. 
Berrien, J. M., i. 340. 
Bibb, Atticus, i. 169. 
Bibb, George M., letter to Mr, Crittenden 

from, i. 15, 
Birney, J. G., letter to Crittenden from, 

i. 86. 
Blair, Francis P., i. 13, 26, 27, 29, 46, 
letters to Crittenden from, i, ^^ ; ii, 
186. 
Botts, J. M., i, 163, 187, 
Bounty-land system, ii. 195, 
Boyle, Judge, i. 86. 
Breckenridge, Cabell, i. 13. 
Breckenridge, J. C, ii. 269. 
Breckenridge, R. J., letters to Mr. Crit- 
tenden from, i. 384, 385, 387. 
resolutions as to trial of, for an 
alleged libel, i. 129. 
Brig General Armstrong, ii. 173. 
British enlistments in the United States 

in 1856, ii. 115. 
Broadnax, Judge, i. 18. 
Buchanan, James, i. 195, 197, 235. 

his estimate of Henry Clay, i. 176. 
letter to Crittenden from, ii. ^8. 
Buchanan, President, and Douglas, ii. 
141. 
extravagance of his administration, 
ii. 159. 
Buena Vista, battle of, i. 310; ii. 35. 
Bull Run, battle of, ii. 345. 
Butler, General William O,, i, 249, 257, 
260. 

Cabinet speculations in 1841, i, 139, 
in 1849, i- 340- 

(383) 



384 



INDEX. 



Cadets at West Point, Mr. Crittenden's 

inten-iew with, in 1862, ii. 351. 
CaJhoun, i. 2H, 212, 335. 
death of, i. 363. 

his opinion of the pension-list, i. 133. 

resolutions of, to allow anti-slavery 

documents to be taken from the 

Southern mails, i. 108. 

California question, i. 335, 361, 369. 

Caroline, steamer, trial of McLeod for 

burning, i. 149-153. 
Cass, Lewis, i. 231. 
Catiline refused the assistance of slaves 

in war, ii. 355. 
Charleston Convention of i860, ii. 195. 
Cincinnati, welcome to J. J. Crittenden 

by the City Council of, ii. 292. 
Claims of Revolutionary officers, ii. 128. 
Clay, Henry, i. 178, 182-184, I99» 215, 
220, 315, 323; ii. 37. 
agency of, in the war of l8l2, ii. 

41-46. 
allusions to, i. 99, 131, 132, 136, 

169. 
and Crittenden, coolness between, 

i. 281 ; ii. 179. 
and Fillmore, ii. 179. 
and the Presidency, i. 290. 
anecdote of, ii. 53. 
as a debater, ii. 57. 
as a presidential candidate, i. 266. 
Buchanan's estimate of, i. 176. 
commemorative address on, by Crit- 
tenden, at Louisville, ii. 39. 
condolence of Crittenden with, on 
the result of the presidential elec- 
tion of 1844, •• 222. 
correspondence of, with Crittenden. 

See Letters. 
founder of the policy of internal 

improvement, ii. 49. 
Ilarriscm's opinion of, i. II3. 
his ambition, ii. 56. 
his espousal of the cause of South 
Americart independence, ii. 47- 

49- 

his honor and patriotism, ii. 50. 

his natural gifts, ii. 54. 

his opinion of Millard Fillmore, i. 
326. 

letter of, to Mr. Crittenden, on the 
death of Mrs. Crittenden, i. 20. 

public policy of, ii. 55. 

on Union, ii. 313. 

opinions of, as to the policy of annex- 
ing Texas, i. 208. 

the advocate of universal liberty, ii. 

55- 
Uayton, John M., i. 343, 348. 

his policy as Secretary of State, i. 
344. 



Clayton, John M., letter to Crittenden 

from, i. 344; ii. lo. 
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, ii. 113. 
Cloyd, Major, i. 57. 
Club, an economical, ii. 175, 
Coercion of States, ii. 258. 

policy of, condemned, ii. 307. 
Colfax, Schuyler, ii. 354. 
Collamer, J., i. 344. 

solicits Crittenden's influence for a 
cabinet appointment, i. 337. 
Collins, "Bob," i. 26, 27. 
Commonwealth's Bank of Kentucky, ii. 

45; 
Confiscation bill, ii. 344. 

Congress, right of, to summon witnesses, 

ii. 188. 
Conscience has no right to oppose the 

law, ii. 187. 
Conscription bill, speech on, ii. 355. 
Constitution of the United States, i. 350. 
amendments proposed to, by Mr. 

Crittenden, ii. 233-235. 
made by the people, ii. 202. 
proposed amendments to, by the 
Peace Conference, ii. 267. 
Combs, Leslie, i. 139, 140, 176, 243. 
remarks of, on Mr. Crittenden, ii. 
197. 
Corwin, Thomas, letter to Crittenden 

from, i. 130, 225; ii. 38, 63. 
Cotemporaries of Mr. Crittenden, i. 14. 
Court-day in the West, i. 21. 
Cox, Mr., of Ohio, remarks of, concern- 
ing Mr. Crittenden, ii. 324. 
Crampton, recall of, by the British gov- 
ernment, ii. 115. 
Crittenden Compromise, ii. 224-249. 
letters to Mr. Crittenden concerning, 

ii. 238-240, 250-252. 
petitions praying the adoption of, ii. 
240-248. 
Crittenden, George B., i. 199, 291 ; ii. 

138,347- 
Crittenden, John J.: 

ancestry, birth, and early education, 
i. 13. 

studies law and begins to practice, 
i. 14. 

removes from Woodford County to 
Russellville, i. 14. 

appointed attorney-general of Illi- 
nois Territory, i. 15. 

elected to the Kentucky legislature, 

i. 15- 

captain of an artillery company at 

Russellville, i. 17. 
his marriage, i. 19. 
death of his first wife, i. 19. 
letter of condolence from Heniy 

Clay, i. 20. 



INDEX. 



385 



Crittenden, John J. : 

his second and third marriages, i. 21. 
his powers as a pleader, i. 22, 23. 
is chosen Speaker of the Kentucky 

House of Representatives, i. 35. 
is elected to the United States Sen- 

ate, i. 35. 
his maiden speech in the Senate, i. 

35- 
resigns his seat in the Senate, i. T^'i. 

his home-life described, i. 42, 43. 

and F. P. Blair, i. 46. 

his opinion of General Jackson, i. 
70. 

appointed United States attorney for 
Kentucky, i. 73. 

nominated to the Supreme Court by 
President J. Q. Adams, i. 73. 

removed from the office of attorney- 
general for Kentucky, i. 76. 

chosen Speaker of the National 
House of Representatives, i. 78, 

appointed Secretary of State for 
Kentucky, i. 87. 

elected to the Kentucky legislature, 
and returned to the United States 
Senate, i. 87. 

opposes Benton's resolutions on the 
fortification bill, i. 89-91. 

advocates the admission of Michi- 
gan, i. 106. 

at the great Southwestern \\Tiig Con- 
vention of 1840, i. 1 19-128. 

advocates the claims of Hannah 
Leighton, i. 134. 

proposes amendment to the pre- 
emption laws, i. 135. 

appointed Attorney-General, i. 149. 

his opinion as to the payment of in- 
terest on claims for losses, i. 157. 

resigns the office of Attorney-Gen- 
eral, i. 165. 

condoles with Henry Clay on the 
result of the presidential election 
of 1844, i. 222. 

replies to Senator Allen on resolu- 
tion " giving notice to Great 
Britain," i. 237. 

on the war with Mexico, i. 241. 

opposes the reduction of duties on 
imports, i. 248. 

advocates increase of pay of soldiers 
of the Mexican war, i. 261, 262. 

his answer to the proposal to nomi- 
nate him for the Presidency, i. 
268. 

his reply to Senator Foote, of Mis- 
sissippi, in defense of Henry Clay, 
i. 292. 

author of Taylor's second Allison 
-letter, i. 294. 
VOL. II. — 25 



Crittenden, John J.: 

resigns his seat in the United States 

Senate, i. 303, 317. 
is elected governor of Kentucky, i. 

.317- 

his first message to the legislature of 
Kentucky, i. 330. 

his tour in Indiana, i. 373. 

accepts the office of Attorney-Gen- 
eral under President Fillmore, i. 

377- 

opinion of, as Attornej'-General, on 
the constitutionality of the fugitive 
slave bill, i. 377. 

eulogium on Justice McKinley, i. 
381,382. 

receives the degree of LL.D. from 
Harvard, ii 10. 

acting Secretary of State under 
President Fillmore, ii. 12. 

addresses a letter to the French 
minister concerning Cuban expe- 
ditions, ii. 13-17. 

address delivered by, at the con- 
gressional celebration of Wash- 
ington's birthday, ii. 28-35. 

delivers an address at Louisville on 
the life and death of Henry Clay, 
ii. 39. 

speech of, as counsel for the defense 
in the trial of Matt. Ward, ii. 
68-97. 

defends his course in the Ward 
trial, ii. 98-IIO. 

leaves the cabinet of President Fill- 
more, and returns to the Senate, 
ii. 112. 

defends John M. Clayton from the 
imputations of Senator Wilson, ii. 
114. 

his view of the British enlistment 
question, ii. 115. 

his view of the question of the Dan- 
ish sound dues, ii. 115. 

personal discussion of, with Mr. 
Seward in the Senate, ii. 118. 

feelings of, as to the Presidency, ii. 
120. 

opposes the post-office appropriation 
bill, ii. 138. 

opposes the Lecompton Constitution, 
ii. 145. 

reception of, in Cincinnati and Cov- 
ington, ii. 152. 

his personal appearance at the age 
of seventy, ii. 153, 154. 

his defense of Commodore Paul- 
ding, ii. 173. 

opposes the bill looking to the ac- 
quisition of Cuba, ii. 175. 

opposes the homestead bill, ii. 194. 



386 



INDEX. 



Crittenden, John J.: 

Leslie CoomlVs eulogy on, ii. 197. 

advocates the claim of Mira Alex- 
ander, ii. 213. 

proposes to refer the compromise 
measures to the people, ii. 252. 

detincs his position as to coercion, 
ii. 258. 

on the propositions of the Peace 
Oingress, ii. 265. 

his farewell to the Senate, ii. 270. 

remarks of the Catlettshurg South- 
ern Advocate on his retiring from 
the Senate, ii. 299. 

condemns the polic)' of coercion of 
States, ii. 307. 

his eulog}' on Stephen A. Douglas, 

>'• 323- 
is elected to the National House of 

Rejiresentatives, ii. 323. 
remarks of Mr. Cox, of Ohio, on, ii. 

324. 
rebukes Mr. Sedgwick, of New 

York, for an allusion to Mr. C.'s 

age, ii. 330. 
opposes employment of negro slaves 

as soldiers, ii. 331, 355. 
his personal appearance, ii. 362. 
his death, ii. 367, 368. 
notices of his death, ii. 370, 371. 
funeral ceremonies of, at Frankfort, 

ii. 373- 
his personal qualities, ii. 377. 

his characteristics as a senator, ii. 

378- 
Crittenden, Thomas, death of, i. 85. 
Crittenden, Thomas L., i. 20. 
Cuba, ii. 170, 171, 175. 

and the European powers, ii. 15. 

ex])edition to, ii. 12. 

Danish sound dues, ii. 115, 116. 

Davis, Garrett, ii. 120, 121. 

Davis, Isaac, first man that fell in the 

Revolution, i. 133. 
Davis, Jefferson, letter to Mr. Crittenden 

from, i. 339. 
Democratic party, divisions among, on 

the Oregon question, i. 235, 236. 
Disproportion between Northern and 

Southern territory, ii. 230. 
Distribution bill, i. 106. 
District of ('olunii)ia, ii. 277. 
District system of representation, i. 175. 
Dix, John A., letter to Mr, Crittenden 

from, ii. 237. 
Douglas, Stephen A., ii. 141, 165, 170, 
171, 1S7, 193. 203, 291. 
and Crittenden, ii. 162. 
letter to Crittenden from, ii. 145. 
Mr. Crittenden's eulogy on, ii. 323. 



Douglas party, ii. 216. 
Dred Scott decision, ii. 
Dupont family, ii. 10. 



137- 



Early bar of Kentucky, i. 14. 

Edwards, Monroe, i. 97. 

Elections, interference of Federal officers 

in, i. 109. 
English ]niblic speakers, i. no. 
Evarts, W. M., anecdote of, i. 97. 
Everett, Edward, nomination of, to the 
Vice-Presidency in 1S60, ii. 198. 
explains his hesitation at accepting 
the nomination to the Vice-Presi- 
dency, ii. 207. 
letters to Mr. Crittenden from, ii. 
58, 207, 212, 238, 264. 
Evils arising from the multiplicity of 

ministers to foreign powers, ii. 191. 
Ewing, Thomas, i. 362. 

Famine in Ireland, i. 287. 

Farewell Address, \Yashington's, ii. 30, 

31- 

Farewell speech to the Senate, ii. 270- 

290. 
Ferguson's defeat, i. 57. 
Fessenden, W. P., ii. 173. 
Fillmore, Millard, i. 313; ii. 26. 

Clay's opinion of, i. 326. 
^lournoy, General, i. 24. 

"jn element in our population, dan- 
gers from, ii. 127. 
Foreign policy of the United States 

peaceful, ii. 14. 
Fort Lafayette in 1861, ii. 341. 
Fowler, Judge, of Kentucky, ii. 348. 
France and the United States, ii. 16. 
French Revolution, i. 298. 
Fugitive slave law, ii. 36, 225. 

and the writ of habeas corpus, i. 

379. 380. 
official opinion of Mr. Crittenden as 
to its constitutionality, i. 377-381. 
Funeral ceremonies of Mr. Crittenden at 
Frankfort, ii. 373. 

"Gag-law," Mr. Crittenden's, i. 123, 

124. 
"General Armstrong," Brig, ii. 173. 
Gibson, General, i. 309. 
Gillespie and Cole murder, i. 22. 
Goins murder, i. ^-x,, 84. 
Graves and Cilley duel, i. 108. 
Green, Senator, resolution concerning 

the Union, ii. 255. 

Hale, John P., ii. 136, 188. 
Hamilton, Alexander, i. 156. 
Hardin, Ben, ii. 21, 22, 25. 
Hardin, Colonel John, ii. 135. 



INDEX. 



387 



Harrison, W. H., allusions to, i. 131, 

132, 135. 136, 139-141- 

favored reduction of the President's 

powers, i. 113, 114. 
his cabinet, i. 147. 
his opinion of Henry Clay, i. 113. 

of General Scott, i. 113. 
letter to Crittenden from, i. iii. 
views of, as to pledges of candidates 
for the Presidency, i. 112. 
Harrison presidential campaign, allusions 

to, i. 117, 118. 
Harvard University confers the degree 

of LL.D. on Mr. Crittenden, ii. 10. 
Homestead bill, ii. 194. 
Homicide, ii. S3. 
Houston, Sam, ii. 38. 
Hull, Commodore, i. 126. 
Hull, General, i. 16, 32. 
Hunt, Washington, letters to Crittenden 

from, ii. 147, 189, 217. 
Hyatt, Thaddeus, ii. 1S7. 

Illinois Territory, Crittenden appointed 

attorney-general of, i. 15. 
Indian battles, ii. 211. 

wars, ii. 210. 
Indiana, Crittenden's reception in, i. 

373- 

Ingersoll, C. J., his attack on Daniel 

Webster, i. 239. 

Instruction of representatives by State 
legislatures, i. 109. 

Interest on losses claimed from the United 
States government, Crittenden's opin- 
ion as to the payment of, i. 157. 

Interference in foreign affairs, ii. 32. 

Interference of Federal officers in elec- 
tions, i. 109. 

Internal improvements, ii. 122. 

Clay the founder of the policy of, ii. 
49. 

Jackson, General, Mr. Crittenden's opin- 
ion of, i. 70. 

Jackson and Adams, presidential pros- 
pects of, in 1825, i. 61. 

Jefferson, Thomas, i. 156. 

Jessup, General, i. 256. 

Johnson, Reverdy, letter to Crittenden 
from, i. 160. 

Johnson, Richard M., i. 172, 181, 195, 
203. 

Jury, trial by, ii. 68, 69. 

Kansas, disturbances in, ii. 125. 
Kansas question, speech on, ii. 146. 
Kansas-Nebraska question, ii. 60-62. 
Kendall, Amos, i. 46. 
Kentuckian in California, anecdote of a, 
ii. 139- 



Kentucky and the Constitution, ii. 232. 
and the Union, i. 351. 
barbecues in, i. 33, 34. 
cadets and Mr. Crittenden, ii. 351. 
lawyers, i. 14. 
Mr.' Crittenden's influence on, ii. 

379- 
neutrahty of, in 1861, ii. 319. 

political parties of, in 1820, i. 45- 

47- 
volunteers in the Mexican war, 1. 

277- 
Kinkead, Judge, his speech of welcome 
to Mr. Crittenden at Covington, ii. 

'57- 
Kossuth, ii. 26. 

Law, profession of, how regarded by 

Mr. Crittenden, ii. 378. 
Lawyers, duty of, as defined by Rev. 
Sydney Smith, ii. 103. 
early, of Kentucky, i. 14. 
in Washington in 1825, i. 61. 
Lecompton Constitution, ii. 141, 143, 
145. 
scene on occasion of debate upon, 
ii. 364. 
Leigh, B. W., i. 92. 
Leighton, Hannah, pension to, i. 133, 

134;. 

Lent, ii. 142. 

Letcher, R. P., i. 342; ii. 130, 253. 

Letters from — 

Bell, John, to Gov. Letcher, i. 136. 
Breckenridge, J. C, to Mrs. Cole- 
man, ii. 328. 
Buchanan, James, to R. P. Letcher, 

i. 176, 221. 
Clay, Henry, to E. M. Letcher, i. 

156. 
to R. P. Letcher, i. 105. 
to the Whig Committee of the 
city of New York, i. 324. 
Everett, Edward, to Washington 

Hunt, ii. 198. 
Marcy, Secretary, to General Scott, 

i. 250. 
Scott, Winfield, to R. P. Letcher, 
i. 244. 
to Secretary Marcy, i. 250. 
to General Taylor, i. 256. 
to Hon. Henry Wilson, ii. 185. 
Spalding, Abp., to Mrs. Coleman, 

i. 128. 
Stephens, A. H., to Mrs. A. M. 

Coleman, i. 294. 
Webster, Daniel, to R. P. Letcher, 

i. 195, 204; ii. 25. 
White, J. L., to Hemy Clay, i. 282. 
Winthrop, R. C, to Mrs. A. M. 
Coleman, ii. 350. 



388 



INDEX. 



Letters from J. J. Crittenden t 
Anderson, Larz, ii. 296. 
Breckcnridgc, R. J., i. 385-387. 
Brown, Orlando, i. S8, 92, 1 17, 13S, 

294, 320, 340, 346, 352, 371, 372; 

ii. 20, 24, 26, 149. 
Burnlc-y, .\. T., i. 78, 87, 105, IIO, 

290. 338. 3('6, 367, 374; ii. 120. 
Clay, Henry, i. 63, 66, 71, 159, 185, 

1S7, 191, 192, 222, 301. 
Clay, Thomas II., ii. 161. 
Coleman, Mrs. A. M., i. So, 147, 

376; ii. 57, 116, 129, 137, 142, 

148, 178, 332, 344,353- 
Comhs, Leslie, i. 107; ii. 19. 
Craijjhill, 1'., and White, J., i. 75. 
Crittenden, Mrs. Elizalieth, ii. 59, 

66-67, 13', 132, 218, 329. 
Crittenden, George B., i. 302; ii. 

321, 328. 
Crittenden, Mrs. Maria, i. 93, 110, 

116, 199, 200, 233. 
Crittenden, Robert, i. 103, 156. 
Crittenden, Thomas, i. 99. 
Dickey, T. Lyle, ii. 164. 
Dickson, Archibald, ii. 6r, 
Everett, Edward, ii. 208. 
Ewing, Presley, ii. 62. 
Grinnell, Moses H., i. 329. 
Harlan, James, i. 193. 
Harvey, James E., ii. 18. 
Hunt, \Va>liin<^ton, ii. 195. 
Hunton, .Mr., ii. 108, 192. 
Letcher, R. P., i. 82, 138, 140, 143, 

146, 149, 165, 166, 168, 170, 177, 

183, 1S9, 191, 194, 196, 198, 210, 

215, 234, 243. 
Lincoln, A., ii. 162. 
Metcalf, Gov. Thomas, i. 359. 
Murehe.id, C. S., ii. 343. 
Prentice, Geo. D., ii. 347. 
Sartiges, M. de, ii. 13. 
Scott, General, ii. 326. 
Smallwood, W. M., and Bowman, 

John P., ii. 215. 
Taylor, Ben, i. 72. 
Taylor, Zachary, i. 278. 
'Ihornton, Mrs. Lucy, i. 130. 
Lnderwood, J. R., ii. 140. 
Ward, R. J., ii. m. 
Webster, Daniel, i. i^i; ii. 37. 
White, H(jn. Mr., i. 69. 
Winthrop, R. C, ii. 129, 139, 150. 
Young, Mrs., ii. 353. 
Letters to J. J. Crittenden from— 
Anderson, Robert, ii. 253. 
Archer, W. S., i. 78. 
Badger, Geo. E., i. 167. 
Barbour, Jas. W., i. 41, 47. 
Belmont, Aug., ii. 317. 
Bibb, Geo. M., i. 15, 32, 60. 



Letters to J. J. Crittenden from — 
Birney, James G., i. 86. 
Blair, F. P., i. 33; ii. 186. 
Breckenridge, R. J., i. 3S4, 3S5, 

3S7. 
Brown, Orlando, ii. 22. 
Buchanan, James, ii. 38. 
Butler, A., i. 247. 
Chambers, John, i. 79. 
Clay, Henry, i. 39, 40, 59, 62, 63, 

65, 66, 180, 188, 190, 207, 214, 

217, 219, 223, 225, 282, 283, 

301. 
Clay, Thomas H., i. 314; ii. 253. 
Clayton, John M., i. 344; ii. 10. 
Collamer, J., i. 337, 346. 
Corwin, Thomas, i. 130, 225; ii. 

38, 63. 
Curtis, G. T., ii. 130, 137, 263. 
Davis, Jefferson, i. 339. 
Dix, John A., ii. 237. 
Dixon, Archibald, ii. 60. 
Douglas, Stephen A., ii. 145. 
Edwards, J. G., ii. 280. 
Everett, Edward, ii. 58, 207, 212, 

238, 264. 
Ewing, T., ii. 322. 
Gentry, W. P., i. 326. 
Gillman, H., ii. 361. 
Grinnell, Moses, ii. 60. 
Harrison, General, i. iii. 
Harvey, J. E., li. 17. 
Haven, G. W., ii. 295. 
Hopkins, i. 16. 
Hunt, Washington, ii. 147, 189, 

217. 
Johnson, Reverdy, i. 160. 
Kennedy, John P., ii. 185. 
Kinkead, G. B., i. 265. 
Lawrence, Amos A., ii. 1S3, 206, 

207, 240, 318, 319. 
Law, John, ii. 349. 
Lawrence, Abbott, i 323; ii. 119. 
Leigh, B. W., i. 239. 
Letcher, R. P., i. 67, 83, 98, 116, 

131. 134. 137, 142, 145. 147. 160, 
162, 164, 171, 172, 179, 181, 182, 
192, 195, 207, 211, 213, 217, 218, 
220, 348, 352, 355, 356, 357, 370, 
383; ii. 132, 141, 143, 170, 17s, 

Lincoln, A., ii. 162, 164. 

Mangum, W. P., i. 265. 

members of the bar in reference to 

the Ward trial, ii. 97. 
Morehead, C. S., i. 361; ii. m, 

348. 
Myers, Leonard, ii. 250. 
Nicholas, S. S., ii. 318. 
Peyton, Baillie, i. 259. 
Pierce, Franklin, ii. 58. 



INDEX. 



389 



Letters to J. J. Crittenden from — 

Preston, W. B., and others, i. 293. 

Randall, Josiah, ii. 263. 

Rives, W. C, i. 236. 

Robertson, Hon. George, ii. 222. 

Robertson, J., of Richmond, ii. 320. 

Roome, Charles, ii. 196. 

Sargent, John O., ii. 147. 

Scott, Winfield, i. 201, 203, 234, 
243, 249, 256, 260; ii. 64, 65, 
117, 144, 1S2, 184, 185, 219. 

Seward, W. H., i. 154. 

Seymour, Horatio, ii. 254. 

Shelby, Governor, i. 16, 31, 56. 

Silliman, Benj., ii. I48. 

Simmons, Jas. F., ii. 178. 

Smith, Gen. Persifer, ii. 9. 

Sparks, Jared, ii. 10. 

Stanton, E. jSL, ii. 361. 

Stephens, A. H., i. 328; ii. 27. 

Taylor, Gen., i. 251, 270, 314. 

Toombs, R., i. 335, 364. 

Underwood, J. R., ii. 37, 325. 

Vallandigham, C. L., ii. 352. 

Ward, R. J., ii. 64, no. 

Webster, Daniel, i. 1 10, 281; ii. 37. 

Whittlesey, Elisha, ii. 238. 

Winthrop, R. C, ii. 36, IIO, 239. 

Worth, General, i. 263. 
Lieutenant-general, Crittenden's remarks 

as to pay of, ii. 133. 
Lincoln, President, ii. 222. 

interview of C. S. Morehead with, 

ii- 337, 338- 
letters to Crittenden from, ii. 162, 

164. 
tribute to, from Mr. Crittenden, ii. 

346. 
Logan County, tribute to Mr. Crittenden 

from, i. 76, 77. 
Lopez and the United States, ii. 176. 
Louisiana troops in the Mexican war, i. 

^53-. 
Louisville, address of citizens of, to Mr. 
Crittenden, ii. 294. 

McClellan, General, ii. 345. 
McKee, Alexander, i. 368, 371. 
McKinley, Justice, Mr. Crittenden's eulo- 

gium on, i. 381, 382. 
McLeod, case of, i. 149-153. 
Madison, George, of Kentucky, ii. 213. 
Madison's first presidential message, ii. 

43- 
Mammoth Cave, i. 338, 339. 
Mangum, W. P., i. 92. 
Mann, Dudley, i. 344. 
Manslaughter, what constitutes, ii. 83, 
Marriage of Mr. Crittenden, i 19. 
Marshall, J. J. and T. A., i. 13. 
Marshall, T. F., ii. 22, 25. 



Massachusetts and the Crittenden Com- 
promise, ii. 260. 
politics in i860, ii. 183. 
state of public sentiment in, in 1 86 1, 
ii. 319. 
Messages of Gov. Crittenden to the Ken- 
tucky legislature, i. 330, 350. 
Mexican war, i. 241, 262-264, 270-278, 
295. 
Gen. Taylor's difficulties in the 

opening campaign of the, i. 255. 
Kentucky in the, i. 334. 
Louisiana troops in the, i. 253. 
opening campaign of the, i. 252, 

253- 

Mexico, city of, i. 356. 

letters of R. P. Letcher from, i. 356, 

357, 370, 383- 
treaty with, i. 383. 
Michigan, admission of, i. 106. 
Military Academy, cadet appointments, 

i- 385- 
Ministers to foreign governments, ii. 

190. 
Mississippi River, its importance to the 

national defense, ii. 121. 
Mississippi Valley, importance of the 

Union to the States of the, i. 351. 
Missouri Compromise, ii. 51-53, 61, 

229, 302. 
Monroe, James, agency of, in bringing 
about the war of 181 2, ii. 42, 45. 
opposed to the policy of internal 
improvement, ii. 49. 
Monterey, battle of, i. 2S5, 286. 

capitulation of, i. 259, 308, 309. 
Monument to Mr. Crittenden at Frank- 
fort, ii. 380. 
Morehead, C. S., interview of, with Presi- 
dent Lincoln, ii. 337, 338. 
letters to Mr. Crittenden from, i. 
361 ; ii. ZTc^ 348. 
Morrow, Senator, of Ohio, tribute to, i. 

38. 
Murder, malice essential to constitute, 11. 

82. 

Native American party. Clay on, i. 224. 

Naturalization laws, ii. 126. 

Naval Retiring Board, ii. 112. 

Negro soldiers, ii. 360. 

New Mexico, ii. 274. 

New York in the presidential election 

of i860, ii. 217. 
Nicaragua expedition. Walker's, ii. 172. 
Nicholas, S. S., i. 46, 47. 
Non-intervention, ii. 34. 
North Carolina, ii. 221. 
Northwest Territory', ii. 230. 
Notices of Mr. Crittenden's death, ii. 

370. 



390 



INDEX. 



Ohio Indians, ii. 21 1. 

Old and New Court question in Ken- 
tucky, i. 45. 

Opinion as to payment of interest on 
claims against the United States, i. 

>57- 
Oregon question, i. 231, 235. 

war debt, ii. 209. 
Ostend letter, ii. 177. 
Overland mail, ii. 138. 

Parliamentary debates, i. in. 
P.ittcrson, Gen., i. 257, 270, 271. 
Paulding, Commodore, ii. 172, 
Peace, importance of, i. 232. 
Peace Congress, propositions of, ii. 264, 

265. 
Peaceful foreign policy of the United 

.States, ii. 14. 
Personal appearance of Mr. Crittenden 

at the age of seventy, ii. 153, 154. 
Petition, right of, ii. 244. 
Petitions, ii. 259. 

for the adoption of the Crittenden 
Compromise, ii. 240-249. 
Philadelphia Whig Convention of 1848, 

>• 325- 
Pierce, Franklin, ii. 178. 

letter to Mr. Crittenden from, ii. 58. 
Political complexion of Indiana in 1S50, 

'•. 373- 
Politics, national, in 1S60, ii. 193. 
Polk, James K., i. 221. 
Polk, Mrs., i. 233. 

Powell, Geo., Crittenden's speech at 
Versailles, Ky., in reply to, i. 317, 318. 
Pre-emption laws, i. 135. 
Presidency, Mr. Crittenden's feelings as 

to, ii. 120. 
Presidential contest of 1S24, allusions 
to, i. 60, 61, 66, 68, 69, 70. 
contest of 1S44, letter written by 

Clay after, i. 223. 
office, best qualifications for, i. 307. 
Privateers, ii. 174. 

Protection to American labor, ii. 159. 
Protective tariff, i. 313. 
Public lands should not be given away, 
ii. 194, 195. 

Reception of Clay in the South in 1844, 
i. 217. 
of Mr. Crittenden in Cincinnati and 
Covington, ii. 152. 
Recognition of South American inde- 
pendence, ii. 47. 
Reid, Capt.-iin, indemnity claimed by, ii. 

173- 
Report as commissioner to settle the 
Kentucky and Tennessee boundary- 
line, i. 48. 



Resolution of citizens of Philadelphia 
concerning Mr. Crittenden's conduct 
in the Brooks and Sumner affair, ii. 
121. 

Resolution offered by Mr. Crittenden 
concerning the civil war, ii. 327. 

Revolutionary claims, ii. 127. 

Right of petition, ii. 244. 

Ritchie, Thomas, i. 343, 347, 364. 

Roatan, island of, ii. 114. 

Robertson, Wyndham, ii. 184. 

Romans, employment of slaves in war 
by, ii. Zl^^. 



Sabbath, observance of, ii. 266. 
Scott, General, i. 1S5, 186, 235, 242, 
243, 302; ii. 35. 
accused by Taylor of duplicity, i. 

271-274. 
and the battle of Bull Run, ii. 345. 
and Marcy, i. 246. 
and the Presidency, ii. 182, 184, 

185. 
and the rank of lieutenant-general, 

ii. 64. 
Crittenden desires to employ him in 
the pacification of Kansas, ii. 
125. 
Harrison's opinion of, i. 113. 
letters to Crittenden from, i. 20I, 
203, 234, 243, 249, 256, 260; ii, 
64, 65, 117, 144, 182, 184, 185, 
219. 
Seceding States, ii. 306. 
"Second War of Independence," ii. 41. 
Secret service money, ii. 171. 
Sedgwick, Mr., of New York, rebuked 

by Mr. Crittenden, ii. 330. 
Sedition law condemned, i. 36. 
Senate of the United States, ii. 169. 
Seward, W. IL, ii. 338,365. 

his position as to the McLeod case, 

i. 151-154. 
letter to Crittenden from, i. 154. 
Seymour, Horatio, letter to Crittenden 

from, ii. 254. 
Shelby, Governor, anecdotes of, ii. 209, 
210, 211. 
letters to Crittenden from, i. 16, 31, 

56. 
Shelby, Moses, i. 57, 58. 
Slavery question, ii. 145. 
Slaves, emplojinent of, as soldiers, ii. 

355. 
not employed in war, as a rule, ii. 

331. 
Smith, Gen. Persifer, ii. 130. 

Smith, Sydney, on lawyers, ii. 103. 
South American republics. Clay the early 
friend of, ii. 47-49. 



INDEX. 



391 



Sparks, Jared, letter to Crittenden from, 

ii. 10. 
Speeches of J. J. Crittenden : 

advocating the claim of Mira Alex- 
ander, ii. 213. 
against Mr. Benton's resolutions on 

the fortification bill, i. 89-91. 
at the Congressional celebration of 
Washington's birthday, ii. 28-35. 
at Nashville, ii. 218. 
at Pittsburg in 1848, 306-313. 
before the legislature of Kentucky, 

ii. 299. 
on the admission of Texas, i. 227- 

231. 
on the African slave-trade, ii. 199. 
on the bill for the relief of Robert 

Johnson, ii. 214. 
on the bill for the relief of the starv- 
ing poor of Ireland, i. 287. 
on the compromise measures of 

1861, ii. 224-233. 
on the Consular and Diplomatic 

bill, ii. 190. 
on the Kansas question, ii. 146. 
on the life and death of Henry Clay, 

ii. 39. 
on the mode of settling controver- 
sies between States, i. 36. 
on the Oregon war debt, ii. 209. 
on the President's message, Dec. 

4, i860, ii. 220 
on reducing the duties on imports, 

i. 248. 
on removal to the new Senate-cham- 
ber, ii. 168. 
on the relation of the States, ii. 201. 
on the resolutions respecting the 

French republic of 1848, i. 297. 
on the resolution of thanks to Gen. 

Taylor, i. 284. 
on the resolution to increase the 
pay of soldiers of the Mexican 
war, i. 261, 262. 
on the slavery question, ii. 180. 
South American independence, recogni- 
tion of, ii. 47. 
Southwestern Convention of 1840, i. 
119. 
Abp. Spalding's account of, i. 128. 
State secrets, ii. 18. 
Stanton, E. M., letter to Crittenden from, 

ii. 361. 
Stephens, A. H., letters to Crittenden 

from, i. 328; ii. 27. 
Stevens, Thaddeus, ii. 331. 
Sub-treasury, i. 249. 
Sumner, Senator, ii. 260. 
Supreme Court of the United States, i. 

299. 
Swords of honor, to whom given, i. 244. 



Taylor, Hubbard, i. 13. 

Taylor, Zachary, i. 241, 242, 244, 245, 

247, 249, 256, 279, 284-287, 291, 

295. 301. 307-313. 319. 323. 328, 

329, 334, 352, 368. 

accuses Scott of duplicity, i. 271- 

274. 
and the Presidency, i. 277. 
anecdote of, i. 310. 
Clay's opinion of, i. 325. 
his cabinet in 1850, i. 361, 362, 366. 
his movements in Mexico in 1S46, 

i. 272, 273. 
letters to Crittenden from Mexico, 

i. 251, 270, 314. 
Webster's opinion of, i. 281. 
Tehuantepec Treaty, ii. 25. 
Termination of treaties, who has the 

power, ii. 115. 
Territorial government, Crittenden's idea 

of, ii. 204. 
Territories, equal right of all the States 

in, ii. 301. 
Texas, annexation of, i. 207-209, 216, 
219, 226, 227. 
recognition of its independence, i. 
105. 
Thames, battle of the, i. 15. 
Thompson, W., i. 342. 
Thornton's command, capture of, i. 251. 
Toombs, R., letters to Crittenden from, 

i- 335. 364- 
Topographical corps of the army, i. 354. 
Treasury circular of 1836, i. loi. 
Treaty with Mexico, i. 383. 
Treaty-making power of Congress, i. 

228. 
Tumbull, Colonel, ii. 144. 

relief of his widow, ii. 166. 
Tyler, John, i. 156, 177, 180, 188, 189, 
211, 240. 
allusions to, i. 160, 161, 163, 164, 

166, 168, 170. 
Buchanan on, i. 176. 

Union, dangers to, in 1850, i. 364. 

has the right to preserve itself, ii. 

221. 
Henry Clay on, ii. 313. 
of the States, i. 350, 351; ii. 220. 
of the States, importance of, i. 332, 

333- 
United States, foreign policy of, peaceful, 

ii. 14. 

Vallandigham, C. L., ii. 318. 

letter to Crittenden from, ii. 352. 
Van Buren, Martin, i. 93, 137, 148, 181 
182, 210, 216. 

and Harrison, contrasted, i. 126. 

Mr. Crittenden on, i. 120-122. 



392 



INDEX. 



Van Huren, Mnrtin, reception at Frank- 
fort in 1842, i. 179. 
VandenliotT, i. 1 16. 
Venezuela eartluiuake of l8l2, relief of 

sufferers from, i. 2S8. 
Vera Cruz, i. 271, 276. 
Veqjlanck, G., ii. 196. 
Vice- Presidency, Everett's nomination 

to, ii. 198. 
Virginia and Carolina, original bounda- 
ries of, i. 48. 
and secession, ii. 219. 
cession of the Northwest Territory 

hy, ii. 230. 
thanks of, tendered to Mr. Critten- 
den, ii. 263. 

Walker's line, i. 49, 50. 
Walker's Nicaragua expedition, ii. 172. 
War of I Si 2, Henry Clay's agency in, ii. 
41-46. 
distress following the, i. 45. 
Ward trial, ii. 6S-IIO. 
Washburn, E. B., ii. 354. 
Washington, Crittenden's speech on, ii. 

28-35- 
\\ashington's birthday, ii. 27. 

birthday and the battle of Buena 

Vista, ii. 35. 

Farewell Address, ii. 30, 31. 

Washington, City of, resolution of respect 

to Crittenden from the aldermen and 

common council of, ii. 293. 



Washington Republic and President Tay- 
lor, i. 367. 
Webster, Daniel, i. 162, 167, 202, 215, 

29s. 362. 
allusions to, i. 99, 136. 
and C. J. Ingersoll, i. 239. 
as a stump speaker, i. 96. 
his defense of his retention of office 

under President Tyler, i. 204. 
his opinion of Crittenden, i. 97. 
his visit to the West in 1836, i. 95. 
letters to Crittenden from, i. no, 
281 ; ii. 37. 
West Point, cadetships at, i. 385, 386. 
Western Virginia, Mr. Crittenden on its 

admission, ii. 354. 
Whig meeting at Pittsburg in June, 1848, 

i. 306. 
Whig party, defense of, against the 
charge of extravagance, i. 174. 
in 1847, i- 266. 
Wiite, Hugh Lawson, i. 125. 
Wilkinson, General, ii. 135. 
Will of Mr. Crittenden, ii. 365. 
Wilmot proviso, i. 365, 369. 
Wilson, Henry, ii. 113. 
Winthrop, R. C., letters to Mr. Critten- 
den from, ii. 36, no, 239. 
speech of, on the death of Mr. Crit- 
tenden, ii. 374. 
Wirt, William, i. 61. 
Worth, Gen., i. 259, 260. 

letter to Crittenden from, i. 263. 



THE END. 



r 



